A Challenge To Tradition Examining The Role Of Costume In Contemporary Irish Step Dance

A Challenge to Tradition: Examining the Role of Costume
in Contemporary Irish Step Dance
A dissertation submitted to the University of Dublin
for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Irish Art History
Sarah Churchill
Trinity College Dublin, November 2008
Department of History and Humanities
Trinity College Dublin

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Abstract
A Challenge to Tradition: Examining the Role of Costume
in Contemporary Irish Step Dance
Submitted by Sarah Churchill
Irish dance was one of many aspects of Irish culture developed and promoted
during the Celtic Revival of late nineteenth-century Ireland. Over the coming decades, the
Gaelic League institutionalized this once regional pastime, establishing national and
international competitions and implementing a distinctive form of dance costume based on
Celtic Revival dress. For nearly a century, this unique dance costume was an important
signifier of Irish national identity. However, at the close of the twentieth century, the
costume underwent a series of dramatic changes in both appearance and production,
calling into the question the costume’s role as a symbol of Irish nationality.
Irish dance costume and its methods of production have been systematically
overlooked by scholars and virtually ignored in all art historical discussions of the Celtic
Revival, the Arts and Crafts Movement in Ireland and its cottage industries. This
dissertation seeks to place the production of Irish dance costume within this historical
context, documenting specifically the changing role of the costume from its inception to the
present day.
In doing so, an examination of both traditional and contemporary costume will be
presented, including visual analysis of form, fabric and decorative ornament. It is the
conclusion of this thesis that a unique set of circumstances occurred in Ireland that
facilitated unprecedented changes in Irish dance costuming. These changes have, in fact,
resulted in a role change of the costume from a signifier of national identity to a signifier of
the self.

iii
Acknowledgements
I would firstly like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Rachel Moss for all her time and enthusiasm.
Thanks also to Dr. Yvonne Scott and everyone in the Irish Art History program, especially my
fellow “Golden Age” cohorts. I have learned so much from all of you.
This dissertation would not have been possible without the helpful interviews of many
professionals and enthusiasts in the Irish dance community. I would especially like to
acknowledge Dr. Catherine Foley, Dr. John Cullinane, Norma of Threads of Green, Amanda
Carey, Carmel Coyle, Nuala Taylor, Irene Horgan, An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha and all the
dancers at Diddlyi.com.
Finally, thanks to my family for their constant support and my husband for giving up a year
of his life to follow me to Dublin.

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Contents
Abstract..........................................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgements......................................................................................................................iii
Contents .......................................................................................................................................iv
Figures .......................................................................................................................................... 1
Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 3
Chapter 1. National Identity and the Irish Step Dancing Costume (1896-1994) .................11
Chapter 2: Production and Design of Contemporary Costumes (1995-2008) .....................20
Chapter 3: An Interpretation of Meaning in Traditional and Contemporary Costume ..........36
Chapter 4: A Case Study for Comparison – Scottish Highland Dancing ................................47
Conclusion..................................................................................................................................50
Figures: Chapter 1 .....................................................................................................................52
Figures: Chapter 2 .....................................................................................................................59
Figures: Chapter 3 .....................................................................................................................66
Figures: Chapter 4 .....................................................................................................................70
Bibliography................................................................................................................................72

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Figures
Figure 1: “Children Dancing at a Crossroads”, T.T. Fowler, oil on canvas. ............................52
Figure 2: Photograph of musician and dancers, c.1900.. ......................................................52
Figure 3: Some “Kells Embroidery” patterns produced by the Donegal Industrial Fund......53
Figure 4: “A portrait of Sadbh Trinseach (Trench)”, Alfred Palmer, pastel on board. ...........53
Figure 5: Illustration, Highland dress of Scotland. ..................................................................54
Figure 6: “Ceilidh at Dunboyne”, Eva Henrietta Hamilton, oil on canvas. .............................54
Figure 7: Photograph of Annie Philpot wearing “Irish dress”, 1918. .....................................55
Figure 8: Photograph of kilt and coatee style of Irish dance dress, c.1930..........................55
Figure 9: Photograph of “Celtic Costume” style of Irish dance dress. ...................................56
Figure 10: Photograph of a uniform style of Irish dance dress, 1945...................................56
Figure 11: Photograph of the “Salmon of Knowledge” motif, 1997......................................57
Figure 12: Photograph of velvet solo costumes, c. 1997.......................................................57
Figure 13: Film still from “Riverdance –Live from New York City”, 1998..............................58
Figure 14: Photograph of students from the Ring of Kerry Dance School, USA....................58
Figure 15: Photograph of the early post-“Riverdance” style, late 1990’s. ............................59
Figure 16: Examples of the new fabrics used in modern costumes ......................................59
Figure 17: Photograph of a modern Irish step dancing costume, March 2008....................60
Figure 18: Photograph of a dancer in competition, New Haven, CT, USA, June 2007 .........60
Figure 19: Photograph of a “polka-dot” themed dress, 2008................................................61
Figure 20: Photograph of “Tri-color” dresses, June 2007 ......................................................61
Figure 21: Commercially available patterns by Danceworld...................................................62
Figure 22: www.elevation-design.co.uk, webpage. .................................................................62
Figure 23: Photograph of "second-hand" dresses for sale at the World Championships.....63
Figure 24: Illustration of a commercially available dress design by Blarney House.............62
Figure 25: A children’s pageant dress, USA, and three dancers at the Gold Coast Feis,
Australia, 2008. .........................................................................................................................62

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Figure 26: A Flamenco dancing costume and a contemporary costume by Elevation Design,
featuring the “soft wave” skirt, 2008................................................................................64
Figure 27: Michael Flatley in “Celtic Tiger”, 2005 and a contemporary costume, featuring
“gladiator” style skirt, crinoline underskirt, 2007............................................................64
Figure 28: A champion dancer at the Belfast World Championships 2008 wears a “bubble
skirt” and a model dressed in Fendi, 2006......................................................................61
Figure 29: A traditional, handmade crochet collar..................................................................66
Figure 30: The Four Evangelist Symbols, Folio 129v, Book of Kells......................................66
Figure 31: Photograph of the “Celtic soldier” style costume..................................................67
Figure 32: Photograph of the "princess" style costume..........................................................67
Figure 33: Photograph of a champion dancer’s liberal use of crystals .................................68
Figure 34: An advertisement in Irish Dancing and Culture Magazine....................................68
Figure 35: An advertisement in Irish Dancing and Culture Magazine....................................69
Figure 36: An illustration of an Italian Tarantella costume, 1830. ........................................70
Figure 37: Photograph of modern day Highland dancers, 2007............................................71
Figure 38: Photograph of South African Irish dancers, 2006.................................................71

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Introduction
At the World Championships of Irish Dance, held annually over Easter, the
atmosphere is charged to say the least. Participants travel from as far afield as Canada and
Australia for this, the “Olympics” of Irish dancing. This past March, the Waterfront Theatre
in Belfast, Northern Ireland buzzed as it played host to nearly two thousand of the World’s
best Irish step dancers, their families and instructors. Event organizers, An Coimisiún le
Rincí Gaelacha1
coordinated the eight days of competition with all the eminence and
sophistication of a Hollywood production of the Oscars. The lights, sound system and video
feed were state of the art. The timing and execution of over forty different competition
categories was nearly flawless. The event couldn’t have been any further from the public
perception that Irish step dance is simply “dancing at the crossroads”.
Age groups from ten to twenty-one and over are represented at the World
Championships. Though many young men and boys compete, it is mostly a sport for young
women and it is their appearance with which people are most familiar. In souvenir shops
across Ireland, the image of the female Irish dancer is nearly synonymous with Irishness,
appearing on everything from mobile phone charms to ceramic plates. At Carroll’s Irish
Gifts in Dublin, young girls can even purchase their own Irish dancer doll, smiling sweetly
beneath red curly hair and tiara. At events such as these, those dolls are brought to life,
right down to the curly-haired wigs. Their perfect, artificial curls bounce exuberantly with
every step of their artificially tanned legs. Make-up and glitter are heavily applied. They pull
on diamante socks, adjust their “princess” tiaras and slip into spectacular costumes
1 The Irish Dance Commission (a translation from Gaelic) is the oldest and largest
commission on Irish dance in the World, though it is not the only official authority. Cumann
Rince Náisiúnta and An Comhdhail are two smaller organizations maintaining their own
feiseanna under separate guidelines. Costumes are fairly similar though dancing styles
differ slightly.

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covered with sequins, rhinestones, marabou feathers and bridal lace. They are nearly as
handled and fussed over as those dolls in Carroll’s shop.
As the awards were handed out, the top competitors lined up onstage. The view
was dazzling; the array of dresses forming a rainbow of color and patterns. Everything from
leopard spots to polka dots are used in the decoration of a modern Irish step dance
costume, but surprisingly, there is scarcely a Celtic knot or Kells-inspired bird or beast in
sight. All that remains of traditional Irish dancing costume is the dress shape itself, and
even that is changing. Today’s Irish dancers are no longer the performers in a quaint,
crossroads folk dance. They are athletes, finely tuned and seasoned enthusiasts, whose
families invest thousands of Euros in not only training, traveling and competition, but in
outfitting and costuming. Today, Irish step dance is big business. It is both a global
sensation and competitive sport, utterly unlike any other traditional dance form in the
world, but it was not always so.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, dance was very much a local expression of identity,
a regional pastime existing, most prominently, in the south and west of Ireland. Dancers
wore their everyday dress and danced the Moinín Jig, Reel, Two-Step and Waltz in homes
and crossroads. The first official céili2
, institutionalized in 1897, reflected the growing
sentiment of “Celticism” among the Irish and its Diaspora and consequently a shift in the
significance of Irish dance. The movement, centered mostly in Dublin, was inspired by the
perceived erosion of Irish culture by centuries of foreign occupation and called for an end
to the “self-destructive and contradictory simultaneously hating and aping of the English.”3
Irish language, music, games, literature, dress and art were actively promoted and Irish
dance and its accompanying costume became a carrier of Irish national identity.
2 Helen Brennan, “Re-Inventing Tradition: The Boundaries of Irish Dance,” History Ireland,
summer 1994. This term for group dances was borrowed from the Scottish “ceilithe” in
London, 1897.
3 Douglas Hyde, “The Necessity of De-Anglicising Ireland”, Lecture. National Literary Society,
Dublin. 25 November 1892.

