1: You have been tasked to perform a CRISPR based knockout of your gene. Identify all candidate sgRNAs which can knockout all isoforms of your gene. Paste the excel spreadsheet with a list below.
2: Annotate in benchling where these candidate sgRNAs are
3: For two of the sgRNAs you have found, design PCR primers which will amplify the target site and produces a product less < 1000 bp
4: Indicate where in the target site the double strand break will happen.`
5: What is the impact on the protein coding sequence if the following NHEJ mutations occur:
(A) Single base deletion
(B) Two base deletion
(C) Three base deletion
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Bren ...
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docxcroysierkathey
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford, ...
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docxdonnajames55
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.
This document discusses theories of gender identity development in children. It explores the differences between sex and gender, and how gender identity and roles have remained largely constant over time, influenced by both social and cognitive factors. Socially, children learn gender stereotypes from a young age through interactions with family and environment, as proposed by social learning and cognitive theories. Cognitively, children's own understanding of being male or female plays a role in their gender development as proposed by cognitive developmental and gender schema theories, with gender identity forming in distinct stages as they grow. The development of gender is complex with many influences, though research provides clues to understand the process.
This document summarizes several theories of gender development and differentiation, including:
- Psychoanalytic theory which posits identification with same-sex parents leads to gender typing. However, there is little empirical support.
- Cognitive developmental theory proposes gender constancy is required for gender typing, but studies do not support this.
- Gender schema theory suggests gender labeling guides gendered conduct, but evidence linking labeling and preferences is mixed.
- Social cognitive theory integrates psychological and social factors across the lifespan, moving beyond early childhood focus of other theories.
The document summarizes a study that examined teenagers' views on masculine and feminine personality traits. Male participants were more likely than females to label traits as stereotypically masculine or feminine. However, both males and females labeled many traits as neutral, contrary to the hypothesis. This may indicate that younger generations are moving away from strict gender stereotypes. Repeating the study with a larger, more diverse sample could provide more insights into generational differences in views of masculinity and femininity.
C:\Fakepath\Research Project Power Pointguest1381ffe
The document summarizes a study that examined teenagers' views on masculine and feminine personality traits. Male participants were more likely to identify traits as stereotypically masculine or feminine than female participants. However, both males and females labeled many traits expected to be stereotypical as neutral. This suggests younger generations may be moving away from strict gender stereotypes. The study could be improved by surveying a larger, more diverse sample and comparing responses of different age groups.
The document summarizes research on the effects of culture on personality development. It reviews several studies that compared personality traits between individualistic and collectivistic cultures. A gap is identified in research focusing specifically on the role of fathers in Chinese children's personality development. The author proposes a study using questionnaires and videos to examine the influence of paternal presence/absence on introversion/extraversion in Chinese children raised in China and the US. Ethics are addressed through joint review by Chinese and US psychologists of anonymized data. The study aims to further understanding of how culture shapes independent vs. interdependent self-construals.
The document discusses a study conducted by the author on the role of gender in child discipline. The author surveyed 11 families with a total of 22 parents. The results showed that while fathers indicated a greater inclination towards physical discipline like spanking, mothers were more likely to engage in intense verbal discipline. This supported the author's hypothesis about corporal punishment but not verbal punishment. The author acknowledges limitations in relying on parent self-reports and proposes alternative study designs.
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docxcroysierkathey
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford, ...
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docxdonnajames55
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.
This document discusses theories of gender identity development in children. It explores the differences between sex and gender, and how gender identity and roles have remained largely constant over time, influenced by both social and cognitive factors. Socially, children learn gender stereotypes from a young age through interactions with family and environment, as proposed by social learning and cognitive theories. Cognitively, children's own understanding of being male or female plays a role in their gender development as proposed by cognitive developmental and gender schema theories, with gender identity forming in distinct stages as they grow. The development of gender is complex with many influences, though research provides clues to understand the process.
This document summarizes several theories of gender development and differentiation, including:
- Psychoanalytic theory which posits identification with same-sex parents leads to gender typing. However, there is little empirical support.
- Cognitive developmental theory proposes gender constancy is required for gender typing, but studies do not support this.
- Gender schema theory suggests gender labeling guides gendered conduct, but evidence linking labeling and preferences is mixed.
- Social cognitive theory integrates psychological and social factors across the lifespan, moving beyond early childhood focus of other theories.
The document summarizes a study that examined teenagers' views on masculine and feminine personality traits. Male participants were more likely than females to label traits as stereotypically masculine or feminine. However, both males and females labeled many traits as neutral, contrary to the hypothesis. This may indicate that younger generations are moving away from strict gender stereotypes. Repeating the study with a larger, more diverse sample could provide more insights into generational differences in views of masculinity and femininity.
C:\Fakepath\Research Project Power Pointguest1381ffe
The document summarizes a study that examined teenagers' views on masculine and feminine personality traits. Male participants were more likely to identify traits as stereotypically masculine or feminine than female participants. However, both males and females labeled many traits expected to be stereotypical as neutral. This suggests younger generations may be moving away from strict gender stereotypes. The study could be improved by surveying a larger, more diverse sample and comparing responses of different age groups.
The document summarizes research on the effects of culture on personality development. It reviews several studies that compared personality traits between individualistic and collectivistic cultures. A gap is identified in research focusing specifically on the role of fathers in Chinese children's personality development. The author proposes a study using questionnaires and videos to examine the influence of paternal presence/absence on introversion/extraversion in Chinese children raised in China and the US. Ethics are addressed through joint review by Chinese and US psychologists of anonymized data. The study aims to further understanding of how culture shapes independent vs. interdependent self-construals.
The document discusses a study conducted by the author on the role of gender in child discipline. The author surveyed 11 families with a total of 22 parents. The results showed that while fathers indicated a greater inclination towards physical discipline like spanking, mothers were more likely to engage in intense verbal discipline. This supported the author's hypothesis about corporal punishment but not verbal punishment. The author acknowledges limitations in relying on parent self-reports and proposes alternative study designs.
httpjcc.sagepub.comPsychology Journal of Cross-Cultur.docxwellesleyterresa
http://jcc.sagepub.com
Psychology
Journal of Cross-Cultural
DOI: 10.1177/0022022194252002
1994; 25; 181 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
Deborah L. Best, Amy S. House, Anne E. Barnard and Brenda S. Spicker
Effects of Gender and Culture
Parent-Child Interactions in France, Germany, and Italy: The
http://jcc.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/25/2/181
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Perspectives on gender development
Eleanor E. Maccoby
Stanford University, California, USA
Two traditional perspectives on gender development—the socialisation and cognitive perspectives—
are reviewed. It is noted that although they deal quite well with individual differences within ...
This document discusses gender identity and its development. It defines sex as biological and refers to physical differences, while gender is psychological and relates to one's sense of masculinity or femininity. It explores several theories on how gender roles and identities form, including:
- Biological factors like evolutionary mating strategies
- Kohlberg's cognitive theory of gender constancy in childhood
- Social cognitive theory of learning gender roles through observation and reinforcement
- Gender schema theory of organizing information according to masculine/feminine concepts
- Psychoanalytic theories like Freud's identification theory of gender development through the Oedipus complex.
gender development and social process in gender dominated societies. Gender development in terms of social process within social or gender differences. Social process regarding genders.
This document discusses how gender affects parenting and child development. It notes that with more women working, children are spending more time with other caregivers, potentially impacting gender development. The family is the starting point for children to develop gender stereotypes, which can influence later career goals. Parents unconsciously pass on their own views of gender through their interactions with children based on gender. The author conducted a small survey finding mothers spend more time on schoolwork and childcare while fathers were more satisfied with the parent-child relationship, demonstrating how gender influences parenting roles and child development.
Exposing Gender Bias When Considering Male and Female AuthorsPatti Cottonaro
This study investigated potential gender bias in evaluating identical academic articles. Participants read one of two versions of an article that differed only in gendered names - one with all male names and one with all female names. Those who read the male-centric version gave it a statistically significantly higher score than those who read the female-centric version, suggesting the presence of unconscious gender bias favoring male authors. The results supported the hypothesis that identical work would be judged more favorably if authored by a man rather than a woman.
1) The document discusses social desirability response bias, which is the tendency for people to respond to questions in a manner that will be viewed favorably by others or society, even if their responses do not fully reflect reality.
2) Past research has found that self-reports of personality and behavior can be influenced by social desirability bias, tending to under-report undesirable qualities. Several studies examined social desirability bias in children's self-reports of aggression.
3) The document reviews methods that have been used to measure and account for social desirability response bias, such as peer reports and observations, which may provide a more accurate perspective than self-reports.
The document defines key terms related to gender: sex refers to biological categories of male and female, gender refers to culturally constructed distinctions between femininity and masculinity, gender stereotypes are widely held beliefs about abilities and traits, and gender differences are actual disparities between the sexes. Research supports cognitive differences like females performing better at verbal tests and males at math/visual-spatial tests. Research also supports behavioral differences like males being more aggressive and females being more sensitive to cues and susceptible to persuasion. The document discusses how children learn gender roles through processes like operant conditioning, observational learning, and self-socialization. Parents, schools, and media influence children to follow traditional gender roles.
- The study examined how an interviewer's gender influences children's assignment of gender to toys and games. 11 children aged 3-5 were interviewed by either a male or female interviewer.
- When asked to categorize known neutral games, most children said they were for both boys and girls. However, 80% said football was only for boys.
- For unknown neutral games, some children assigned the gender based on the interviewer's gender, while others said both genders.
- All female participants chose a female undergraduate to play with, while most male participants chose someone of their own gender.
This document discusses stereotypes from several perspectives:
1. It defines stereotypes as generalizations made about groups that get applied to individuals. Several theories on the origins of stereotypes are presented, including social categorization and the "grain of truth" hypothesis.
2. Research is summarized that shows how holding stereotypes can impact perceptions and expectations of others. Studies demonstrate stereotypes influence judgments of intelligence and ability.
3. Additional research shows how knowing stereotypes exist about one's own group can negatively impact performance through "stereotype threat."