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Under the guiding hand of the Celtic Revival, dance in Ireland began to take shape
as distinctly “Irish”. In the 1950’s a dedicated dance costume, based on earlier
impressions of authentic “Celtic Costume” was universally recognizable as such. Today,
only a trace of this early predecessor is preserved in the costume, which resembles more
and more the glitz and glamour of a Broadway production or Las Vegas stage show. The
materials, previously Irish made, are now manufactured in China. Celtic ornaments, once
important as signifiers of Irishness, have morphed into more generic decoration, bows,
ruffles and rhinestones. Dresses formerly made and decorated in homes by dancers,
mothers, grandmothers and aunts are now made in professional shops by designers and
seamstresses specializing in their production. This remarkable shift in Irish dance dress
has yet to be fully examined or explained.
At the heart of this dissertation is the following question: do the dramatic changes
in both the appearance and production of the step dance costume reflect changes in Irish
identity or a move away from the role of the costume as a carrier of that meaning? In
addressing the core issue, this dissertation will take a close look at the foundation of the
Irish dance costume, its connections to the Celtic Revival and use as a symbol of
“Irishness”. By comparison, the modern day dress and its evolution, production and
meaning will also be investigated. In doing so, the analysis of the traditional and modern
dress forms as artistic expressions of identity in Ireland and abroad will be presented as
both folk craft and, more recently, as a commercial medium. Focus will be centered on the
changes that have occurred, most dramatically, since 1994, with emphasis on the new
motifs, materials and influences in order to identify the causes of these changes. Lastly,
this dissertation will discuss the changing role of the costume in Irish dance and argue that
modernization, globalization and economy, as well as concepts of shifting identities in
Ireland, are all forces at work in its dramatic transformation.
This dissertation on dance costume in Ireland begins by addressing an issue
fundamental to its study, namely the lack of context for academic discussion. Irish dance
costume and its methods of production have been systematically overlooked by scholars
and virtually ignored in all art historical discussions of the Celtic Revival, the Arts and Crafts

6
Movement in Ireland and cottage industries. Reflected therein are the different meanings
with which Irish dance is associated today. In Dr. Catherine’s Foley’s recent article,
“Perceptions of Irish Step Dance National, Global and Local” she suggests,
“This national, institutional and competitive form of Irish step dance, iconic of the
state and its cultural homogenization program, is perceived ambivalently in Ireland.
Dancers, parents (particularly mothers), teachers, adjudicators and those involved in
this subculture perceive it alternately as fun, a way of life, an embodiment of their
cultural heritage, a discipline, a sport or an expression of their own individual identity.
However, other sectors of Irish society perceive Irish step dance from a postcolonial
perspective; they view it as backward in its nationalistic, rigid aesthetic and not
cultured in line with Western art aesthetics.”
4
Similarly, it can be argued that as a member of a minor art form, costume production is
often overlooked or dismissed outright as a poor form of outsider art, or even more
negatively, as craft. As such, the discipline of Irish dance costume production has been
deemed unworthy of consideration.
If such a widespread and erroneous belief is to be refuted, one must examine the
costume carefully for merit and consider the benefits of its study in Ireland and abroad. The
costume’s proper place within the history of textile arts in Ireland can be argued on several
grounds. Firstly, sewing, weaving and embroidery are in fact, native traditions decimated
during the reign of King Henry VIII5
and revitalized during the Arts and Crafts movement.
Such art forms survive today through distinct weaving, crochet, and lace making industries
and also in Irish dance costume production. Secondly, the study of Irish dance costume,
especially its early production, further highlights the role of women as craftspeople in
twentieth-century Ireland. Their inclusion has been largely overlooked throughout the canon
4 Catherine Foley. “Perceptions of Irish Step Dance: National, Global and Local”. Dance
Research Journal, Volume 33, Number 1 (Summer 2001), p 38.
5 H.F. McClintock, Old Irish and Highland Dress, (Dundalgan Press, 1950) pp 15 & 84.
McClintock suggests that three words existed in Irish for embroidery prior to the invasion of
Strongbow in 1169. (p 15) and later includes a statute forbidding the practice in 1539. (p
84)

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of art history. Thirdly, the study of dance costume is important in examining the expression
of “Celtic identity” in Ireland and abroad.
Most importantly, it must be said that the art form is in a terrific state of change
and some would even say decline. The old methods of production have all but completely
died out. There is talk amongst today’s manufacturers that with the increasing export of
goods manufacture to China, the production of Irish dance costume in Ireland could
diminish or disappear entirely. The study of Irish dance costume as an art form, albeit a
minor one, could help to reverse such effects of globalization and ensure its continued
success in Ireland.
Though the world of Irish dance has become globally popular in recent years, little
historical documentation and analysis exists on this topic. As Foley suggests, the emphasis
on Irish dance, as compared with Irish music and other Irish cultural studies, is quite
uneven.6
Published works are few and focus mainly on the history and development of
costume from its inception to the mid 1990’s in Ireland and in Australia, North America,
New Zealand and Scotland to a much lesser extent.7 Topics such as production, meaning
and stylistic analysis are largely neglected and timelines are unclear due to lack of proper
documentation and evidence. An Coimisiún, sadly, keeps no archives or records.
Cullinane’s Irish Dancing Costumes: Their Origins and Evolutions is the most
comprehensive volume in existence to date. As keeper of the only Irish dance archive
currently in Ireland, his work traces the development of Irish dance costuming from 1892
to 1992 utilizing photographic evidence, newspaper clippings and personal interviews to
date the costume’s evolution. Reflected therein is the author’s unique perspective as a
6 Dr. Catherine Foley. Director, M.A. in Irish Traditional Dance Performance, University of
Limerick, Ireland. Interview, 20 May 2008.
7 See Cullinane, Aspects of the History of Irish Dancing in Ireland, England, New Zealand,
North America and Australia (1987); Further Aspects of the History of Irish Dancing in
Ireland, Scotland, Canada, America, New Zealand and Australia (1990); Aspects of the
History of Irish Dancing in North America (1991) and A Short History of Irish Dancing in
Australia (1994). Such works, however, do not focus on costume development in these
areas.

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dancer, teacher, adjudicator and Coimisiún member. (see also Robb’s Irish Dancing
Costume, whose work is largely influenced by Cullinane, but includes development up to
1998) Linda M. Ballard’s article, “Aspects of the History and Development of Irish Dance
Costume” (Ulster Folklife, 1994.) expands upon Cullinane’s work by including some
additional historical notes and references, but introduces little new material or analysis. An
unpublished NCAD thesis by Gail Flood (see Aspects of the History of Irish Dance, an
Exploration of the History and Design of Irish Step Dancing Costumes 1890-1999)
highlights the links between the costume’s formation and the Celtic Revival, suggesting
direct stylistic links in design and production. Flood’s personal experience as a dancer
proves valuable in her excellent analysis of costuming in the late 1990’s, including a
chapter on the influence of “Riverdance”8. Production is discussed by Flood to a lesser
extent, but meaning is again overlooked.
Most recently, the costume topic has resurfaced in a series of conference papers
published by Dance Research Forum Ireland in 2006. (see Irene Horgan’s “At the
Crossroads: Irish Step Dance Costuming from the Local to the Global” and “Bigger,
Brighter, Better? Irish Dancing Costumes and the Impact of Economic Growth” by Elizabeth
Venable) The papers address specifically the changes of the past ten years, suggest factors
for change and address the impact of American involvement in Irish dance costuming as
well as the new global nature of the art form. Horgan’s work illustrates the differences in
dress between “pre-‘Riverdance’, ‘Riverdance’ and post-‘Riverdance’ eras” in her native
Naugatuck, CT, USA. Venable’s work, analyzes economic factors of both the United States
and Ireland as catalysts for change.
However, the topic of this dissertation has yet to be addressed by any. The
comprehensive consideration of the Irish dance costume and its production within the
context of the Irish art history will be new to the field, as will an examination into the
8 “Riverdance” was initially a short interval act performed during the broadcast of the
Eurovision Song Contest in Dublin, 1994. The act featured Irish step dancing and the music
of composer Bill Whelan. It was later produced as a full-length stage show, where it
revolutionized public perception of Irish step dancing.

9
changing role of the costume. Several works in the field of fashion and cultural identity
have been consulted in this examination though only one article, specifically references
dress and Irish identity9. Primarily, Eicher’s Dress and Ethnicity: Change Across Space and
Time (1995) has proved the most useful, featuring a collection of articles relating to the
construction of cultural identities through everyday and ceremonial dress in areas such as
Brittany, Scotland, Nigeria and Cyprus. For example, “Dancing the Jar: Girls’ Dress at
Turkish Cypriot Weddings” by Ann Bridgewood (pp 29-51) analyzes dress as a semiotic
system for communicating cultural values. Carola Lentz’s “Ethnic Conflict and Changing
Dress Codes” (pp 273-301) explores Mestizo and Indian dress in Peru, establishing
differences between national and ethnic forms of dress and their associative messages.
Fashion and its Social Agendas, by Diana Crane, has further hypothesized on the nature of
fashion in the twentieth century as it relates to issues of class, gender and identity. Her
work introduces the idea of “image tribes” or the fragmentation of cultural interests within
class systems and “self-narrative” dressing or the creation of individual identity through the
consumption of goods such as fashionable clothing.10
Furthermore, texts relating to the construction of fashion theory and its visual
approaches for study have been utilized to provide this dissertation with appropriate
methodologies for analysis. Aileen Ribeiro, for example, suggests a process of
documentation (provenance, authenticity and attribution), stylistic and technical production
analysis and the consideration of social context and public perception as a means of
understanding the history of dress.11 Lee Wright similarly proposes a “field work” approach
to visual analysis for the construction of contemporary fashion theory. His examination
9 O’Kelly’s excellent article, “Reconstructing Irishness” (Chic Thrills, A Fashion Reader,
1992) addresses the development and meaning of Irish national dress during the Celtic
Revival, but neglects Irish dance costuming.
10 Diana Crane, Fashion and its Social Agendas. Class, Gender and Identity in Clothing,
(University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 2000), p 10.
11 Aileen Ribeiro, “Re-fashioning Art: Some Visual Approaches to the Study of the History of
Dress”, Fashion Theory, Methodology Special Issue Volume II, 4 November 1998, pp 315-
325.

10
takes into account issues of age and sex of the wearer, relationship between the body and
clothes, meaning or “clothing as body packaging” and the consequent interpretation of that
meaning in the construction of identity. The work subsequently suggests the typology of
“where, when and how” reveals a system on which to base this hypothesis.12
12 Lee Wright, “Outgrown Clothes for Grown-up People, Constructing a Fashion Theory”,
Chic Thrills, A Fashion Reader, Edited by Juliet Ash and Elizabeth Wilson, (Pandora Press:
London, 1992), p 49.

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Chapter 1. National Identity and the Irish Step Dancing Costume (1896-1994)
The following chapter will address the history of the Irish dancing costume and its
connections to the development of a distinct national identity in Ireland in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Consequently, both topics will be examined in
their areas of overlap, focusing specifically on the desire to create an Irish national
costume, factors in the development of that costume and the transition of its use for Irish
step dancing exclusively. In doing so, this chapter will also introduce the physical
characteristics of the Irish dancing costume from its inception to the end of the twentieth
century.
Among the re-establishment of the Celtic culture was the institution of a distinct
form of Irish dress, which had been suppressed since 1539 under the reign of Henry VIII. A
statute issued by him stated, “no person or persons . . . shall use, or weare any mantles,
cote, or hood, made after the Irish fashion.”13
Included therein was the dying of garments
with saffron, silk embroidery, jewelry, ornament or any shirt, ribbon, cloak or handkerchief
made by Irish hand. In an attempt to bring order to the unruly island, the “civilization” of the
Irish was sought quite literally within the very fabric of their society, requiring them to wear
only “cloaks or gowns...doublets and hose shaped after the English fashion”.14
Such an imposition had devastating long-term effects on the Irish psyche, robbing
the nation of its distinct visual identity and craft. In the interest of reversing such effects,
groups of wealthy and educated nationalists, notably both Irish-Catholic and Anglo-Irish,
took action in the formation of distinctly Irish societies, such as the Gaelic League in 1893.
Such groups were interested in the fashioning of a New Ireland based on a selective vision
of the country’s history. J.S.L. Lyons writes, “Their concern with the ancient civilization was
13McClintock, p 84. (From A Collection of all the Statutes in use in the Kingdom of Ireland
[1310-1666], Dublin: 1678).
14 C.E. Maxwell, Irish History from Contemporary Sources (1509-1610), (1923), p 366.

12
perfectly genuine...they did see in the revival of Irish studies in general a means of
attaching themselves to their native country and at the same time of holding at arm’s
length the English connection which the more perceptive of them already sensed to be both
dangerous and unreliable.”15
Among the Anglo-Irish, or “Castle-Set”, emphasis was placed on the Romantic west
of Ireland, whose culture was seen as largely “untouched” by British dress and custom. A
Viceregal Garden Party of Lady Aberdeen, 1886, requested the “appearance as far as
possible in the costumes of peasants of different countries” and that “all ladies should
wear dresses of Irish manufacture.”16
Though the request reflected an interest in the
revitalization of the cottage industries, chiefly lace, linen and wool, it was also suggestive of
slightly more sinister motives. Hilary O’Kelly writes, “By dwelling on these images of Irish
peasant girls and thuggish ‘Paddy’s’, the Castle-Set presumably sought to focus attention
on the less glorious aspects of Irish Society, and thereby legitimize its role...as a
sophisticated and ‘civilizing’ influence.”17
Dancers incorporated this look, consisting of a long petticoat, lace apron and
woolen shawl, to some extent in exhibitions of Irish dance in Ireland and abroad, though no
evidence exists to prove it was ever adopted as everyday Irish dress. The idealized image of
an Irish Cailín can be seen in a photograph c.1900 (see figure 2) depicting Irish dancers
and musicians in Dublin. Green hooded cloaks and white dresses, commonly called
“Colleen Bawns”18
were also prevalent among dancers into the 1920’s but discarded
swiftly by the Gaelic League who seemingly resented the glorification of peasant culture in
Ireland.
15 J.S.L. Lyons. Culture and Anarchy in Ireland 1890-1939, (Oxford: 1982) p 28.
16 The Irish Textile Journal, 15 April 1886.
17 O’Kelly, p 80.
18 John P Cullinane, Irish Dancing Costumes: Their Origins and Evolutions, (C.R.C.: Clontarf,
1995), p 15. “White girl” (translation from Gaelic)

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With the advent of the first feis19
held by the Gaelic League in Macroom, County
Cork, 1899, the situation for Irish dance costume began to change. The feis was created
not only to encourage participation in Irish dance, but also to showcase Irish art and
industry, popularized by the promotion of the Irish textile industry and the Arts and Crafts
movement. The reaction against the widespread poverty of the Irish nation was paramount
at that time and would come to manifest itself in the invention of “Celtic Costume” and
subsequent Irish dance costume.
Consequently, several relief boards were formed in the early 1880’s to promote a
vocationally educated rural class in Ireland, namely the country’s unemployed women. The
revitalization of weaving, lace making, linen and silk poplin production, embroidery and
more were encouraged through institutes, convents and women’s societies throughout
Ireland. The Donegal Industrial Fund, Kenmare Convent and others placed a particular
emphasis on the element of “Irishness” in their works, fostering embroideries, textiles and
metal-works inspired by early Christian art in Ireland. Contemporary publications, such as
Margaret Stokes Early Christian Art in Ireland, would have most likely have provided a rich
source of inspiration20
. For example, a type of “Kells Embroidery” (see figure 3) featured
zoomorphic ornament and Celtic interlace and consisted of dyed and polished flax worked
into Irish linen. This distinct style began appearing on women’s dress as early as 1886 and
would survive into the late 1990’s in Irish dancing costume.
Though Gaelic Leaguers rejected the suitability of peasant costume as an
appropriate form of national dress, the organization sought a costume of a different sort to
both unify the movement and promote Ireland’s growing cottage industries. Eugene
O’Curry’s Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish was most likely consulted21
and the
heroic and romanticized image of the ancient Celt was selected as the vision for Ireland’s
19 A feis is a competition of Irish dance. Gaelic language, art and craft competitions are also
featured, as are Gaelic games and sport.
20 Paul Larmour, The Arts & Crafts Movement in Ireland, (Friar’s Bush Press: Belfast, 1992)
p 4.
21 O’Kelly, p 80.

14
future. The new national costume consisted of O’Curry’s description of a brat, or cloak, and
léine, or ankle-length tunic, belted at the waist by a crios (or criss), a woven, cord-like belt.
A love of color and ornament was also suggested which perfectly suited the growing
embroidery, weaving and metalworking industries of the period.
The success of the “Celtic Costume” was closely tied to Ireland’s changing political
climate. It incorporated not only the fashions of the time but also signified the demand for
an Irish Free State in the run up to the 1916 Easter Rising. In a 1910 publication of Sinn
Féin, an illustration of a “Costume for Irish Ladies” was published with an endorsement of
the style for Ireland’s women:
“The Irish Costume solves everything. It is beautiful; it is suitable for every occasion; it
can be worn morning, afternoon or evening. It is specially adapted for use as a working
garb and it is pretty enough to wear at any social function. The most conscientious Irish
Irelander may now be blissfully happy.”
22
The costume was often worn to Gaelic League events, weddings, First Holy Communions
and theatre, but not usually in everyday dress, though there were some exceptions23
. A
typical “Celtic Revival Dress”, manufactured by the Dun Emer Guild, is depicted in a 1914
portrait of Sadbh Trinseach.24 (see figure 4) The outfit consists of an adult woman’s royal
blue (described as “St. Patrick’s blue”), floor length dress and mantle of silk poplin and
embroidered with Celtic ornament. Included also were an embroidered belt and a silver
Tara brooch.
Though highly appropriate for Ireland’s women, this style presented a challenge to
the traditional conforms of masculine dress. O’Curry, however, translated the Gaelic word
léine to mean both shirt and kilt. As the kilt already possessed connotations of antiquity
22 Sinn Fein (Gaelic League publication). 5 March 1910.
23 O’Kelly, p 81. Mr. & Mrs Ryan were seen wearing Irish costume everyday from 1918-
1925 as a response to the Easter Rising of 1916.
24 Nicola Gordon-Bowe & Elizabeth Cumming. The Arts & Crafts Movement in Dublin and
Edinburgh 1885-1925. An Exhibition Catalogue, (Irish Academic Press: Dublin, 1998), p
122.

15
and masculinity in Celtic Scotland25
it became a legitimate alternative despite the lack of
evidence for its existence here in Ireland26
.It was worn in a color scheme of saffron and
green, with a black jacket and tie. Interestingly enough, Lily Comerford, a dance instructor
from Dublin, was among the first to adopt this same male “Celtic Costume” in the 1920’s
for her class of dancers. She was also the first instructor of Irish dance to implement the
idea of a “school uniform”, a trend existing into the present day.
In 1918, is it recorded that “Celtic Costume” was still distinct from the costumes
worn by Irish dancers. Cullinane states, “Photograph 7 [see figure 7] shows my own mother
in 1918 wearing her Irish Citizens’ Army Costume or her ‘Irish costume’ as she referred to
it. This, she emphasized, was not her dancing costume.”27 At that time, the Gaelic League
requested only that all dancers be outfitted in dress of Irish cloth and manufacture.
Cullinane further suggests, “in competitions and all championships they [dancers] were not
allowed to wear costumes, but an ordinary frock instead, as it was claimed that costumes
concealed the carriage.”28
Step dance dress up to that point remained largely regional and
began to incorporate various aspects of the “Celtic Costume” after the 1920’s. In
complying with the Gaelic League regulations, the costumes varied from the
aforementioned kilt and coatee variety to the embroidered dress and brat style. The
invention of the school costume, as with Lily Comerford’s dancers, would further stress the
regionalism of Irish dance dress.
In 1945, the popularity of Irish dancing had been steadily growing both at home
and abroad thanks in part to the institution of a dedicated Irish dance commission in
25 Hugh Trevor Roper, “The Invention of Highland Tradition” in The Invention of Traditions,
Edited by Eric and Ranger T. Hobsbawn, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983),
pp 15-41.
26 McClintock. p 118.
27 Cullinane, Irish Dancing Costumes, p 29.
28 John Cullinane. Further Aspects of the History of Irish Dancing. (C.R.C.: Cork City, 1997) p
89.