4. The document ends by reviewing studies on ways stereotypes may be overcome, such as exposing children to counter-stereotypical media portrayals and increasing awareness of implicit biases
GENDER ROLE STEREOTYPE PERCEPTION ON OCCUPATIONAL ROLES AMONG MALAYSIAN CHILDRENAjeet Kaur
The document is an acknowledgement from researchers thanking various individuals who assisted with their research. It expresses appreciation to their supervisor, lecturer, senior lecturer, and others who provided guidance and support throughout the research process. It also thanks the families who allowed their children to participate in the research.
Dalia, bo & heather—gender & sexuality sykeshea
The document summarizes key aspects of four readings related to gender and sexuality education:
1) The first reading discusses developing anti-homophobia education through coming out stories, analyzing homophobic name-calling, and Pride Week activities. It also examines the limitations of "safe" and "positive" approaches.
2) The second analyzes literature at the intersections of heteronormativity and homonormativity in sex education. It discusses critical literacy and queer nationalism.
3) The third summarizes Judith Butler's theory that gender is performative rather than a fixed identity.
4) The fourth introduces questions about incorporating queer pedagogy more broadly in classrooms rather than just for LGBT
Gender based social reactions powerpointBethannie216
The study aimed to test whether a person's reaction to an unexpected request depends on the gender of the person making the request. A male and female experimenter each approached 10 people and asked to borrow their cell phone. Contrary to the hypothesis that females would receive more favorable responses, the results showed that people seemed more willing to help the male experimenter than the female experimenter. The small sample size may have impacted the results, and further studies with more experimenters and a larger sample were suggested to get more conclusive results.
This document summarizes a study that examined how adherence to gender roles affects perceptions of self and reactions to objectified images. The study hypothesized that strong adherence to gender roles would be associated with lower body satisfaction and more negative reactions to objectified images of one's sex. Surprisingly, the results did not support these hypotheses. Qualitative interviews were conducted to help explain these unexpected findings and suggest that views of gender roles may be more fluid than measured by the assessment used. The document provides background on theories of gender as a social construct and how media objectification relates to cultural ideals of masculinity and femininity.
This document discusses several theories around the development of gender roles in children. According to psychoanalytic theory, psychoanalytical complexes influence gender identity development. Behavioral and social learning theories posit that children learn gender roles through reinforcement and imitation of same-sex peers and adults. Cognitive learning theory suggests children progress through stages of gender identity, stability, and constancy from ages 2 through 5. Gender roles are typically adopted between 15-36 months when children experience gender intensification during adolescence. Observable behaviors that may indicate changes in gender identity include preference for opposite gender activities, dress, and peer groups.
This document discusses several theories around the development of gender roles in children. According to psychoanalytic theory, boys and girls develop gender identities through the Oedipus and Electra complexes. Behavioral and social learning theories posit that children learn gender appropriate behaviors through reinforcement. Cognitive learning theory outlines stages of gender identity development from ages 2 to 5+. The document also explores the influences that shape gender roles, how roles may change through adolescence, and observable behaviors that could indicate changes in gender identity.
The document discusses four major theories of gender typing: psychoanalytic theory, social learning theory, cognitive development theory, and gender schema theory. Psychoanalytic theory proposed by Freud suggests that gender typing results from the psychosexual stages of development. Social learning theory emphasizes that children learn gender roles through reinforcement and modeling of same-gender parents and peers. Cognitive development theory such as Kohlberg's suggests children actively work to understand gender concepts and construct their own gender identity. Gender schema theory proposes that children form mental frameworks for processing information based on their gender.
This document discusses theories around the stability of categories of sex, gender, and sexuality. It compares essentialist views that see these categories as innate and stable to social constructionist and queer theories that see them as changing based on social and cultural influences. The document analyzes several key studies and cases like Bruce/Brenda that have informed this debate. It examines perspectives from evolutionary psychology, social identity theory, psychoanalysis, and queer theory on how these categories are developed and maintained over time.
M3 ch12 discussionConnecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Heal.docxjeremylockett77
M3 ch12 discussion
Connecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Health Coverage
Instructions:
Read the report
Connecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Health Coverage and Care
.
Write a one page post offering solutions to the problem from the nurse's standpoint.
.
Loudres eats powdered doughnuts for breakfast and chocolate that sh.docxjeremylockett77
Loudres eats powdered doughnuts for breakfast and chocolate that she can get out of the vending machines before class. Between classes , she grabs some chips and a caffine drink for lunch. By the end of the day, she is exhauted and cannot study very long before she falls asleep for a few hours. Then, she stays up untils 2.A.M to finish her work and take care of things she could not do during the day. She feels that she has to eat sugary foods and caffeinated drinks to keep her schedule going and to fit in all her activities. What advice would you give her?
.
Lori Goler is the head of People at Facebook. Janelle Gal.docxjeremylockett77
Lori Goler is the head
of People at Facebook.
Janelle Gale is the head
of HR Business Partners
at Facebook. Adam Grant
is a professor at Wharton,
a Facebook consultant,
and the author of Originals
and Give and Take.
ZS
U
ZS
A
N
N
A
IL
IJ
IN
HBR.ORG
Let’s Not Kill
Performance
Evaluations Yet
Facebook’s experience shows
why they can still be valuable.
BY LORI GOLER, JANELLE GALE, AND ADAM GRANT
November 2016 Harvard Business Review 91
LET’S NOT KILL PERFORMANCE EVALUATIONS YET
tThe reality is, even when companies get rid of performance evaluations, ratings still exist. Employees just can’t see them. Ratings are done sub-jectively, behind the scenes, and without input from the people being evaluated.
Performance is the value of employees’ contribu-
tions to the organization over time. And that value
needs to be assessed in some way. Decisions about
pay and promotions have to be made. As research-
ers pointed out in a recent debate in Industrial and
Organizational Psychology, “Performance is always
rated in some manner.” If you don’t have formal
evaluations, the ratings will be hidden in a black box.
At Facebook we analyzed our performance man-
agement system a few years ago. We conducted fo-
cus groups and a follow-up survey with more than
300 people. The feedback was clear: 87% of people
wanted to keep performance ratings.
Yes, performance evaluations have costs—but
they have benefits, too. We decided to hang on
to them for three reasons: fairness, transparency,
and development.
Making Things Fair
We all want performance evaluations to be fair. That
isn’t always the outcome, but as more than 9,000
managers and employees reported in a global sur-
vey by CEB, not having evaluations is worse. Every
organization has people who are unhappy with their
bonuses or disappointed that they weren’t pro-
moted. But research has long shown that when the
process is fair, employees are more willing to accept
undesirable outcomes. A fair process exists when
evaluators are credible and motivated to get it right,
and employees have a voice. Without evaluations,
people are left in the dark about who is gauging their
contributions and how.
At Facebook, to mitigate bias and do things sys-
tematically, we start by having peers write evalua-
tions. They share them not just with managers but
also, in most cases, with one another—which reflects
the company’s core values of openness and transpar-
ency. Then decisions are made about performance:
Managers sit together and discuss their reports
face-to-face, defending and championing, debating
and deliberating, and incorporating peer feedback.
Here the goal is to minimize the “idiosyncratic rater
effect”—also known as personal opinion. People
aren’t unduly punished when individual managers
are hard graders or unfairly rewarded when they’re
easy graders.
Next managers write the performance reviews.
We have a team of analysts who examine evalua-
tions f.
Looking for someone to take these two documents- annotated bibliogra.docxjeremylockett77
Looking for someone to take these two documents- annotated bibliography and an issue review(outline)
to conduct an argumentative paper about WHY PEOPLE SHOULD GET THE COVID-19 VACCINE
Requirements:
Length: 4-6 pages (not including title page or references page)
1-inch margins
Double spaced
12-point Times New Roman font
Title page
References page
.
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Perspectives on gender development
Eleanor E. Maccoby
Stanford University, California, USA
Two traditional perspectives on gender development—the socialisation and cognitive perspectives—
are reviewed. It is noted that although they deal quite well with individual differences within ...
This document discusses gender identity and its development. It defines sex as biological and refers to physical differences, while gender is psychological and relates to one's sense of masculinity or femininity. It explores several theories on how gender roles and identities form, including:
- Biological factors like evolutionary mating strategies
- Kohlberg's cognitive theory of gender constancy in childhood
- Social cognitive theory of learning gender roles through observation and reinforcement
- Gender schema theory of organizing information according to masculine/feminine concepts
- Psychoanalytic theories like Freud's identification theory of gender development through the Oedipus complex.
gender development and social process in gender dominated societies. Gender development in terms of social process within social or gender differences. Social process regarding genders.
This document discusses how gender affects parenting and child development. It notes that with more women working, children are spending more time with other caregivers, potentially impacting gender development. The family is the starting point for children to develop gender stereotypes, which can influence later career goals. Parents unconsciously pass on their own views of gender through their interactions with children based on gender. The author conducted a small survey finding mothers spend more time on schoolwork and childcare while fathers were more satisfied with the parent-child relationship, demonstrating how gender influences parenting roles and child development.
Exposing Gender Bias When Considering Male and Female AuthorsPatti Cottonaro
This study investigated potential gender bias in evaluating identical academic articles. Participants read one of two versions of an article that differed only in gendered names - one with all male names and one with all female names. Those who read the male-centric version gave it a statistically significantly higher score than those who read the female-centric version, suggesting the presence of unconscious gender bias favoring male authors. The results supported the hypothesis that identical work would be judged more favorably if authored by a man rather than a woman.
1) The document discusses social desirability response bias, which is the tendency for people to respond to questions in a manner that will be viewed favorably by others or society, even if their responses do not fully reflect reality.
2) Past research has found that self-reports of personality and behavior can be influenced by social desirability bias, tending to under-report undesirable qualities. Several studies examined social desirability bias in children's self-reports of aggression.
3) The document reviews methods that have been used to measure and account for social desirability response bias, such as peer reports and observations, which may provide a more accurate perspective than self-reports.