16
192929
. The All-Irelands, instituted not long after, saw the art form move away from the
regional and towards a national picture. The costumes too began to take on a more
homogenized appearance, as illustrated in a picture of the All-Ireland Senior Céili
Championship winners, 1945. (see figure 10) Depicted, is a near hybrid of the two
dominant styles (the kilt and the “Celtic Costume”), resulting in a form of Irish dance dress
recognizable as such today. The one-piece dress consists of a knee-length circle skirt, long
sleeves, brat and crocheted collar and cuffs. Other similar examples of the period also
include minor Celtic ornament in the form of embroidered knot work, used sparingly across
the chest, shawl and skirt. Of interest, is the notion that next to no written or unwritten
guidelines existed that constituted the Irish dance costume. Instead, the costumes evolved
more or less by mutual acceptance among those in the community30
.This new
amalgamation of style was predominantly born of the necessity to standardize the dress for
competition purposes, but also to identify those associated with the Irish dance tradition.
Though it was true in Ireland, it was especially true abroad that the Irish dance costume
had come to symbolize Irish national identity. The “Celtic Costume” in Ireland would die out
as a form of national dress among the general public, but its form and meaning would be
transferred to the Irish step dancing costume.
From the 1950’s through the end of the 20th century, this common dress form
would continue to evolve, becoming more and more layered with meaning and ornament.
The basic shape, however, would change very little. Fairly detailed accounts of these
evolutions exist elsewhere31 and therefore an abbreviated history will be related here only
for comparison purposes. It can be said that originally these costumes were made in the
home following patterns, colors and ornament prescribed by the school to which the dancer
29 An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha, www.clrg.ie. The Commission was formed out of the
Gaelic League.
30 Cullinane, Irish Dancing Costumes, p 75
31 see Martha Robb. Irish Dancing Costume, (Country House: Dublin, 1998), Or Gail Flood.
An Exploration of the History and Design of Irish Stepdancing Costumes 1890-1999.
National College of Art Dublin, Thesis #3099.

17
belonged. Such costumes were known as “class” or “school costumes” and were justifiably
simple, designed to suit both the average dancer’s skill and income.
Ornament too was modest, executed by hand in chain or satin stitch and consisting
of Celtic knot work, crosses, shamrocks and harps. With the rise of synthetic fabrics,
traditional, Irish-made fabrics were abandoned and the dresses were constructed from
gabardine, trevira and polyester. Colors of both fabric and ornament reflected the fashions
of the time period in which the dress was created. They were at first dark and subdued in
black, blue, green and red, but later gave rise to a rainbow of color in the 1980’s-90’s. Irish
lace and crochet collar and cuffs were fashionable throughout the dresses’ history, but
were often subject to substitution with non-Irish and machine-made materials due to lack
of availability.
Around the 1970’s, two factors would greatly change the production of costumes,
leading to more elaborate styling and increasing variety of dress forms. The first of these
was the introduction of the sewing machine in Ireland. As the economy grew, costumes
were increasingly sent away for production and embroidery to shops possessing the
technology to create more detailed costumes in half the time. As the embroidery became
more elaborate, the dress form changed also to incorporate the heavy ornament, resulting
in double and triple pleated skirts, pelmet stiffening and contrasting dress lining.
Another factor that changed the production of costumes was the introduction of the
“solo costume”, which was designed to prevent discrimination in competition by a dancer’s
school association. Once a dancer attained a certain level of success in competition, she
was often rewarded with this more specialized and elaborate costume. The costume, at this
point, began to be viewed not only as a signifier of nationality, but also as an indication of
the dancer’s ability and commitment to the art form. Very quickly, this aspect precipitated
an explosion in the range of ornament, color and material resulting in increased costs of
production and a wider variety of trends. Dance costume production, still centered in
Ireland, began to shift away from the home and those who could not afford to have a solo
costume specially made would purchase them second-hand.

18
With the growth of economy in Ireland and abroad and the increasing emphasis on
competition in Irish dance, the costumes continued to be ever more dramatic and intricate,
but with a sense of ‘Irishness’ throughout. Celtic knot-work was universally popular
throughout the history of the costume’s design, but the repertoire of ornament would grow
to include Kells-inspired animals, especially birds; references to Irish antiquities, such as
the Tara brooch or the Ardagh Chalice and also Celtic mythical themes such as the “Salmon
of Knowledge” or the “Death of Brian Boru”. Such designs were almost entirely inspired by
the production of pattern books by Seven Gates Designs of Drogheda, which could be
purchased by dancers and dressmakers and heat-transferred onto fabrics for embroidery.
The introduction of velvets and silks added weight and cost to dress production. Appliqué
was also introduced, further limiting production to only the more accomplished
seamstresses. The incorporation of neon satin, acetate and metallic lamé in the mid
1990’s gave the dress a more contemporary look while staying true to the original form and
decoration.
In Cullinane’s 1997 publication, he states, “I can only say that the dancing
costumes and accessories have about reached the limits. It is difficult to see how much
more elaborate they can become, but no doubt, dancers will find a way.”32
By his
estimates, costumes were easily surpassing €600-800 in production costs. They have
more than doubled that cost today. His prophetic sentiment expresses a growing
disillusionment with excessively elaborate costuming, not long after the release of the
popular stage show “Riverdance” in 1994, the effect of which should not be understated.
The show reinvigorated the art form, exposing new audiences to Irish dance and cultivating
a worldwide fan base. It also radically altered the perception of Irish dance in Ireland by
adding to it a sexual and glamorous dimension.
The costume designs of “Riverdance” were expected to have the most profound
impact on the costumes of competitive Irish dancers. The show’s leading ladies wore short,
off-the-shoulder dresses of lace, crushed velvet and shimmery knit which fit closely to the
32 Cullinane, Irish Dancing Costumes, p 83.

19
figure. Hair was worn long and flowing. Black tights were worn beneath the dancers’ short
skirts. It was a simple, unadorned, but sexy look and a radical departure from the heavy
and ornate costumes with which Irish dance had always been associated. The costumes
were, initially, well received by dancers, eager to emulate the “Riverdance” stars. Strangely
though, the simple look did not thrive and dance costume, by contrast, became even more
expensive and elaborately decorated into the close of the twentieth century.

20
Chapter 2: Production and Design of Contemporary Costumes (1995-2008)
“The only constant in the world of Irish dance costuming is change itself: changes in
fabric, embroidery, jewels, collars, cuffs and sleeves. Continued change is a certainty.”33
The preceding statement is indicative of the new age of Irish dance dress and suggests a
future largely divergent from the stable, traditional past that costuming had previously
enjoyed. This chapter will outline the significant points of departure in the contemporary
costume’s production and appearance. The subjects of form, construction, motif,
ornament, color, materials and Irish/non-Irish influences will be discussed. Furthermore,
this chapter will examine how the craft of dance dress production has changed and
consider the new roles that dressmakers, dancers, parents and various Irish dancing
commissions play in this ever-changing environment.
The previous chapter presented the history of the costume and descriptions of its
evolution through 1994 with the introduction of the popular stage show “Riverdance”.
Horgan aptly categorizes the evolution of Irish dance costumes into three eras: the pre-
“Riverdance” era (1893-1993), the “Riverdance” era (1994) and the post-“Riverdance” or
post-modern era (1995-present)34. Her categorization reflects the popularly held perception
that credits the “Riverdance phenomenon” with the many changes occurring in dance
costumes into the present day. The introduction of the this style is of extreme importance
as it provided the most significant impetus for change and the resulting chain reaction of
new dress styles seen today. This force must be fully understood in order to appreciate the
costume’s modern day evolutions.
33 Irene Horgan, “At the Crossroads: Irish Step-Dance Costuming – from the Local to the
Global,” in At the Crossroads: Dance & Irish Culture Conference Proceedings, Edited by
Catherine E. Foley, (University of Limerick: Limerick, 2006), p 19.
34 Horgan, p 19.

21
In 1994-95 costumes took a monumental step away from what was seen as
traditional for the first time in Irish dancing history. The style of dress introduced by
“Riverdance” was forward looking and there were few among the dancing community brave
enough to incorporate the simple, modern and sexy look. Though it is impossible to say
precisely when and where this first occurred, it is evident the look was unsuccessful in
competition and died out not long after its introduction. The reasons for this are threefold.
Firstly, the look presented a significant challenge to the community of Irish dance
and their celebration of the “traditional”. It has been suggested that dancers in such
costumes did not place in competition because they were scored poorly due to
appearance35. Consequently the look did not “catch on” among the general population.
While there is no direct evidence to suggest that dancers were, in fact, deliberately marked
down for the wearing of non-traditional costume, the potential perception of such a thing
could certainly have been powerful enough to damage the costume’s reputation.
Secondly, the perceived sex appeal of the “Riverdance” outfit confronted
conservatively held values about morality and modesty in Irish dancing. It has been
suggested that the show as a “late twentieth century invention based on an early twentieth
century invention…meets the requirement of contemporary entertainment with a level of
eroticism such as the earlier era could not contemplate and the earlier invention
precluded.”36 Therefore, this blatant expression of sexuality was viewed as inappropriate by
many, especially for young girls, and was effectively suppressed by the institution of new
rules by An Coimisiún. For example, rules 4.4.1 and 4.4.2 address issues of modesty and
the use of non-traditional materials respectively:
“4.4.1: Costumes must consist of a full front and back section i.e. cut away styles, are
not acceptable. 4.4.2: Materials must be of an equivalent weight to that used in the
more traditional costumes e.g. dress velvet, trevira, gabardine, wool-mix etc.”
37
35 In competition, dancers are scored on timing, execution and appearance. The latter
category seems to be based almost completely on a judge’s personal opinion.
36 Richard Vincent Comerford, Ireland: Inventing the Nation, (Arnold: London, 2005), p 197.
37 An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha, 4.4 Costume Rules, www.clrg.com.

22
Furthermore, Irish dress manufacturers, who had enjoyed a near monopoly on
“authentic” Irish costume sales, feared the “Riverdance” look would devastate production
in Ireland. The complicated Celtic embroidery, the unique, stiffened shape of the costume
and the perceived authenticity in an “Irish-made” product were difficult to reproduce by the
average seamstress, thus ensuring success for dress production in Ireland. A simple soft
skirt and bodice construction, however, could be easily replicated by almost anyone and
purchased in dance supply shops almost anywhere in the world.38
If dress production in
Ireland were damaged, it could have weakened An Coimisiún financially39 and
consequently affected the institutional structure of the art form. Coimisiún members may
have actively discouraged this new style with this potential danger in mind, though proof
remains, as yet, inconclusive.
Following the demise of the “Riverdance” look in 1995, the costumes returned to a
“safer” place for all the parties involved, but they did not remain there long. The idea that
an Irish dancing costume could be freed from tradition had forever opened the doors to
innovation and experimentation, ushering costumes into a post-modern era. The success of
the “Riverdance” stage show inspired a “copycat effect”, producing stage shows such as
“Lord of the Dance”, 1996 and “Celtic Tiger”, 2005 both created by former “Riverdancer”
Michael Flatley. Flatley’s shows further challenged the boundaries of sexuality and
traditional tastes in Irish dancing, adding an increased element of theatricality to the
show’s costuming. His dancers are often depicted as “Celtic soldiers” in shiny silver and
gold lamé. Though a controversial figure, Flatley was beloved by the Irish dancing
community, revered as the first Irish dancing superstar of the modern era. Dancers were
eager to emulate his flashy, “Celtic soldier” style and dressmakers were keen to meet their
38 Norma. Owner, Threads of Green Fabrics of Kilkenny, (Former dressmaker). Interview. 20
May 2008.
39 Dress shops, though not directly involved with An Coimisiún or its financial affairs, often
purchase advertising on the Commission’s website and in programs and also sponsor
competitions during the World and All Ireland Championships.

23
demands. This resulted in the first major innovation in the post-modern era, the
introduction of glossy, non-traditional fabrics.
Firstly, such materials, namely lamé, chiffon and sequin stretch knit, were quickly
incorporated into the appliqué panels, perhaps as the easiest way to add the glitz and
glamour of step dancing stage shows without breaking Coimisiún rules. Following the
appliqué, the dress designs more boldly implemented such fabrics into sleeves, flashings40
and dress linings. In the late 1990’s, those dancers with older, more traditionally styled
costumes were adapting what they had to stay “fashionable”. Amanda Carey, an American
champion dancer until 2002, describes this practice of “modernization”:
“In open [championship level] I alternated between two dresses: a white gabardine one
in the summer and a fuchsia and green velvet one for fall and spring competitions.
They were both bought used from Ireland. The white one had dark, wine purple colored
velvet collar and sleeve cuffs. When things started getting more “modern” (i.e., wigs
and self tanner and flashiness) my grandma re-lined the dress with gold to make it
more ‘Riverdancey’.”41
Such a practice was common among the Diaspora who had bought used costumes from
Ireland only to find the style of Irish dancing changing rapidly. Dress forms were also
modified slightly in the late 1990’s to incorporate a military, or Mandarin style collar and
cuffs, reflective of the stronger “soldier” appearance.
Sequins and rhinestones had been introduced to the Irish dancing costume as early
as the 1970’s and were justified by the Celts love of ornament as described by O’Curry and
others.42
Today, crystal ornament is popular, nearly covering the bodice in some extreme
cases. The range of fabrics have also expanded to include metallic silk, satin, glitterball,
glitterdot, holographic jersey knit, sewn sequins, sequined chiffon, organza, crinoline, and
bridal lace. Such fabrics are lighter and more flexible than their traditional counterparts,
40 A flashing is the hidden side of a kick or box pleat. When a dancer kicks, the flashing
extends and is revealed.
41 Amanda Carey, Senior Ladies Champion dancer from Boston, Massachusetts, USA.
Interview. 26 June 2008.
42 McClintock, pp 14-15.

24
but are far more expensive, less durable and more difficult to work with. Glitterdot, among
the most expensive fabrics, can cost an average of €100 per yard. In recent years, these
fabrics have come to completely cover the dress, replacing velvet and gabardine as the
base material, despite the increase in cost and diminution in durability.
With fabric, the first and most obvious change in Irish dancing costuming, followed
many other changes in both design and ornament. The difficulty of working with such
delicate fabrics as tissue lames and silk shantung caused the appliqué to become larger
and less complex than in previous years. The significance of these shiny, glittery materials
took precedence over the fine and intricate Celtic ornament that had dominated since the
early twentieth century. At first, the designs simply increased in size, forming larger bands
of simple knotwork and themed narrative motifs. Embroidery diminished as appliqué grew
larger. The knotwork “unraveled” further in the early 2000’s and became completely
deconstructed and geometric. The pattern books of intricate, Celtic ornament, from which
dress decoration had nearly always been chosen, grew obsolete and designs could be
customized, drafted by even the most unskilled of hands. “Designers” specializing in the
creation of custom, “one-off”43
and commercial costume designs rushed to fill the gap.
In 2008, design and motif is limited only by imagination. While some Celtic motifs
still exist, mainly generic knotwork, the connections to traditional Celtic art are tenuous and
have been often described as “Celtic inspired”. Animal interlace, shamrocks, Celtic crosses,
harps, chalices and other such traditional themes are uncommon in solo costumes, though
are still used in class costume design. Diamonds, latticework, trumpet spirals and zigzag
designs appear frequently but the links to actual “Irish” ornament are coincidental at
best.44
43 A ready-made design that is exclusive to one person, but was not created with the
individual dancer in mind.
44 These motifs appear commonly in early Medieval art in Ireland, however dress makers
and designers rarely mention such an influence. It is more likely such designs are chosen
for contrast than as a reference to Irish art.

25
The trend towards “non-Irish” decoration is very popular. The newest styles are
often “unveiled” at National Competitions and World Championships by dancers seeking to
distinguish themselves from a long line of other competitors. The departure from the
traditional has encouraged dress designers to include paisley, zebra stripe, polka dot,
leopard print and plaid fabrics as decorative motifs, the effect of which allows for less
embroidery and appliqué than the dress’s pre-“Riverdance” predecessor. Where appliqué
appears, it is most often in the form of bows, flowers (especially roses and daisies), stars,
butterflies, lightning and hearts. Embroidery, although used sparingly, often reflects an Art
Deco or even Islamic influence.
The deviation from traditional ornament and material represents a startling
divergence from the conventional and into the modern. Today’s dancer often suggests a
theme for their new costume or presents the designer with pieces of inspiration, jewelry or
a family heirloom, for example.45
Norma, a dress maker in Killarney until 2005, described
custom dresses whose inspirations were drawn from the movie “Titanic” and the trendy
fashion house “Burberry”, whose signature black, red and cream plaid has appeared on
coats, purses and now Irish dancing costumes.46
Other popular themes include gardens,
stained glass and other such crafts, family crests, non-Irish heritages (for example the
Austrian flag) and dancers “personalities” which are often reflected in “bold and bubbly”
colors and prints. It is important to note that themes are often at the suggestion of the
dancer herself and do not necessarily reflect the inspirations of the designer. Fabric is
often used as theme or motif as a heavily textured or patterned material does not allow for
additional ornamentation.
In the past, color was, at times, distinctive of particular of time periods in Irish
dancing costuming. For example, early in the costume’s history, green and saffron were
often used for their historical associations. In the 1980’s, with the introduction of velvet,
black was seen as the most popular choice for an accomplished dancer and embroidery
45 Paula Jeffers. Designer of Irish dance costumes, Blarney House Designs, USA. Interview.
<http://www.colleensofcanberra.com/featureddesignerpaulajeffers.html>.
46 Norma. Interview. 20 May 2008.

26
color grew from two to three colors per costume to nearly a dozen. The choice of color for
dress fabric, lining, appliqué and embroidery thread expanded to include bright, neon
colors in the 1990’s. The trend today is towards a single or duo-toned dress as opposed to
the multi-colored dresses of the past. A single color is often chosen to dominate, which is
then accented with white and/or black or with a contrasting color in varying tones. The
choice of color is limited only to availability and is not usually dictated by any particular
trend, although typically “feminine” colors like pink are common. The “tri-color” motif,
consisting of the orange, green and white of the Irish flag, is also a popular choice today,
perhaps seen as a modern communication of Irish identity.
In a further note regarding fabric, color and ornament, it is important to mention the
most important indicator in a dancer or designer’s choice is the effect the final design will
have “on-stage”. As nearly all costumes are viewed from a distance and often in
comparison with a number of other, similarly costumed dancers, the effect of the costume
in competition is of utmost importance in dress design. If a dress is custom-made for a
dancer, color and motif are considered not only with the dancer’s tastes in mind, but also
to complement the dancer’s coloring, body shape and overall presentation. Dancing
teachers are often consulted, as a dancer’s appearance is often a reflection upon her
school. As a general rule, the more shine and glitter the better; subtlety in a dance costume
is rarely encouraged. Bright colors or stronger, darker colors are preferred over paler ones,
which may “gray out” from a distance. A dressmaker will often steer a dancer away from
styles and colors that would not suit, are considered “unstylish” or are in fact so popular
that the dancer might not stand out in a crowd of her peers.
Following the trend towards the modern and away from the traditional, Irish
dancing costume has, in the past few years, taken perhaps the greatest step away from the
last distinguishable characteristic as an Irish national costume. Throughout its evolution,
the Irish dance dress has changed colors, added new, non-Irish fabrics and increased the
amount of elaborate ornamentation, but it has never changed its distinctive form of brat
and léine until now. Since the homogenization of the dance dress, the basic construction
has changed little. Today, however, new styles in bodice, skirt, sleeve and shawl