The document defines key terms related to gender: sex refers to biological categories of male and female, gender refers to culturally constructed distinctions between femininity and masculinity, gender stereotypes are widely held beliefs about abilities and traits, and gender differences are actual disparities between the sexes. Research supports cognitive differences like females performing better at verbal tests and males at math/visual-spatial tests. Research also supports behavioral differences like males being more aggressive and females being more sensitive to cues and susceptible to persuasion. The document discusses how children learn gender roles through processes like operant conditioning, observational learning, and self-socialization. Parents, schools, and media influence children to follow traditional gender roles.
- The study examined how an interviewer's gender influences children's assignment of gender to toys and games. 11 children aged 3-5 were interviewed by either a male or female interviewer.
- When asked to categorize known neutral games, most children said they were for both boys and girls. However, 80% said football was only for boys.
- For unknown neutral games, some children assigned the gender based on the interviewer's gender, while others said both genders.
- All female participants chose a female undergraduate to play with, while most male participants chose someone of their own gender.
This document discusses stereotypes from several perspectives:
1. It defines stereotypes as generalizations made about groups that get applied to individuals. Several theories on the origins of stereotypes are presented, including social categorization and the "grain of truth" hypothesis.
2. Research is summarized that shows how holding stereotypes can impact perceptions and expectations of others. Studies demonstrate stereotypes influence judgments of intelligence and ability.
3. Additional research shows how knowing stereotypes exist about one's own group can negatively impact performance through "stereotype threat."
4. The document ends by reviewing studies on ways stereotypes may be overcome, such as exposing children to counter-stereotypical media portrayals and increasing awareness of implicit biases
GENDER ROLE STEREOTYPE PERCEPTION ON OCCUPATIONAL ROLES AMONG MALAYSIAN CHILDRENAjeet Kaur
The document is an acknowledgement from researchers thanking various individuals who assisted with their research. It expresses appreciation to their supervisor, lecturer, senior lecturer, and others who provided guidance and support throughout the research process. It also thanks the families who allowed their children to participate in the research.
Dalia, bo & heather—gender & sexuality sykeshea
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1) The first reading discusses developing anti-homophobia education through coming out stories, analyzing homophobic name-calling, and Pride Week activities. It also examines the limitations of "safe" and "positive" approaches.
2) The second analyzes literature at the intersections of heteronormativity and homonormativity in sex education. It discusses critical literacy and queer nationalism.
3) The third summarizes Judith Butler's theory that gender is performative rather than a fixed identity.
4) The fourth introduces questions about incorporating queer pedagogy more broadly in classrooms rather than just for LGBT
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This document summarizes a study that examined how adherence to gender roles affects perceptions of self and reactions to objectified images. The study hypothesized that strong adherence to gender roles would be associated with lower body satisfaction and more negative reactions to objectified images of one's sex. Surprisingly, the results did not support these hypotheses. Qualitative interviews were conducted to help explain these unexpected findings and suggest that views of gender roles may be more fluid than measured by the assessment used. The document provides background on theories of gender as a social construct and how media objectification relates to cultural ideals of masculinity and femininity.
This document discusses several theories around the development of gender roles in children. According to psychoanalytic theory, psychoanalytical complexes influence gender identity development. Behavioral and social learning theories posit that children learn gender roles through reinforcement and imitation of same-sex peers and adults. Cognitive learning theory suggests children progress through stages of gender identity, stability, and constancy from ages 2 through 5. Gender roles are typically adopted between 15-36 months when children experience gender intensification during adolescence. Observable behaviors that may indicate changes in gender identity include preference for opposite gender activities, dress, and peer groups.
This document discusses several theories around the development of gender roles in children. According to psychoanalytic theory, boys and girls develop gender identities through the Oedipus and Electra complexes. Behavioral and social learning theories posit that children learn gender appropriate behaviors through reinforcement. Cognitive learning theory outlines stages of gender identity development from ages 2 to 5+. The document also explores the influences that shape gender roles, how roles may change through adolescence, and observable behaviors that could indicate changes in gender identity.
The document discusses four major theories of gender typing: psychoanalytic theory, social learning theory, cognitive development theory, and gender schema theory. Psychoanalytic theory proposed by Freud suggests that gender typing results from the psychosexual stages of development. Social learning theory emphasizes that children learn gender roles through reinforcement and modeling of same-gender parents and peers. Cognitive development theory such as Kohlberg's suggests children actively work to understand gender concepts and construct their own gender identity. Gender schema theory proposes that children form mental frameworks for processing information based on their gender.
This document discusses theories around the stability of categories of sex, gender, and sexuality. It compares essentialist views that see these categories as innate and stable to social constructionist and queer theories that see them as changing based on social and cultural influences. The document analyzes several key studies and cases like Bruce/Brenda that have informed this debate. It examines perspectives from evolutionary psychology, social identity theory, psychoanalysis, and queer theory on how these categories are developed and maintained over time.
Similar to 1 You have been tasked to perform a CRISPR based knockout of your.docx (17)
M3 ch12 discussionConnecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Heal.docxjeremylockett77
M3 ch12 discussion
Connecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Health Coverage
Instructions:
Read the report
Connecting Eligible Immigrant Families to Health Coverage and Care
.
Write a one page post offering solutions to the problem from the nurse's standpoint.
.
Loudres eats powdered doughnuts for breakfast and chocolate that sh.docxjeremylockett77
Loudres eats powdered doughnuts for breakfast and chocolate that she can get out of the vending machines before class. Between classes , she grabs some chips and a caffine drink for lunch. By the end of the day, she is exhauted and cannot study very long before she falls asleep for a few hours. Then, she stays up untils 2.A.M to finish her work and take care of things she could not do during the day. She feels that she has to eat sugary foods and caffeinated drinks to keep her schedule going and to fit in all her activities. What advice would you give her?
.
Lori Goler is the head of People at Facebook. Janelle Gal.docxjeremylockett77
Lori Goler is the head
of People at Facebook.
Janelle Gale is the head
of HR Business Partners
at Facebook. Adam Grant
is a professor at Wharton,
a Facebook consultant,
and the author of Originals
and Give and Take.
ZS
U
ZS
A
N
N
A
IL
IJ
IN
HBR.ORG
Let’s Not Kill
Performance
Evaluations Yet
Facebook’s experience shows
why they can still be valuable.
BY LORI GOLER, JANELLE GALE, AND ADAM GRANT
November 2016 Harvard Business Review 91
LET’S NOT KILL PERFORMANCE EVALUATIONS YET
tThe reality is, even when companies get rid of performance evaluations, ratings still exist. Employees just can’t see them. Ratings are done sub-jectively, behind the scenes, and without input from the people being evaluated.
Performance is the value of employees’ contribu-
tions to the organization over time. And that value
needs to be assessed in some way. Decisions about
pay and promotions have to be made. As research-
ers pointed out in a recent debate in Industrial and
Organizational Psychology, “Performance is always
rated in some manner.” If you don’t have formal
evaluations, the ratings will be hidden in a black box.
At Facebook we analyzed our performance man-
agement system a few years ago. We conducted fo-
cus groups and a follow-up survey with more than
300 people. The feedback was clear: 87% of people
wanted to keep performance ratings.
Yes, performance evaluations have costs—but
they have benefits, too. We decided to hang on
to them for three reasons: fairness, transparency,
and development.
Making Things Fair
We all want performance evaluations to be fair. That
isn’t always the outcome, but as more than 9,000
managers and employees reported in a global sur-
vey by CEB, not having evaluations is worse. Every
organization has people who are unhappy with their
bonuses or disappointed that they weren’t pro-
moted. But research has long shown that when the
process is fair, employees are more willing to accept
undesirable outcomes. A fair process exists when
evaluators are credible and motivated to get it right,
and employees have a voice. Without evaluations,
people are left in the dark about who is gauging their
contributions and how.
At Facebook, to mitigate bias and do things sys-
tematically, we start by having peers write evalua-
tions. They share them not just with managers but
also, in most cases, with one another—which reflects
the company’s core values of openness and transpar-
ency. Then decisions are made about performance:
Managers sit together and discuss their reports
face-to-face, defending and championing, debating
and deliberating, and incorporating peer feedback.
Here the goal is to minimize the “idiosyncratic rater
effect”—also known as personal opinion. People
aren’t unduly punished when individual managers
are hard graders or unfairly rewarded when they’re
easy graders.
Next managers write the performance reviews.
We have a team of analysts who examine evalua-
tions f.
Looking for someone to take these two documents- annotated bibliogra.docxjeremylockett77
Looking for someone to take these two documents- annotated bibliography and an issue review(outline)
to conduct an argumentative paper about WHY PEOPLE SHOULD GET THE COVID-19 VACCINE
Requirements:
Length: 4-6 pages (not including title page or references page)
1-inch margins
Double spaced
12-point Times New Roman font
Title page
References page
.
Lorryn Tardy – critique to my persuasive essayFor this assignm.docxjeremylockett77
Lorryn Tardy – critique to my persuasive essay
For this assignment I’ll be workshopping the work of Lisa Oll-Adikankwu. Lisa has chosen the topic of Assisted Suicide; she is against the practice and argues that it should be considered unethical and universally illegal.
Lisa appears to have a good understanding of the topic. Her sources are well researched and discuss a variety of key points from seemingly unbiased sources. Her sources are current, peer reviewed and based on statistical data.
Lisa’s summaries are well written, clear and concise. One thing I noticed is that the majority of her writing plan is summarized and cited at the end of each paragraph. I might suggest that she integrate more synthesis of the different sources, by combining evidence from more than one source per paragraph and using more in text citations or direct quotes to reinforce her key points.
I think that basic credentialing information could be provided for Lisa’s sources, this is something that looking back, I need to add as well. I think this could easily be done with just a simple “(Authors name, and their title, i.e. author, statistician, physician etc.…)”, when the source is introduced into the paper might provide a reinforced credibility of the source.
As far as connection of sources, as previously mentioned, I think that in order to illustrate a stronger argument, using multiple sources to reinforce a single key point would solidify Lisa’s argument. I feel that more evidence provided from a variety of different sources, will provide the reader with a stronger sense of credibility and less room for bias that could be argued if the point is only credited to one source.