27
construction are constantly emerging, each innovation stepping farther away from its
antecedent. The last vital link to the “Celtic costume” is being lost.
The first, subtle changes of the modern era were introduced following the
establishment of geometric ornament. Shaped hemlines and wide, stiff skirts, developing in
the early to mid 2000’s, complemented the sharp, angular new designs and sequined
fabrics. The look, combined with the increasing use of scale-like sequins, was not unlike a
sort of stiffened armor. Skirt lengths dramatically shortened, from just above the knee to
six inches or more away from the kneecap. Stiffened triple and quadruple paneled skirts
gave way to a “gladiator style” not unlike that seen on dancers in “Celtic Tiger”. (see figure
27) This style consisted of thin, tapering, ornamented panels, layered over a soft
underskirt, simulating a Roman gladiator’s leather armor. The “curtain front” skirt, also
known as the “center swoop” or “center wrap” skirt has also evolved out of this stiffened,
armor like style. The skirt consists of two stiffened panels joined centrally (or to the side in
a “side wrap” or “side swoop” variation). The panels are trimmed in lace, ribbon, ruffle,
feathers or fur and contain a decorative “reveal” in the gap between the two panels. It has
been suggested that the inspiration for such a skirt could be the ruffled skirt of Spanish
Flamenco dancers.47
These stiffened armor-like styles have dominated in recent years since the post-
“Riverdance” era began. The World Championships in 2008, however, have revealed that
the major trend is once again shifting. In a distinctive departure from the hard, aggressive
quality of the aforementioned skirt forms, a new softer, more feminine image is emerging.
In what could perhaps be seen as a “transitional” style, the “petal” skirt incorporates the
stiffened panels of the gladiator style but with a soft petticoat, tulle, ruffle or crinoline
underskirt. The panels differ from the “gladiator style” panels in that they terminate in a
soft petal or other organic shape. The effect is quite like the over-the-top feminized and
flouncy dresses seen in children’s beauty pageants. (see figure 25) Further departures in
47 Dr. John Cullinane. Keeper of Cullinane Music and Irish Dance Archive, University College
Cork, Interview. 2 July 2008.

28
softer skirt styles include the “soft wave” style, consisting of three or more gathered layers,
and most recently the “puffball” or “bubble” skirt. This style is possibly the latest and most
dramatic deviation in Irish dance costume history, the inspiration for which must surely by
contemporary fashion. Introduced by the Dublin dress shop, Siopa Rince, this highly
distinctive dress style features a drop waist, fitted bodice and a soft gathered, pleated skirt.
The skirt is rounded in appearance and contains a tulle or netted “filling” which causes the
skirt to appear “puffed” and mushroom-like. The pleats of the skirt often feature intricate,
scrolling embroidery of a single accent color, highlighted by crystals.
In addition to changing skirt styles, the bodice and sleeves have altered just as
radically. There are fewer variations available in these sections of the costume, due mostly
in part to the costume controls instituted by An Coimisiún some years ago. These
regulations, as have been discussed previously in this chapter, govern the modesty of
women’s costume and require the covering of the body from collarbone to wrist.48
There
are namely five main styles in bodice and three in sleeve.
The traditional style bodice is fitted closely throughout, often with darts to permit
movement and alteration. It sits at the natural waistline and can feature a variety of
necklines such as v-shaped or scalloped. This style allows for extensive embroidery or
appliqué, is easy to fit and flatters all body shapes. Consequently, the form is still in wide
use. Variations on the traditional bodice are the “mock corset”, featuring lacing, buttons or
decorative ornament down the center with a contrasting sleeve, and the “necklaced” style,
a plain bodice with jeweled ornament or traditional crochet around the neckline. The
“jacketed” bodice is a two-piece construction, where the bodice may be removed to reveal
a sleeveless dress beneath. It is believed the design may have come from Australia, where
soaring, summer temperatures made sleeveless dresses an attractive option in outdoor
feiseanna. The jacket, however, is always worn in competition and may be removed before
or following performance for the dancer’s comfort. Finally, the drop-waisted “tunic” style is
the most recent development and is meant to accompany the softer “puffball” and “petal”
48 An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha, 4.4 Costume Rules, www.clrg.com.

29
skirts. Construction of this style is generally more fitted than the other bodices and is
consequently appropriate mostly for slighter figures.
The sleeve styles consist of “straight”, “bell” or “tapered”. The “straight” sleeve
varies in its terminus, ending simply or with a shaped cuff or decorative gusset. The “bell”
sleeve widens from shoulder to wrist and is often used in conjunction with the “mock
corset” or traditional bodice style. Both the “straight” and the “bell” sleeves are decorated
with embroidery or trim or are made from a contrasting fabric or color. Openwork bridal
lace with a contrasting color placed beneath is also a popular (and relatively new) option for
both of the sleeve styles. The “tapered” sleeve is somewhat less popular today, but still
utilized with the “tunic” or “mock corset” style. Usually of a contrasting fabric or color, this
sleeve is soft and billowy, gathers slightly at the shoulder and tapers into a short cuff at the
wrist. A silk or satin fabric is a frequent choice with this style.
The final component of the Irish dance costume that has yet to be discussed is the
shawl or brat. This element of the original costume has changed so dramatically that in
many instances, it is barely recognizable as such. The Tara brooch, both practical and
decorative since the early twentieth century, has completely disappeared from the
contemporary brat. It is fastened today with metal snaps and Velcro often hidden to create
a “floated” appearance. Attachments are also disguised to look like small flowers in the
case of softer, draped shawls. There are more than seven styles of brat which range from a
more traditional draped style to stiffened decorative panels. The “soft cape” style is
currently in vogue and is gathered and draped across the back from one shoulder to the
opposite hip. Variations on this style consist of the “u-shaped” cape, attached by both ends
at the shoulders, and the “sash” style with is gathered and hung diagonally straight across
the back. A “triangular” style brat is pinned at the shoulder and opposing hip as in the “soft
cape” style, but lies flat, allowing for some minor ornament or embroidery.
The stiff brat style complements especially the older, geometrically styled
costumes, but is still in use with new softer styles. “Kite-shaped”, “whale-tail” and “shaped”
brats are three such styles that contain an internal stiffening agent (as is seen in the
stiffened skirts) and are decorated with appliqué and embroidery. The first two

30
classifications are self-explanatory, but the third, “shaped” requires some clarification. In
this category, the brat shape is unique to the individual costume and can resemble the
appliquéd decoration in the skirt and bodice. This brat style can be a completely organic or
irregular, geometric design. It can also resemble a flower or piece of knotwork. Of all the
shawls currently in use, it least resembles the original “Celtic” brat.
Not surprisingly, changes in Irish dance costuming are not confined solely to the
dress’s appearance. Production has changed also, but this is by no means a recent
phenomenon. In the 1970’s, the introduction of the solo costume and advances in
economy and technology began a shifting of the role of producer away from home to
commercial production. Such costumes, made mostly in Ireland, were highly valued and
successfully resold second-hand in international markets. Home production, though
diminished, has never completely died out despite the commercial costume’s success. On
the contrary, the rising cost of the costume, combined with the weaknesses of the
American, Australian and Canadian dollar have made home production a vital and
necessary alternative to commercially manufactured costumes. Furthermore, the advent of
the Internet has made home costume production even easier, providing even the most
unskilled dressmaker with instant access to material resources and technical support.49
However, the significance of a commercially produced dance costume is greater than ever,
the effect of which resulted in the creation of a new, tiered system of Irish dancing costume
producers.
Such a system follows Simmel’s theory of fashion change,50
suggesting a process of
imitation of social “elites” by social “inferiors”. Such a theory relies on a class system
where the upper tier, in this case, champion dancers, adopts the latest styles from the
49 A global village of home producers has emerged with sites like Yahoo’s Irish Dance
Dressmakers (http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IDDressmaking/) and Celtic Flame
(http://www.voy.com/14708/). Such sites are incredibly active with new comments,
questions and image postings daily.
50 Diana Crane. Fashion and its Social Agendas. Class, Gender and Identity in Clothing,
(University of Chicago Press: Chicago & London, 2000).

31
most fashionable producers. These styles are then copied down through middle and lower
tiers and are subsequently abandoned by the upper tiers as new styles are introduced.
Such a system has consequently created a tiered system of producers, with “superstar”
designers setting the trends imitated by the “secondary” producers and “cottage
dressmakers”. The system has also decreased the amount of time a trend will stay
fashionable from what was once years to less than six months.51
The “superstar” dressmaker is perhaps the single greatest innovation in Irish dance
costume production. Since at least the mid 1980’s, and possibly earlier, training in dance
costume production was offered under AnCo,52
possibly as a response to the growing
appetite for Irish-made dance costuming among the Diaspora. This is due mostly to the
introduction of a World Championships in Irish dance, which was then forming the
beginnings of a global Irish dancing community. Cullinane states,
“in 1970, the Americans came over [to the World Championships]. They didn’t win
anything for the first three years due to the fact that their dancing and their costumes
were not in step with the changes that had been occurring in Ireland. But they very
quickly changed and modernized their costumes.”
53
Cullinane’s comment suggests that prior to the World Championships, costume design and
production was still largely regional. However, following the creation of the World
Championships, an interest developed in obtaining or copying the styles produced in
Ireland. This most likely resulted in greater demand in costume production in Ireland and
the creation of larger, more specialized shops for production.
While little is known about today’s “Superstar” designers, it is evident the pool of
designers is very small, possibly as few as three or four dedicated shops, all of whom
reside in Ireland (either in the Republic or in the North). “Superstar” shops are easily
51 Norma. Interview. 20 May 2008.
52 Industrial Training Authority, or AnCo, was established under The Industrial Training Act
in Ireland in 1967 to provide a training advisory service and establish centers for the
training of individuals in various industrial fields.
53 Cullinane. Interview. 2 July 2008.