One area that stuck out to me for counter argument, being that my paper is in favor of this issue, is in paragraph two where Lisa states that “physicians are not supposed to kill patients or help them kill themselves, and terminally ill patients are not in a position of making rational decisions about their lives.” I’d like to offer my argument for this particular statement. In states where assisted suicide (or as I prefer to refer to it, assisted dying) is legal, there are several criteria that a patient has to meet in order to be considered a candidate. These criteria include second, even third opinions to determine that death is imminent, as well psychological evaluation(s) and an extensive informed consent process that is a collaborative effort between the patient, the patient’s family, physicians, psychologists and nurses. It is a process that takes weeks to months. Patients that wish to be a candidate, should initiate the process as soon as they have been diagnosed by seeking a second opinion. As an emergency room nurse, I have been present for a substantial amount of diagnoses that are ‘likely’ terminal. Many of these patients presented to the emergency for a common ailment and have no indication that they don’t have the capacity to make such a decision. Receiving a terminal diagnos.
M450 Mission Command SystemGeneral forum instructions Answ.docxjeremylockett77
M450 Mission Command: System
General forum instructions: Answer the questions below and provide evidence to support your claims (See attached slides). Your answers should be derived primarily from course content. When citing sources, use APA style. Your initial posts should be approximately 150-500 words.
1. Describe and explain two of the Warfighting Functions.
2. How do commanders exercise the Command and Control System?
.
Lymphedema following breast cancer The importance of surgic.docxjeremylockett77
Lymphedema following breast cancer: The importance of
surgical methods and obesity
Rebecca J. Tsai, PhDa,*, Leslie K. Dennis, PhDa,b, Charles F. Lynch, MD, PhDa, Linda G.
Snetselaar, RD, PhD, LDa, Gideon K.D. Zamba, PhDc, and Carol Scott-Conner, MD, PhD,
MBAd
aDepartment of Epidemiology, College of Public Health, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
bDivision of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of Arizona,
Tucson, AZ, USA.
cDepartment of Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
dDepartment of Surgery, College of Medicine, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
Abstract
Background: Breast cancer-related arm lymphedema is a serious complication that can
adversely affect quality of life. Identifying risk factors that contribute to the development of
lymphedema is vital for identifying avenues for prevention. The aim of this study was to examine
the association between the development of arm lymphedema and both treatment and personal
(e.g., obesity) risk factors.
Methods: Women diagnosed with breast cancer in Iowa during 2004 and followed through 2010,
who met eligibility criteria, were asked to complete a short computer assisted telephone interview
about chronic conditions, arm activities, demographics, and lymphedema status. Lymphedema was
characterized by a reported physician-diagnosis, a difference between arms in the circumference
(> 2cm), or the presence of multiple self-reported arm symptoms (at least two of five major arm
symptoms, and at least four total arm symptoms). Relative risks (RR) were estimated using
logistic regression.
Results: Arm lymphedema was identified in 102 of 522 participants (19.5%). Participants treated
by both axillary dissection and radiation therapy were more likely to have arm lymphedema than
treated by either alone. Women with advanced cancer stage, positive nodes, and larger tumors
along with a body mass index > 40 were also more likely to develop lymphedema. Arm activity
level was not associated with lymphedema.
*Correspondence and Reprints to: Rebecca Tsai, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 4676 Columbia Parkway,
R-17, Cincinnati, OH 45226. [email protected] Phone: (513)841-4398. Fax: (513) 841-4489.
Authorship contribution
All authors contributed to the conception, design, drafting, revision, and the final review of this manuscript.
Competing interest
Conflicts of Interest and Source of Funding: This study was funded by the National Cancer Institute Grant Number: 5R03CA130031.
All authors do not declare any conflict of interest.
All authors do not declare any conflict of interest.
HHS Public Access
Author manuscript
Front Womens Health. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2018 December 14.
Published in final edited form as:
Front Womens Health. 2018 June ; 3(2): .
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Love Beyond Wallshttpswww.lovebeyondwalls.orgProvid.docxjeremylockett77
Love Beyond Walls
https://www.
lovebeyondwalls
.org
Provide a brief background of your chosen nonprofit entity using evidence from their publications or any other published materials. Then evaluate the factors, which may include economic, political, historic, cultural, institutional conditions, and changes that contributed to the creation and growth (decline) of the nonprofit organization. Justify your response.
.
Longevity PresentationThe purpose of this assignment is to exami.docxjeremylockett77
Longevity Presentation
The purpose of this assignment is to examine societal norms regarding aging and to integrate the concepts of aging well and living well into an active aging framework that promotes longevity.
Using concepts from the Hooyman and Kiyak (2011) text and the Buettner (2012) book, consider the various perspectives on aging.
Identify the underlying values or assumptions that serve as the basis for longevity, including cultural, religious, and philosophical ideas.
Present an overview of three holistic aging theories.
Integrate the values, assumptions, and theories to indicate what is necessary for an active aging framework where individuals both live well and age well.
Presentations should be 10-15 minutes in length, use visual aids, and incorporate references from the course texts and 5 additional scholarly journal articles.
.
Look again at the CDCs Web page about ADHD.In 150-200 w.docxjeremylockett77
The CDC's page on ADHD aims to educate the general public about Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder by providing facts and information on symptoms, diagnosis, and treatment. It presents ADHD as a real disorder with neurological causes in order to increase understanding and help those affected. As the nation's leading health protection agency, the CDC's role is to inform the public about health issues like ADHD.
M8-22 ANALYTICS o TEAMS • ORGANIZATIONS • SKILLS .fÿy.docxjeremylockett77
M8-22 ANALYTICS o TEAMS • ORGANIZATIONS • SKILLS .fÿy' ÿ,oÿ ()V)g
The Strategy That Wouldn't Travel
by Michael C. Beer
It was 6:45 P.M. Karen Jimenez was reviewing the
notes on her team-based productMty project tbr
what seemed like the hundredth time. I31 two days,
she was scheduled to present a report to the senior
management group on the project's progress. She
wasn't at all sure what she was going to say.
The project was designed to improve productiv-
it3, and morale at each plant owned and operated by
Acme Minerals Extraction Company. Phase one--
implemented in early 1995 at the site in Wichita,
I(amsas--looked like a stunning, success by the mid-
dle of 1996. Productivity and mo[ÿale soared, and
operating and maintenance costs decreased signifi-
cantly. But four months ago, Jimenez tried to
duplicate the results at the project's second
target--the plant in Lubbock, Texas--and some-
thing went wrong. The techniques that had worked
so well in Wichita met with only moderate success
in Lubbock. ProductMty improved marginally and
costs went down a bit, but morale actually seemed
to deteriorate slightl): Jimenez was stumped,
approach to teamwork and change. As it turned
out, he had proved a good choice. Daniels was a
hands-on, high-energy, charismatic businessman
who seemed to enjoy media attention. Within his
first year as CEO, he had pretty much righted the
floundering company by selling oft:some unrelated
lines of business. He had also created the share-
services deparnnent--an internal consulting organ-
ization providing change management, reengineer-
ing, total quailB, management, and other
services--and had rapped Jimenez to head the
group. Her first priority Daniels told her, would be
to improve productiviB, and morale at the com-
pany's five extraction sites. None of them were
meeting their projections. And although Wichita
was the only site at which the labor-management
conflict was painfiflly apparent, Daniels and Jimenez
both thought that morale needed an all-around
boost. Hence the team-based productivity project.
She tried to "helicopter up" and think about
the problem in the broad context of the com-
pany's history. A few ),ears ago, Acme had been in
bad financial shape, but what had really brought
things to a head--and had led to her current
dilemma--was a labor relations problem. Acme
had a wide variety of labor requirements For its
operations. The company used highly sophisti-
cated technologB employing geologists, geophysi-
cists, and engineers on what was referred to as the
"brains" side of the business, as well as skilled and
semi-skilled labor on the "brawn" side to run the
extraction operations. And in the summer of
1994, brains and brawn clashed in an embarrass-
ingly public way. A number of engineers at the
Wichita plant locked several union workers out of
the offices in 100-degree heat. Although most
Acme employees now felt that the incident had
been blown out of propo,'tion by the press, .
Lombosoro theory.In week 4, you learned about the importance.docxjeremylockett77
Lombosoro theory.
In week 4, you learned about the importance of theory, the various theoretical perspectives and the ways in which theory help guide research in regards to crime and criminal behavior.
To put this assignment into context, I want you to think about how Lombroso thought one could identify a criminal. He said that criminals had similar facial features. If that was the case you would be able to look at someone and know if they were a criminal! Social theories infer that perhaps it is the social structures around us that encourage criminality. Look around your city- what structures do you think may match up to something you have learned about this week in terms of theory? These are just two small examples to put this assignment into context for you. The idea is to learn about the theories, then critically think about how can one "show" the theory without providing written explanation for their chosen image.
Directions: With the readings week 4 in mind, please do the following:
1. Choose a theoretical perspective (I.e., biological, psychological sociological)
2. Look through media images (this can be cartoons, magazines, newspapers, internet stories, etc...) and select 10 images that you think depict your chosen theory without written explanation.
3. Provide a one paragraph statement of your theory, what kinds of behavior it explains and how it is depicted through images. Be sure to use resources to support your answer.
4. You will copy and paste your images into a word document, along with your paragraph. You do not need to cite where you got your images, but you do need to cite any information you have in number 3.
Format Directions:
Typed, 12 point font, double spaced
APA format style (Cover page, in text citations and references)
.
Looking over the initial material on the definitions of philosophy i.docxjeremylockett77
Looking over the initial material on the definitions of philosophy in
the course content section, which definition (Aristotle, Novalis,
Wittgenstein) would you say gives you the best feel for philosophy? What
is it about the definition that interests you? do you find there to be any problems with the definition? what other questions do you have regarding the meaning of philosophy?
ARISTOTLE :
Definition 1: Philosophy begins with wonder. (Aristotle)
Our study of philosophy will begin with the ancient Greeks. This is not because the Greeks were necessarily the first to philosophize. They were the first to address philosophical questions in a systematic manner. Also, the bodies of works which survive from the Greeks is quite substantial so in studying philosophy we have a lot to go on if we start with the Greeks.
Philosophy is, in fact, a Greek word. Philo is one of the Greek words for love: in this case the friendship type of love. (What other words can you think of that have "philo" as a part?) Sophia, has a few different uses in Greek. Capitalized it is the name of a woman or a Goddess: wisdom. Philosophy, then, etymologically, (that is from its roots) means love of wisdom.
But what exactly is wisdom? Is it merely knowledge? Intelligence? If I know how to perform a given skill does this necessarily imply that I also have wisdom or am wise?
The word "wise" is not in fact a Greek word. Remember for the Greeks that's "Sophia". Wise is Indo-European and is related to words like "vision", "video", "Veda" (the Indian Holy scriptures). The root has something to do with seeing. Wisdom then has to do with applying our knowledge in a meaningful and practically beneficial way. Perhaps this is the reason why philosophy is associated with the aged. Aristotle believes that philosophy in fact is more suitably studied by the old rather than the young who are inclined to be controlled by the emotions. Do you think this is correct? Nevertheless, whether Aristotle is correct or not, typically the elderly are more likely to be wise as they have more experience of life: they have seen more and hopefully know how to respond correctly to various situations.
Philosophy is not merely confined to the old. Aristotle also says that philosophy begins with wonder and that all people desire to know. Children often are paradigm cases of wondering. Think about how children (perhaps a young sibling or a son or daughter, niece or nephew of your acquaintance) inquistively ask their parents "why" certain things are the case? If the child receives a satisfying answer, one that fits, she is satisfied. If not there is dissatisfaction and frustration. Children assume that their elders know more than they do and thus rely on them for the answers. Though there is a familiar cliche that ignorance is bliss, (perhaps what is meant by this is that ignorance of evil is bliss), Aristotle sees ignorance as painful, a wonder that I would rather fill with knowledge. After all wha.
Lucky Iron Fish
By: Ashley Snook
Professor Phillips
MGMT 350
Spring 2018
Table of Contents
Executive Summary
Introduction
Human Relations Theory
Communications Issues
Intercultural Relations
Ethics Issues
Conclusion
Works Cited
Executive Summary
The B-certified organization that I chose is Lucky Iron Fish Enterprise which is located in Guelph, Ontario Canada. The company distributes iron fish that are designed to solve iron deficiency and anemia for the two billion people who are affected worldwide.
The human relations model is comprised of McGregor’s Theory X and Theory Y, Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, and theories from Peters and Waterman. These factors focus on the organizational structure of the company as it relates to the executives, the staff, and the customers. The executives provide meaningful jobs for the staff which gives them high levels of job satisfaction. Together, they are able to provide a product that satisfies the thousands of customers they have already reached.
Communication in this company flows smoothly. They implement open communication, encourage participation, and have high levels of trust among employees. Each of their departments are interconnected through teamwork.
Their intercultural relations, although successful, require a significant amount of time. They need to emphasize to the high context cultures that they are willing to understand their culture and possibly adopt some aspects of it. Additionally, they face barriers such as language dissimilarity and lack of physical store locations.
Ethics remains a top priority for this organization. They have high ethical standards that are integrated into their operations. They make decisions that do the most good for the most people, they do not take into consideration financial or political influence, and they strive to protect the environment through their sustainability measures.
Every employee is dedicated to improving the lives of those who suffer from iron deficiency
and anemia. As their organization grows, they continue to impact thousands of lives around the world. They are on a mission to put “a fish in every pot” (Lucky Iron Fish).
Introduction
Lucky Iron Fish, located in Guelph Canada, is a company that is dedicated to ending worldwide iron deficiency and anemia. They do this by providing families with iron fish that release iron when heated in food or water. They sell this product in developed countries in order to support their business model of buy one give one. Each time an iron fish is purchased, one is donated to a family in a developing country. They designed their product to resemble the kantrop fish of Cambodia; in their culture this fish is a symbol of luck. Another focus of theirs is to remain sustainable, scalable, and impactful (Lucky Iron Fish). Each of their products is made from recycled material and their packaging is biodegradable. Their organization has a horizontal stru.
Lucky Iron FishBy Ashley SnookMGMT 350Spring 2018ht.docxjeremylockett77
Lucky Iron Fish
By: Ashley Snook
MGMT 350
Spring 2018
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G6Rx3wDqTuI
Table of Contents
Case Overview
Introduction
Human Relations
Communications
Intercultural Relations
Ethics
Conclusion
Works Cited
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iY0D-PIcgB4
Video ends at 1:45
2
Case Overview
Company located in Guleph, Ontario Canada
Mission is to end iron deficiency and anemia
A fish in every pot
Gavin Armstrong, Founder/CEO
Introduction
Idea originated in Cambodia
Distribute fish through buy one give one model
Sustainable, scalable, impactful
Human Relations
McGregor’s Theory X and Y
-X: employees focused solely on financial gain
-Y: strive to improve worldwide health
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs
-Affiliation: desire to be part of a unit, motivated by connections
-Self-esteem: recognition for positive impact
Peters and Waterman
-Close relations to the customer
-Simple form & lean staff
Communications
Time and Distance
-Make product easily and quickly accessible
Communication Culture
-Encourages active participation
Teamwork
-Each role complements the overall mission
Gavin Armstrong Kate Mercer Mark Halpren Melissa Saunders Ashley Leone
Founder & CEO VP Marketing Chief Financial Officer Logistics Specialist Dietician
Intercultural Relations
High/Low Context
-Targets high context cultures
Barriers
-Language dissimilarity
Overcoming Barriers
-Hire a translator
Ethics
Utilitarianism
-Targets countries where majority of people will benefit
Veil of Ignorance
-Not concerned with financial influence
Categorical Imperative
-Accept projects only if environmentally friendly
Conclusion
Buy one give one model
Expansion
Sustainability
Works Cited
Guffey, Mary. “Essentials of Business Communication.” Ohio: Erin Joyner. 2008. Print.
“Lucky Iron Fish.” Lucky Iron Fish. Accessed 30 May 2018. https://luckyironfish.com/
“Lucky Iron Fish Enterprise.” B Corporation.net. Accessed 30 May 2018. https://www.bcorporation.net/community/lucky-iron-fish-enterprise
Lucky Iron Fish. “Lucky Iron Fish: A Simple
Solution
for a global problem.” Youtube. 28 October 2014. Accessed 4 June 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iY0D-PIcgB4
“Lucky little fish to fight iron deficiency among women in Cambodia.” Grand Challenges Canada. Accessed 6 June 2018. http://www.grandchallenges.ca/grantee-stars/0355-05-30/
Podder, Api. “Lucky Iron Fish Wins 2016 Big Innovation Award.” SocialNews.com. 5 February 2016. Accessed 4 June 2018. http://mysocialgoodnews.com/lucky-iron-fish-wins-2016-big-innovation-award/
Zaremba, Alan. “Organizational Communication.” New York: Oxford University Press Inc. 2010. Print.
Lucky Iron Fish
By: Ashley Snook
Professor Phillips
MGMT 350.
look for a article that talks about some type of police activity a.docxjeremylockett77
look for a article that talks about some type of police activity and create PowerPoint and base on the history describe
-What is the role of a police officer in society? (general statement )
-how are they viewed by society?
what is the role of the police in this case?
how it is seems by society?
Article
An unbelievable History of Rape
An 18-year-old said she was attacked at knifepoint. Then she said she made it up. That’s where our story begins.
by T. Christian Miller, ProPublica and Ken Armstrong, The Marshall Project December 16, 2015
https://www.propublica.org/article/false-rape-accusations-an-unbelievable-story
.
Look at the Code of Ethics for at least two professional agencies, .docxjeremylockett77
Look at the Code of Ethics for at least two professional agencies, federal agencies, or laws that would apply to Health IT professionals. In two pages (not including the reference list), compare and contrast these standards. How much overlap did you find? Is one reference more specific than the other? Does one likely fit a broader audience, etc... Would you add anything to either of these documents?
.
Locate an example for 5 of the 12 following types of communica.docxjeremylockett77
Locate
an example for 5 of the 12 following types of communication genres:
Business card
Resume/CV
Rules and regulations
Policy handbook
Policy manual
Policy guide
Policy or departmental memorandum
Public policy report
Government grant
Government proposal
Departmental brochure or recruitment materials
Governmental agency social media (Twitter, Facebook, etc...)
Write
a 1,050- to 1,400-word paper in which you refer to your examples for each of the above listed communication genres. Be sure to address the following in your paper:
How does the purpose of the communication relate to the particular communication genre? In what ways does the genre help readers grasp information quickly and effectively? In what way is the genre similar or different than the other genres you chose?
What role has technology played in the development of the genre? How is it similar or different than the other genres you chose?
How does the use of these conventions promote understanding for the intended audience of the communication? How is it similar or different than the other genres you chose?
Is the communication intended for external or internal distribution? Describe ethical and privacy considerations used for determining an appropriate method of distribution. How is it similar or different than the other genres you chose?
Cite
at least three academic sources in your paper.
Format
your paper consistent with APA guidelines.
.
Locate and read the other teams’ group project reports (located .docxjeremylockett77
Locate and read the other teams’ group project reports (located in Doc Sharing).
Provide some comments for two reports in terms of what you think they did right, what you learned from these reports, as well as what else they could have done.
In addition, read the comments that other students made about your team’s report and respond to at least one of them.
Review ATTACHMENTS!!!!
.
Philippine Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) CurriculumMJDuyan
(𝐓𝐋𝐄 𝟏𝟎𝟎) (𝐋𝐞𝐬𝐬𝐨𝐧 𝟏)-𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐬
𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐮𝐬𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐄𝐏𝐏 𝐂𝐮𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐮𝐦 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐩𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐬:
- Understand the goals and objectives of the Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) curriculum, recognizing its importance in fostering practical life skills and values among students. Students will also be able to identify the key components and subjects covered, such as agriculture, home economics, industrial arts, and information and communication technology.
𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐜𝐨𝐩𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐚𝐧 𝐄𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐮𝐫:
-Define entrepreneurship, distinguishing it from general business activities by emphasizing its focus on innovation, risk-taking, and value creation. Students will describe the characteristics and traits of successful entrepreneurs, including their roles and responsibilities, and discuss the broader economic and social impacts of entrepreneurial activities on both local and global scales.
Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering.pptxDenish Jangid
Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering
Syllabus
Chapter-1
Introduction to objective, scope and outcome the subject
Chapter 2
Introduction: Scope and Specialization of Civil Engineering, Role of civil Engineer in Society, Impact of infrastructural development on economy of country.
Chapter 3
Surveying: Object Principles & Types of Surveying; Site Plans, Plans & Maps; Scales & Unit of different Measurements.
Linear Measurements: Instruments used. Linear Measurement by Tape, Ranging out Survey Lines and overcoming Obstructions; Measurements on sloping ground; Tape corrections, conventional symbols. Angular Measurements: Instruments used; Introduction to Compass Surveying, Bearings and Longitude & Latitude of a Line, Introduction to total station.
Levelling: Instrument used Object of levelling, Methods of levelling in brief, and Contour maps.
Chapter 4
Buildings: Selection of site for Buildings, Layout of Building Plan, Types of buildings, Plinth area, carpet area, floor space index, Introduction to building byelaws, concept of sun light & ventilation. Components of Buildings & their functions, Basic concept of R.C.C., Introduction to types of foundation
Chapter 5
Transportation: Introduction to Transportation Engineering; Traffic and Road Safety: Types and Characteristics of Various Modes of Transportation; Various Road Traffic Signs, Causes of Accidents and Road Safety Measures.
Chapter 6
Environmental Engineering: Environmental Pollution, Environmental Acts and Regulations, Functional Concepts of Ecology, Basics of Species, Biodiversity, Ecosystem, Hydrological Cycle; Chemical Cycles: Carbon, Nitrogen & Phosphorus; Energy Flow in Ecosystems.
Water Pollution: Water Quality standards, Introduction to Treatment & Disposal of Waste Water. Reuse and Saving of Water, Rain Water Harvesting. Solid Waste Management: Classification of Solid Waste, Collection, Transportation and Disposal of Solid. Recycling of Solid Waste: Energy Recovery, Sanitary Landfill, On-Site Sanitation. Air & Noise Pollution: Primary and Secondary air pollutants, Harmful effects of Air Pollution, Control of Air Pollution. . Noise Pollution Harmful Effects of noise pollution, control of noise pollution, Global warming & Climate Change, Ozone depletion, Greenhouse effect
Text Books:
1. Palancharmy, Basic Civil Engineering, McGraw Hill publishers.
2. Satheesh Gopi, Basic Civil Engineering, Pearson Publishers.
3. Ketki Rangwala Dalal, Essentials of Civil Engineering, Charotar Publishing House.
4. BCP, Surveying volume 1
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥
إضغ بين إيديكم من أقوى الملازم التي صممتها
ملزمة تشريح الجهاز الهيكلي (نظري 3)
💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀
تتميز هذهِ الملزمة بعِدة مُميزات :
1- مُترجمة ترجمة تُناسب جميع المستويات
2- تحتوي على 78 رسم توضيحي لكل كلمة موجودة بالملزمة (لكل كلمة !!!!)
#فهم_ماكو_درخ
3- دقة الكتابة والصور عالية جداً جداً جداً
4- هُنالك بعض المعلومات تم توضيحها بشكل تفصيلي جداً (تُعتبر لدى الطالب أو الطالبة بإنها معلومات مُبهمة ومع ذلك تم توضيح هذهِ المعلومات المُبهمة بشكل تفصيلي جداً
5- الملزمة تشرح نفسها ب نفسها بس تكلك تعال اقراني
6- تحتوي الملزمة في اول سلايد على خارطة تتضمن جميع تفرُعات معلومات الجهاز الهيكلي المذكورة في هذهِ الملزمة
واخيراً هذهِ الملزمة حلالٌ عليكم وإتمنى منكم إن تدعولي بالخير والصحة والعافية فقط
كل التوفيق زملائي وزميلاتي ، زميلكم محمد الذهبي 💊💊
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A Visual Guide to 1 Samuel | A Tale of Two HeartsSteve Thomason
These slides walk through the story of 1 Samuel. Samuel is the last judge of Israel. The people reject God and want a king. Saul is anointed as the first king, but he is not a good king. David, the shepherd boy is anointed and Saul is envious of him. David shows honor while Saul continues to self destruct.
Elevate Your Nonprofit's Online Presence_ A Guide to Effective SEO Strategies...TechSoup
Whether you're new to SEO or looking to refine your existing strategies, this webinar will provide you with actionable insights and practical tips to elevate your nonprofit's online presence.
Andreas Schleicher presents PISA 2022 Volume III - Creative Thinking - 18 Jun...EduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher, Director of Education and Skills at the OECD presents at the launch of PISA 2022 Volume III - Creative Minds, Creative Schools on 18 June 2024.
This document provides an overview of wound healing, its functions, stages, mechanisms, factors affecting it, and complications.
A wound is a break in the integrity of the skin or tissues, which may be associated with disruption of the structure and function.
Healing is the body’s response to injury in an attempt to restore normal structure and functions.
Healing can occur in two ways: Regeneration and Repair
There are 4 phases of wound healing: hemostasis, inflammation, proliferation, and remodeling. This document also describes the mechanism of wound healing. Factors that affect healing include infection, uncontrolled diabetes, poor nutrition, age, anemia, the presence of foreign bodies, etc.
Complications of wound healing like infection, hyperpigmentation of scar, contractures, and keloid formation.
1 You have been tasked to perform a CRISPR based knockout of your.docx
1. 1: You have been tasked to perform a CRISPR based knockout
of your gene. Identify all candidate sgRNAs which can
knockout all isoforms of your gene. Paste the excel spreadsheet
with a list below.
2: Annotate in benchling where these candidate sgRNAs are
3: For two of the sgRNAs you have found, design PCR primers
which will amplify the target site and produces a product less <
1000 bp
4: Indicate where in the target site the double strand break will
happen.`
5: What is the impact on the protein coding sequence if the
following NHEJ mutations occur:
(A) Single base deletion
(B) Two base deletion
(C) Three base deletion
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
2. Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental
theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In
cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary
prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social
learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social
influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information.
In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender
conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of
gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female
models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This
finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a
second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social
power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by
male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources
produced cross-sex
3. modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of
cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist
for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of
social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
4. 420 Jordan Hall, Stanford, California 94305.
behavior after same-sex models. However,
these studies typically include only one model
of each sex. In a recent series of studies,
Bussey and Perry (1982; Perry & Bussey,
1979) have used multiple modeling as more
closely related to how modeling influences
operate in everyday life. When exposed to
multiple models the propensity of children
to pattern their performances after same-sex
models increases as the percentage of same-
sex models displaying the same preferences
increases.
The preceding research lends support to
the view that same-sex modeling can promote
same-sex differentiated patterns of behavior.
It remains an open question, however, con-
cerning the extent to which modeling plays
an important role in the development of sex-
typed behavior in younger children. Models
may simply serve to activate the already
developed sex-typedness of children.
Cognitive-developmental theory holds that
sex typing is simply one outgrowth of chil-
dren's cognitive development. From this
viewpoint, the most important consideration
of the child's sex role development is the
1292
SEX-LINKED MODELING 1293
5. child's cognitive capacity. According to Kohl-
berg (1966), it is not until about age six that
a child understands that a person's gender
remains constant regardless of appearance
changes. Recognition of gender constancy is
achieved during the same stage in which
Piagetian conservation is attained. After chil-
dren achieve a clear conception of themselves
as a "boy" or "girl," they automatically value
and strive to behave in ways appropriate for
their sex. Therefore, in this view, it is as a
result of having attained the concept of gender
constancy that children will seek behavior
appropriate for their own sex. Furthermore,
consistency between the child's gender, self-
categorization, and appropriate behaviors and
values is thought to sustain the child's self-
esteem. Sex-typed behavior is considered to
be motivated by the child's desire to behave
in a way consistent with his or her sexual
label.
According to cognitive-developmental the-
ory, children imitate same-sex models because
they perceive them as similar to themselves.
Such selective imitation fosters emotional ties
to same-sex models. Children's differentiation
of gender roles and their perception of them-
selves as more similar to same-sex models
precedes, rather than follows, identification.
That is, sex typing is not viewed as a product
of identification, but rather as an antecedent
of it.
One of the problems for Kohlberg's (1966)
6. theory has been that children show prefer-
ences for sex-typed objects earlier than gender
constancy normally develops (Maccoby &
Jacklin, 1974). Although stable gender identity
is not attained until about 4 to 6 years of
age, Thompson (1975) found that 24-month-
olds did quite well when asked to sort pictures
of feminine and masculine toys, articles of
clothing, tools, and appliances in terms of
their stereotypical sex relatedness.
Social learning theorists (Bandura, 1969;
Mischel, 1966, 1970) view sex role develop-
ment as promoted through a vast system of
social influences. These involve differential
gender labeling and the structuring of activi-
ties in ways that teach the sex roles tradition-
ally favored by the culture. Modeling serves
as a major conveyor of sex role information
(Bandura, in press). Children are continuously
exposed to models of sex-typed behavior in
the home, in schools, and in televised repre-
sentations of society. On the basis of these'
multiple sources of sex role information,
young children learn the behaviors appropri-
ate for their own sex. Social sanctions make
outcomes partly dependent on the sex-appro-
priateness of actions. Observed consequences
to others also convey role knowledge. On the
basis of direct and vicarious experiences,
children learn to use sex-typing information
as a guide for action. Other things being
equal, children are, therefore, more inclined
to pattern their behavior after a same-sex
model than an opposite-sex model.