32
identifiable as such by the high cost of costumes, the length of waiting list, the amount of
advertising and by the number of champion dancers who wear their designs. Under these
qualifications there are three shops qualifying definitively. These include Elevation Designs
and Eire Designs, both of Belfast, Northern Ireland and Siopa Rince of Dublin, Ireland.
Among the Irish dancing community, these three shops are the most visible, the most
desirable and the most frequently imitated. The waiting lists of all three book up years in
advance and the cost in costume ranges from €1000-€2000 or more on average.
In an interesting note, all three “superstar” shops declined or did not respond to
interview requests for this dissertation. Though this may be due in part to the hectic pace of
these larger, more famous producers, it is more likely a sign of the changing nature of
contemporary costume production. Producers at the top are now competing in a global
market, with consumers hungry for the latest trend in dance costume design. Thus, it could
be inferred that these larger producers are highly sensitive to requests for information, as
they fear the copying of their designs by secondary markets. This issue is frequently
highlighted in online forums. For example, an anonymous poster asks,
“Have any dressmakers here made a puffball dress besides SR [Siopa Rince]? How
difficult was it? Were you happy with it? Is there a market for them? I'm just wondering
about trying an OTR [off-the-rack] soon.”
54
The posting was followed by several suggestions for the manufacturing of the “puffball”
skirt, including one member who had made alterations to a genuine Siopa Rince dress, and
a warning to beware the “dress police”. While the issue may seem amusing, it addresses a
genuine concern that the industry is rife with copyright infringement, a predicament that
simply did not exist in a pre-“Riverdance” era.
“Superstar” producers today fear also the export of dress manufacturing to markets
not remotely connected to the Irish dancing community, namely China or Korea. Complaints
have been made against sellers in the online marketplace Ebay.com, for selling fraudulent
54 Celtic Flame Message Board, an online forum for Irish dance dress making,
http://www.voy.com/14708/

33
Irish dance dresses made in Hong Kong and sold at a fraction of the usual cost. In a further
online posting, a concerned dressmaker writes, “the Hong Kong dressmakers have added a
few more listings on ebay.co.uk-I almost feel sorry for them.”55
Though the quality of the
Hong Kong dresses is visibly inferior, it is feared that the gap in quality will soon diminish
and Irish production will disappear entirely.
“Secondary” producers, like the “superstar” producers, are businesses wholly
dedicated to Irish dance costume production, albeit slightly smaller in size. They exist
anywhere there is a market for costumes, most prevalently in Ireland, the UK, Australia and
North America and their pool is significantly larger than the “superstar” group. “Secondary”
producers tend to be either mothers of dancers or former dancers themselves who became
involved in the industry out of necessity or trained seamstresses who “accidentally”
discovered the field. What separates this tier from the upmost tier in the production
pyramid is location, experience, talent and, quite possibly, nationality as none of the
“superstar” producers exists outside of Ireland. The range of price tends to be slightly less,
€700-1300 on average, though the quality may be no different from that of the “superstar”
group.
The final tier, “cottage dressmaker”, applies to mothers, relatives of Irish dancers
and tailors or seamstresses whose business is non-exclusive to the dancing costume
industry. The percentage of “cottage dressmakers” as compared to the “secondary” and
“superstar” tiers is difficult to comprehend, as statistical data is nearly impossible to
obtain. One could hypothesize, however, that the percentage of “cottage dressmakers” in
existence is both greater than the “superstar” tier and either greater than or equal to the
“secondary” producers. “Cottage” producers often create only for their own children or for
friends, generating little, if any, profit. Dressmakers in this field range from little to no
experience or are trained in other related areas, i.e. tailoring or fashion design. Designs
from this pool tend to be less intricate, of poorer quality or of an older, less “fashionable”
style due to the inexperience of the dressmaker. They are, however, a viable alternative for
55 Ibid.

34
younger, less experienced or the less financially privileged dancers, as the costs are
significantly less. A “cottage-made” Irish dance costume can cost as little as €100-150,
excluding the high cost of labor that the “secondary” and “superstar” markets must charge
to cover wages and overhead expenses.
It should also be mentioned that all three levels of production participate in what
could be described as a fourth level of costume purchasing, the “second-hand” market.
Sites such as Ebay.com, IDbay.com and Dance-again.com are all popular in the community,
offering used dresses at discounted prices. Used dresses are often circulated among
members of the same dancing school and at local feiseanna, regional Oireachtas and the
World Championships. Champion dancers will often justify the high cost of an Irish dancing
costume made by the “superstar” and “secondary” producers by its successful sale in the
“second-hand” market. In June of 2008, Dance-again.com posted sales of seventy-eight
used dresses sold out of one-hundred-and-twenty-nine listings available that month. Eight-
hundred-and-ninety-three dresses were sold on this same site in 2007 with sales figures
poised to exceed that number in 2008.56
Unlike “second-hand” sales of the past, however, such sales are hindered today by
the constant introduction of new trends. A dance costume of the latest fashion may be
viable only for the first six months following production, after which point it will start to look
“dated” and will rapidly devalue. Such instability in the Irish dance costume market, as it
were, serves only to elevate the importance of the “superstar” dressmaker in dance
costume production. With champion dancers hungry to sport the next big trend, the job of
such producers seems quite secure, despite concerns regarding the exportation of the craft
to foreign producers.
The rejection of traditional motifs, introduction of “flashy” fabrics and increase in
outside, seemingly, non-Irish producers have all contributed to the increased range of non-
Irish sources in costume production. Some suggestions for outside (non-traditional)
inspiration have been offered, including Flamenco dancing, contemporary fashion, pop-
56 www.dance-again.com.

35
culture and contemporary costume design. The new, softer styles of costume clearly bear
influence of children’s beauty pageant culture or even modern ballet. It should be said also
that designs are steered tremendously by competition itself, with designers creating newer,
lighter styles of costume to facilitate movement and disguise a dancer’s flaws. Though
many designers today are keeping quiet about the true nature of their inspirational
sources, it is clear from the increased variety in form, fabric and motif that any and all
sources, Irish or otherwise, are fair game for today’s costume.
Therein lie the consequences of the changing face of Irish step dancing.
The dance itself has moved beyond the role of “national folk dance”, enjoying a range of
roles as diverse as sport, hobby and art form, the audience for which is without borders.
There are a wide range of professionals in the field, including teachers, choreographers,
dressmakers, designers, wig makers, accessories sales, shoemakers and style consultants.
There are even dedicated magazines such as Irish Dancing & Culture and Hornpipe that
market not an Irish culture but an Irish dancing culture. As such, this new culture worships
its winners and touts lip-gloss and tanning lotion as must have items for the next
competition. Champion dancers are spokes-models for wig suppliers and dressmakers. In
the new world of Irish dance, image is everything.

36
Chapter 3: An Interpretation of Meaning in Traditional and Contemporary Costume
It is evident that there is little of the traditional left in contemporary Irish dance
costume. Every component of the costume, including color, ornament, fabric and form, has
undergone minor to radical change resulting in a completely alternative appearance to that
of its predecessor. The new costume is all but removed from its original sources, the range
of inspirations expanding to include non-Irish materials, forms and decoration. If we are to
examine the role of the costume as a signifier of Irish national identity (or something more),
we must fully understand the message of the new costume and identify how the new
sources have contributed to or even changed that message. In the previous chapter a
number of issues were highlighted which reflect a shifting emphasis away from a
celebration of nationality in Irish step dance costuming. Firstly, the look of the costume has
radically evolved from traditional to modern, rejecting familiar signifiers of Irishness.
Secondly, the nucleus of costume production has shifted away from the home and towards
professional dressmakers and designers. Thirdly, the culture of Irish dancing has changed,
placing greater emphasis on competition and appearance.
The question of “Why?” such changes have occurred is beginning to be understood
by scholars and several factors for change will be addressed in the coming chapter.
However, meaning in contemporary Irish dance dress has been virtually ignored and will
therefore form the foundation of this chapter. In analyzing the role of dance costume in
Ireland, form, material, ornamentation and relationship to the body will be considered as a
semiotic system. The system delivers a complex message both within the group and to the
outside viewer, signifying the role of costume.
At its genesis, Irish dance costume behaved very much like a national costume,
carrying forth the meaning of the preceding “Celtic costume”. As Cullinane explains,
“My Mother, for example, she tells me about when she was young in this city [Cork].
When they had a feis on, they would assemble at North Monastery and they would
parade in their costumes and the pipers in their kilts and the tri-color. They would
parade through the city to wherever the feis was being held in the suburbs. And that

37
was an extreme expression of Irish national identity because this was during the British
occupation. This was the time, they marched down Patrick Street [Cork], and that main
street was burned to the ground by the Black and Tans, well one side of it was, and yet
they were marching in full costume with tri-colors.”57
Dance costume, in this instance, was meant to be much more than a celebration of Irish
nationality. The costume’s nostalgia for pre-colonial Ireland consciously rejected the
“civilizing” influences of Ireland’s foreign colonial oppressors. In doing so, it not only
romanticized Ireland’s Celtic history and revitalized native industry but also unified the
resistance movement against foreign occupation as a symbol of open opposition.
Following the development of the Irish Free State, the meaning of the costume
shifted slightly, from a political statement of resistance, to a commemoration of the
Republic’s achievements and a celebration of wholly distinctive ethnicity. It was also
selected to carry the values of the new, predominantly Catholic nation emerging under
Eamon de Valera in the 1930’s. This conservative Ireland was typified in a 1943 radio
broadcast by Eamon de Valera, who stated of his “ideal Ireland”,
“That Ireland…would be the home of a people who valued material wealth only as the
basis of right living…a land whose countryside would be bright with cozy homesteads,
whose fields and villages would be joyous with the sounds of industry, the romping of
sturdy children, the contests of athletic youths and the laughter of comely
maidens...”
58
This idealized image of a rural, conservative Ireland permeated the very foundation of Irish
national identity and manifested itself in the traditional costume of Irish dancers. Such
costumes reflected the modesty of de Valera’s Ireland, his nostalgia for a lost past and the
conservative, Catholic values with which the nation had always been associated.
The early costume reflected this wide variety of meanings in a number of ways and
it continued to do so well into the 1970’s. Firstly, it employed only Irish materials, chiefly
58 Eamon de Valera, “The Ireland that We Dreamed of”, Speeches and Statements: the
Estate of the late Eamon de Valera, Edited by Maurice Moynihan, (Gill and Macmillan Ltd:
Dublin, 1980), p 466.