7. Kohlberg (1966) postulates attainment of
gender constancy as a necessary prerequisite
for children's identification with same-sex
models. Social learning theorists, however,
view gender constancy as a product rather
than an antecedent of the emulation of same-
sex models. To explore these contrasting pre-
dictions, we selected children for study on
the basis of their level of gender constancy as
measured by the procedure devised by Slaby
and Frey (1975). This measure distinguishes
between gender identity (knowledge of self
and other's gender), gender stability (knowl-
edge that gender remains invariant across
time), and gender consistency (knowledge that
gender remains invariant across situations).
Children at three levels of gender constancy
were selected: low, medium, and high. Those
in the low group had not achieved gender
identity. The medium gender constancy group
had attained gender identity, but neither gen-
der stability nor consistency. Finally, the high
group had attained both gender identity and
gender stability and some displayed gender
consistency as well. Children from these three
levels of gender constancy were exposed to
multiple male and female models exhibiting
differential patterns of behavior, whereupon
the children's acquisition and spontaneous
emulation of the modeled patterns was mea-
sured.
Experiment 1
Method
8. Subjects Subjects were 18 boys and 18 girls enrolled
in the Stanford University Nursery School. They ranged
in age from 29 to 68 months, with mean age of 44.5
months. Models were three men and three women, all of
1294 KAY BUSSEY AND ALBERT BANDURA
whom had prior acting experience. Two female experi-
menters conducted the study.
Design. The subjects were assigned randomly to a
modeling group and a control group of 18 subjects each.
Within each group, equal numbers of boys and girls were
selected as either low, medium, or high on the Slaby and
Frey (1975) gender constancy interview.
Assessment of gender constancy The tester adminis-
tered the gender constancy interview (Slaby & Frey, 1975)
to each child individually. On the basis of the children's
responses, equal numbers of boys and girls were selected
at the low, medium, and high levels of gender constancy.
Sex-linked modeling Approximately 3 days after the
test of sex constancy, the same experimenter brought
each child individually to the experimental room and
asked the child if he or she wanted to watch television.
The child was seated in front of the television set and
the experimenter sat in front of and with her back to the
child. This seating arrangement prevented the experi-
menter from inadvertently communicating to the child
any reactions to the modeled displays. Half of the children
saw a modeling videotape and the other half a cartoon;
both were in color. The modeling display depicted three
9. men and three women playing a game. Find the Surprise.
in which all the men exhibited the same behavior patterns
but differed from the women, who also acted like each
other.
Two modeling tapes were produced to counterbalance
sex of models and the set of behaviors they modeled. For
the second videotape, the men and women displayed the
set of behaviors and verbalizations performed by the
opposite-sex models in the first tape. Half the subjects in
the modeling condition saw one videotape and the re-
mainder saw the other one. The modeling display opened
with a woman inviting three men and three women
seated on chairs beside her to play a game, Find the
Surprise She explained that she would hide a picture
sticker in one of two boxes and the object of the game
was to guess which box contained the sticker. They would
take turns playing this guessing game. The sticker game
served as a cover task for modeling a varied array of
stylistic behaviors, preferences, and novel utterances.
The models were then invited to select a "thinking
cap." All the men chose a green Mickey Mouse cap and
placed it with the Mickey Mouse photograph to the front
of their head. The women chose a blue Mickey Mouse
cap and placed the cap on their head with the Mickey
Mouse photograph to the back The experimenter then
hid the picture sticker in one of the two boxes. Each
model individually had a chance to find a sucker. When
a female model approached one of the boxes she said,
"Forward march," and began marching slowly towards
Box A repeating, "March, march, march." When she
reached Box A she said, "Jump, jump," as she made a
koala bear jump from the lid of the box. She opened the
box and exclaimed, "Bingo," took the sticker from the
box and walked to the paper hanging on the wall behind
10. the boxes and said, "Lickit-stickit," as she pressed the
picture sticker with her thumb, in the upper-nght quadrant
of the paper, with the comment "Up there." She then
placed the koala bear on the lid of the box facing sideways
and said, "Look at the door," walked back to her chair
with her arms folded and said, "There." Each female
model displayed the same patterns of behavior.
The men in their turn each stood up and said, "Get
set, go," and walked stiffly towards the boxes repeating,
"Left, right, left, right." When the male model reached
Box B he said, "Fly, fly" as he made the koala bear fly
from the lid of the box. He opened the box and exclaimed,
"A stickeroo," took the sticker from the box and walked
to the paper hanging on the wall behind the boxes and
said, "Weto-smacko" as he slapped the picture sticker
with his open hand, in the lower left quadrant of the
paper, and said, "Down there." He then placed the koala
bear on the lid of the box and said, "Lay down," and
walked back to his chair with his hands behind his back
and sat down with the comment, "That's it."
At the completion of the game, the male models said,
"Off with think caps," walked to Box A and placed their
hats inside the box and said, "In there." The female
models said, "No more think caps," walked to Box B
and placed their hats on top of the box and said, "On
top." Each model exhibited the appropriate behavior
pattern twice. In the other version of the modeling
videotape, the behavior patterns of the male and female
models were reversed.
Test for modeled behavior The modeling videotape
and cartoon were of approximately 11 nun duration.
After the two sets of models had selected their Mickey
Mouse caps, the experimenter turned off the television
11. and informed the child that another woman at the
nursery school was playing a game with children. The
experimenter returned with the second experimenter who
was unaware of the experimental condition to which the
children were assigned. The first experimenter exited and
the second experimenter asked the child to select a
Mickey Mouse cap. The children were free to perform
any or none of the behaviors they had seen modeled in
the videotape.
After the test for modeled behavior, the first experi-
menter showed the children a further segment of the
videotape in which the two sets of models had a chance
to find a sticker. The first experimenter exited again and
the second experimenter administered seven trials on the
sticker task. The children then watched the remainder of
the videotape, after which they performed the sticker
task for a further eight trials. A picture sticker was
hidden 12 out of the total 15 trials for each child
Children in the control condition were exposed to the
cartoon for the same length of time as children in the
modeling condition. The same procedure of interspersing
tests for imitation between segments of television viewing
was also used. Televised exposure and test trials were
interspersed to sustain children's attention.
The child's spontaneous imitative behavior was recorded
by an observer who watched the test sessions through a
one-way mirror. The observer was provided with a check-
list of responses exhibited by the models in the videotape
and the observer simply checked any of the responses
performed by each child on each trial. The observer was
unaware of the child's experimental assignment. A second
observer independently scored the performance of five
children. The product-moment correlation (r = .99) re-
vealed virtually perfect interrater agreement.
12. Acquisition test. Children in the modeling condition
were administered a test of acquisition at the conclusion
of the experiment. They were asked to demonstrate how
the men and women behaved. The order in which they
SEX-LINKED MODELING 1295
rcenactcd the behavior of each sex was counterbalanced.
Standard prompts were used to direct the children's
attention to different aspects of the modeled events. For
example, the experimenter asked, "How did the boys
(girls) walk to the box?" Following the acquisition test,
the children responded to questions designed to check
the effectiveness of the experimental manipulations
Results
Modeled behavior. A 2 X 3 X 2 X 2 (Sex
of Subject X Level of Gender Constancy:
High, Medium, Low X Condition: Model-
ing, Control X Sex of Models/Within-Subjects
Factor) analysis of variance (ANOVA) was per-
formed on the scores for modeled behavior.
These scores were obtained by summing the
frequency of the stylistic responses (postural,
verbal, and motor) and preferences that
matched those of either the male or female
models. This analysis yielded a significant
main effect for gender constancy level, F{2,
24) = 3.41, p < .05. Children of low gender
constancy reproduced fewer of the modeled
behaviors than children of either medium
13. gender constancy, /(24) = 2.48, p < .05, or
high gender constancy, f(24) = 1.97, p < .06,
who did not differ from each other. The main
effect for modeling is also significant, F,
24) = 49.40, p < .0001. Children exposed to
modeling performed substantially more of
the behaviors exemplified by the models than
children in the control condition.
A significant interaction emerged between
sex of model and sex of subject, F, 24) =
11.22, p < .005. This interaction was quali-
fied, however, by a three-way interaction in-
volving sex of model, sex of subject, and
condition, 7-1(1, 24) = 16.20, p < .0005. This
interaction is depicted graphically in Figure
1. We examined the nature of this interaction
by performing t tests on the subgroup means.
In the modeling condition, boys sponta-
neously performed those behaviors displayed
by the male models in preference to those
displayed by the female models, f(24) = 5.06,
/ x . O O l , and conversely the girls sponta-
neously performed behaviors exhibited by the
female models over those displayed by the
Control Condition
Boys
Girls
Male Models Female Models Male Models Female Models
Figure I. Mean imitative performance scores of boys and girls
exposed to male and female models as a
14. function of condition (Experiment 1).
1296 KAY BUSSEY AND ALBERT BANDURA
male models, f(24) = 2.71, p< .02. Children
in the control condition, who had no exposure
to the modeled behavior, evidenced few
matching responses in either of the two mod-
eled sets of performances. The latter finding
demonstrates the efficacy of the modeling
influence and also reveals the neutrality of
the modeled responses. The sex-linked mod-
eling provides strong support for the same-
sex modeling hypothesis regardless of gender
constancy level.
Acquisition of modeled behavior patterns.
Children in the modeling condition were
asked to reenact the various behaviors dis-
played by the male and female models, re-
spectively. In the ANOVA performed on these
scores the only effect to attain significance
was gender constancy level, F2, 12) = 4.40,
p < .05. Children of low gender constancy
(Af = 3.67) recalled fewer modeled responses
than did children of either medium (M =
7.67) or high (M = 9.50) gender constancy,
whose scores did not differ from each other.
Relation between age and gender constancy
level. Children who achieve higher gender
constancy scores are also older. Indeed, age
is highly correlated with gender constancy
scores for boys (r = .76, p < .01) and for
15. girls (r = .82, p < .01). Because age and gender
constancy are so highly related, we might ask
if gender constancy exerts any effect on mod-
eling when age is controlled? To answer this
question we performed an analysis of covari-
ance, using age as a covariate and sex of
subject, level of gender constancy, condition,
and sex of models as factors. The results
reveal, as in the previous analyses of modeling
scores, a main effect for modeling, F 1, 23) =
48.70, p < .001; an interaction between sex
of model and sex of subject, fl, 24) = 11.22,
p < .005; and an interaction between sex of
model, sex of subject, and modeling, f{l,
24)= 16.20, /?<.0005. When age is con-
trolled as a covariate in the analysis of spon-
taneous modeling, gender constancy does not
account for any variance in children's mod-
eling behavior.