38
wool, linen, silk poplin and lace. Such materials of Irish manufacture promoted industry in
Ireland and celebrated traditional, rural crafts like weaving, crochet and lace making.
Secondly, the dress promoted the modesty of Ireland’s young women, disguising any hint of
sexuality by outfitting even adults in what was ostensibly a child’s dress. The costume’s
conservative design covered the body from collarbone to cuff and the skirt ended at the
knee. The bodice was fitted loosely, concealing the breasts and waistline. A long shawl was
worn in the back, frequently hiding the backside from view. Young adults were encouraged
also to add dark stockings to the costume, preserving bare legs from unwanted attention.
Thirdly, the costume promoted an Ireland of humble simplicity through inexpensive
textiles, meager ornamentation and the encouragement of home production methods. The
materials used in the original dancing costumes were economical and durable, ensuring
that costumes could be produced cheaply and then passed on to siblings and relatives for
continued use. Color choices were also limited and often chosen by the dance instructor,
rather than the dancer herself. The ornament was also quite sparse, covering only the
hemline, shawl or bodice and consisting of only a few colors of hand embroidery. The
simple decoration and construction of these costumes ensured that all households,
regardless of skill or income, could produce the garment themselves. Even small children
were taught to hand embroider or allowed to paint their own decorations using proscribed
Celtic ornament.
Finally, the values of a rural, Catholic Ireland were reinforced through the use of
ornament itself. Though the distinctive birds, beasts and intricate knotwork were often
viewed as symbols of Irishness, they were specifically reminiscent of Ireland’s Christian
past. Both the knotwork and the stylized animals were direct imitations of early medieval
ornament found in illuminated Irish manuscripts, reliquaries and metalwork. Such works
were manufactured in monasteries throughout the early Middle Ages, seemingly as
expressions of devotion and often referred to as the work of angels.59 The use of these
59 Françoise Henry, The Book of Kells: Reproductions from the Manuscript in Trinity College,
Dublin. (Alfred A Knopf: New York 1974), p 165.

39
distinctly Christian illustrations of faith in an Irish dancing costume, clearly communicated a
religious undertone. This connotation was even more implicit in the application of Celtic
Crosses, chalices and bibles, whose use implicitly suggests piety and religious devotion.
It is amazing to think that so many messages could possibly be interpreted out of
so simple a costume. Irish artist Alice Maher succinctly described the dancing costume she
wore as a child as a “stiff, artificial badge of Irishness”.60 Her description aptly
characterizes what the Irish dancing costume grew to become in years leading up to the
introduction of “Riverdance”. The appearance changed subtly at first following the
introduction of the solo costume in the 1970’s. The decoration of the costume became
more intricate and expansive. Color and ornament choice increased as richer, non-Irish
fabrics such as silk and velvet were introduced. In this nearly twenty-five year period of
extravagant dance costuming, the cost of dresses increased significantly and commercial
production flourished.
It is in this period that the Irish dancing Diaspora began to interact more intensely
with dancers in Ireland, impacting the art form in Ireland significantly. Comerford suggests
that Irish-Americans saw dancing as a “means of fastening their offspring to Irish
ethnicity”.61 Following the introduction of the World Irish Dancing Championships in 1970,
the demand for authentic Irish-made costuming increased significantly. More importantly,
the Americans possessed the funds needed to procure more extravagant symbols of
Irishness. What may have transpired was an escalating struggle for ethnic legitimacy in the
Irish dancing arena through costume. The costume became a crucial component in
competition and an important signifier of authentic Irish identity, thus, the meaning of it
changed yet again. Divorced from the original culture and meaning that surrounded the
costume’s inception, the Diaspora misinterpreted the fabric and ornament as simply Irish,
or erroneously as Celtic. They were therefore neither financially restricted nor traditionally
obligated to follow the unwritten rule of humble simplicity.
60 James Christen Steward and Bruce Arnold, When Time Began to Rant and Rage:
Figurative Painting from Twentieth-Century Ireland. (Holbertson: London, 1998), p 27.
61 Comerford, p 196.

40
With American Irish dancers exerting such tremendous financial forces in the dance
costume market,62 it stands to reason that their cultural ideologies helped to shape it. As
early as 198763, it was recorded that costumes became more lavish with the addition of
velvet and excessive embroidery saturated with Irish symbolism. Silver and gold threads,
sequins and rhinestones were introduced, communicating an element of richness never
before seen. The message was clear; expensive, ornate costuming translated to legitimacy
in competition. The more “Irish” the dress appeared, the better. As the socio-economic
background of Irish dancers in Ireland improved, they were better able to compete with
Americans in the extravagant costume arena. This competition escalated throughout the
1990’s leading to unprecedented extremes in fabric and ornamentation. Irish dancers were
literally being “weighed down”64 by their Irishness.
Simultaneous with these developments, Ireland was experiencing a dramatic
improvement in economic prosperity that profoundly upset the distinctive, bucolic identity
with which the country had always been imbued. The “Celtic Tiger” boom saw the
unemployment rate fall dramatically, producing a drop in the absolute poverty levels, an
increase in living standards and a strong population shift from rural to urban. Between
1995-2005, the amount of disposable income in the country was said to have doubled.65
These changes occurred so rapidly and without pretext that Ireland found itself a “first
world country with a third world memory”66. Its cultural identity was a paradox between
country and city, tradition and modernity. The dance costumes of this period reflected this
62 America is home to more Irish step dancers than Ireland or the United Kingdom.
Elizabeth Venable, “Bigger, Brighter, Better? Irish Dancing Costumes and the Impact of
Economic Growth”, At the Crossroads: Dance & Irish Culture Conference Proceedings,
Edited by Catherine E. Foley, (University of Limerick: Limerick, 2006), p 22.
63 Cullinane, Aspect of the History of Irish Dance, p 66.
64 Richer, heavier materials, stiffened skirt pleats, and expansive appliquéd ornament
made costumes extremely heavy to dance in. Carey describes her champion dress as
weighing close to eight pounds (3.6 kilograms).
65 Colm Tóibín, “Selling Tara, Buying Florida”. Eire-Ireland, Spring/Summer 2008, p15.
66 Luke Gibbons, Transformation in Irish Culture, (Cork University Press: Cork, 1996) p 3.

41
contradiction profoundly, attempting to preserve the traditions of the past though
misinterpreting the original meaning through lavishness and modernization. Furthermore,
the success of the Irish nation engendered the loss of the feeling of ‘otherness’ and,
consequently, the necessity to demonstrate Irishness. As Cullinane explains, “We (the Irish)
no longer feel the necessity to express that identity. We have been a very, very successful
nation, consequently we haven’t that need anymore to be to be set apart from the
British.”67
The traditional costume typified the Irish national consciousness and manifested
the values of an emerging society. For many years, change was slow and simple, reflecting
the challenging economic situation of the times and the conservative, revivalist mentality of
the nation’s government. Such values were, therefore, perfectly acceptable in de Valera’s
time but not in the new, modern Ireland. Consequently, dancers either consciously or
unconsciously rejected costumes that were representative of that obsolete message,
allowing newer styles (or newer messages) to be introduced.
“Riverdance” introduced not only a modern dancing costume to the Irish step
dance community, but the idea that change could be possible among what was ostensibly a
“living tradition”68
. This philosophy was contrary to the aims with which Irish dance had long
been expected to uphold, namely the preservation of the past. As Michael Doherty writes,
“For too long we have treated the past as a reliquary, a shrine containing sacred objects,
never to be disturbed lest they be broken by careless handling.”69
The success of
“Riverdance” in Ireland and around the world was hailed as the leap from “puritanical
culture” and from a “boring, and regimented, aged art form”.70
68 “A traditional culture can survive only as a living tradition brought up to date.” Anna
Kisselgoff, “Irish Steps and Their Kin,” The New York Times, 15 March 1996.
69 Michael Doherty, “The World at it’s Feet”, RTÉ Guide, 22 March 1996.
70 Barbara O’Connor, “Riverdance”, Encounters with Modern Ireland: A Socialogical
Chronicle 1995-96, Edited by M. Peillon and E. Slater, (IDA: Dublin, 1998)pp 50-60.

42
It is clear that the sexual message communicated by the “Riverdance” style
costume was objectionable for young Irish step dancers, but the point that change was
possible was not lost. Since that time, the costume has not stopped changing, nor has its
inherent meaning been in any way static. The costumes of the post-“Riverdance” period
more or less fall into two distinct categories with some overlap between the two. The first,
developing immediately after the release of “Lord of the Dance”, is the “Celtic soldier” style.
This style exists into the present day but it currently being surpassed by the newer
“princess” style. The two styles exist concurrently today, sharing common values but
delivering two distinct messages.
The “Celtic soldier” style is characterized by stiffened skirt styles and angular
geometric ornament. Base material is often of sewn sequin or iridescent silk lame,
suggestive of scales or the shine of armor. Decoration is large and dramatic, often of high
contrast with a limited amount of colors, the overall effect of which is very graphic. No
single hue is popular in this style; the trend is rather toward boldly saturated tones and
electric fluorescents. Skirt lengths have been shortened dramatically for ease of dancing
and the fabric increasingly stiffened, creating severe and crisp movement. The hemline
often compliments the geometric appliqué of the dress with a zigzag or scalloped edge. The
skirt itself has also widened dramatically at the hips, flaring out and completely covering
the hands of the dancers, which are traditionally held stiffly at the sides.
The overall effect of this style in competition is one of a soldier standing at
attention. The stiff posture of the dancer is enhanced by the rigid material and construction
and also by the angular ornamentation. In many instances, age and sex of the dancer are
disregarded, creating an almost generic, unisex dress form. Where femininity is
acknowledged, it is done so in an almost absurd caricature of womanhood, with a broad,
stiffened skirt not unlike the medieval farthingale. Like a warrior in battle, this costume
projects confidence and fearlessness. The sharpness of the geometric designs suggests
precision and skill; the decorative appliqué is so large it’s almost talismanic. Flashy sequins
and shiny materials suggest wealth and success. Importantly, these messages are all
communicated for the benefit of the other dancers in competition as much as they are for

A Challenge To Tradition Examining The Role Of Costume In Contemporary Irish Step Dance

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