The children's acquisition scores were sub-
mitted to a similar covariance analysis to
control for the effect of age. The only effect
to attain significance was the covariate for
age, F{1, 11) = 5.99, p < .05. Therefore, gen-
der constancy is no longer a significant deter-
minant of modeling when age is controlled.
Discussion
Results of this experiment document the
prevalence of same-sex modeling. When chil-
dren observe that same-sex models collectively
exhibit stylistic behaviors that diverge from
those displayed by opposite-sex models under
16. the same circumstances, children are far more
likely to pattern their behavior after same-
sex models. The same-sex modeling occurs
irrespective of children's level of gender con-
stancy.
Children with low levels of gender con-
stancy, in this case, those who had not even
achieved gender identity on Slaby and Frey's
(1975) gender constancy scale, adopted more
behaviors displayed by same-sex than oppo-
site-sex models. Although the total amount
of modeling behavior increased with the chil-
dren's level of gender constancy, they adopted
more behaviors displayed by same-sex than
opposite-sex models irrespective of their gen-
der constancy level. Because age and gender
constancy levels were highly correlated and
low gender identity did not preclude same-
sex modeling, it seems that gender constancy
reflects children's overall cognitive competen-
cies rather than operating as a uniquely se-
lective factor in sex role development. This
interpretation is further supported by the
analysis that shows that when age is con-
trolled, gender constancy exerts no effect on
the children's modeling behavior. A stereo-
typic sex role conception is not a prerequisite
for same-sex modeling.
This does not mean that cognitive factors
are thought to be of minimal significance in
the child's sex role development. The ability
to selectively adopt these behaviors displayed
by same-sex models requires cognitive skills
in categorization and judgment of similarity
17. of self to others. Rather, the specific role of
gender constancy in the sex-typing process is
being questioned. There is little in the findings
to indicate that mastery of gender constancy
is necessary for sex-typing. Results of other
studies are also consistent with this view.
Large sex differences in preference for sex-
typed objects and play patterns exist in the
SEX-LINKED MODELING 1297
toddler and nursery school child long before
a fully matured gender constancy is estab-
lished (Blakemore, La Rue, & Olejnik, 1979;
Masters & Wilkinson, 1976; Thompson,
1975). Children as young as 2 and 3 years
possess remarkable awareness of sex role
stereotypes and sex differences (Kuhn, Nash,
& Brucken, 1978; Marcus & Overton, 1978).
Same-sex modeling seems to involve relying
on classifying males and females into distinct
groups, recognizing personal similarity to one
group of models, and tagging that group's
behavior patterns in memory as the ones to
be used as a guide to behavior. Even very
young children give evidence of classificatory
capabilities involving social stimuli. By the
time infants are 6 months old, they are
capable of treating infant faces as a category
different from adult faces, and female faces
as different from male faces (Fagan & Singer,
1979). Sex labeling and differential structuring
of social experiences teach children to use
18. the sex of the model as a guide for action
(Huston, 1983).
It is thus possible to explain same-sex
modeling even in young children on the basis
of their having cognitively abstracted activities
stereotypical for each sex and judging that
behaviors displayed by same-sex models are
the appropriate ones for them to adopt, with-
out requiring a conception of gender con-
stancy. Both the gender classificatory basis of
same-sex modeling and the impact of social
factors on this process accord with Spence's
(1984) formulation. She posits that sexual
identity facilitates adoption of prototypic
gender-congruent attributes, but interacting
social and personal factors determine what
particular constellations of gender-related
characteristics are developed. Thus people
within each sex can develop heterogeneous
patterns of gender-related attributes while
retaining a confirmed personal sense of mas-
culinity and femininity.
Results of the acquisition test cast further
doubt on mastery of gender constancy as the
selective mechanism of sex role learning.
Children's level of gender conception was
related to acquisition of modeled patterns,
but not selectively according to the model's
sex. The higher the gender conception was,
the more children learned the behavior of
both types of models. The measure of gender
conception may serve more as a proxy mea-
sure of skill in cognitive processing than a
19. unique determinant of sex role learning. The
older the children are, the more they learn
the behavior of both male and female models.
Thus when age is controlled, children of all
gender constancy levels learn equally from
the models.
Gender-schema theory also suggests that
children's readiness to classify objects and
people in gender-related terms may well de-
velop before a conception of gender constancy
is achieved (Bern, 1981; Markus, Crane,
Bernstein, & Siladi, 1982). Children learn to
encode, organize, and retrieve information
about themselves and others in terms of a
developing gender schema. Results of the
acquisition test, however, reveal that same-
sex modeling is not due to differential gender-
schematic processing and retention of the
behavior patterns exhibited by the male and
female models. Rather, gender self-knowledge
seems to be operating more on selective re-
trieval and enactment of what has been
learned observationally from both sexes.
These findings underscore the importance of
including measures of observational learning
as well as of spontaneous performance in
testing theories about gender-role develop-
ment. Children observe and learn extensively
from models of both sexes, but they are
selective in what they express behaviorally.
Experiment 2
The purpose of the second experiment was
to test the power of model sex on same-sex
20. modeling when countervailing social influ-
ences come into play. Do children always
choose a same-sex model over an opposite-
sex one, or is this proclivity readily altered
by social factors? Sex roles reflect, in part,
power relations in a society. Social power can
exert a strong impact on modeling (Bandura,
Ross, & Ross, 1963). It is, therefore, of
considerable interest to clarify what happens
in the course of modeling when social power
is pitted against the force of collective mod-
eling. In most societies, men typically wield
more social power than do women. Of special
interest is the impact of cross-sex social power
on cross-sex modeling.
1298 KAY BUSSEY AND ALBERT BANDURA
To clarify these issues, we varied the power
of one group of models over the other group.
In one condition, three male models were
depicted as the powerful controllers of re-
warding resources and three female models
occupied a subordinate role. In a second
condition, the male and female power posi-
tions were reversed so that the female models
were the powerful members of the group and
the male models the subordinate ones. Social
power was manifested in several ways: own-
ership of play materials, command over play
activities, and the dispensation of food and
soft drinks.
After children observed on videotape either
21. the men or the women exercising power, they
were then exposed to the same collective
modeling used in the previous experiment.
Children assigned to a condition in which
power of the models was not varied watched
a cartoon in place of the power induction
videotape and then the videotape of collective
modeling of behavior patterns. Children in
the control condition, who were exposed nei-
ther to power nor modeling displays, saw two
cartoons. If social power is an influential
determinant of model selection, cross-sex
modeling would be expected in those condi-
tions in which models of the opposite sex are
portrayed as the wielders of social power.
Method
Subjects Subjects were 16 boys and 16 girls enrolled
in the Stanford Nursery School. They ranged in age from
3 years to 5 years and 10 months, with a mean age of 4
years and 8 months, and all were categorized as high
scorers on the Slaby and Frey (1975) gender constancy
measure (i.e, 72% had attained at least gender identity
and gender stability, and 28% has also attained gender
consistency).
Design Children were assigned randomly to conditions
in a 2 X 4 design involving sex of child (boys, girls) and
treatment condition (men in power, women in power, no
power, control).
Procedure The procedure used in this experiment
was virtually identical to that described in Experiment
1. The main difference was the portrayal of social power
before the collective modeling.
22. The two videotapes for the power induction were
identical, except that in one videotape the male models
were in power and in the other the female models
exercised power. The females-in-power movie opened
with a narrative about three girls who owned a playroom.
The girls are seen in their playroom unpacking their
large collection of toys and having much fun playing with
them. As they were playing with their toys, three boys
walk by and hear the fun and laughter emanating from
the room. One of the boys peeks through the ajar door
to see what is happening inside. He quickly exclaims to
the other boys that there are some girls in there who are
playing with some "really neat" toys. The boys ask the
girls if they too could play with some of their toys. After
some deliberation, the girls allow the boys into the
playroom, but initially only to watch them play. The girls
play with even more interesting games, a Mickey Mouse
dip game, a wind-up dog, musical instruments, and other
exciting playthings. Finally, the girls who are the controllers
of these resources, allow the boys to play with one of
their toys. The boys express much joy at being able to
play with the girls' toys. The boys are given other
playthings.
The girls further exemplify their controller status by
telling the boys that they recently had $50 to spend, so
they went to San Francisco and bought a pinball machine.
After taking turns playing the pinball machine, the girls
announce, "It's time for treats," whereupon they set out
cans of soda, cookies, candy, chocolates, and make
popcorn in their popcorn machine The girls shared their
goodies with the boys. The end of the session is heralded
by the boys, at the girls' request, packing away the toys
for the day. Before leaving the playroom, one of the girls
23. announces that she had located a "really nqat" department
store in San Francisco that sells lots of things suitable
for their playroom. The girls count their money and then
peruse the department store's catalogue. They consider
buying roller skates and computer games, but finally
settle on a color television sef "Let's buy a color TV. set
for our room. We can keep it in our room. Then we can
come to our room and watch any program we like."
When the boys were in power, the sequence of events
and activities were the same except that the boys rather
than the girls exercised the control over resources and
activities. The participants in the power-induction vid-
eotape appear as the models in the collective modeling
videotape.
At the completion of the power induction or exposure
to the cartoon, children in the experimental condition
observed the collective modeling on the television monitor,
the children in the control condition saw another cartoon
The tests for acquisition and spontaneous adoption of
modeled behavior were identical to those followed in
Experiment 1. Similarly, the test procedures were identical,
with the tester having no knowledge of the conditions to
which the children were assigned.
Results
Modeled behavior. A 2 X 4 X 2 (Sex of
Subject X Treatment Condition X Sex of
Models/Within-Subject Factor) ANOVA was
performed on the scores of modeled behavior.
There was a strong main effect of modeling,
F3, 24) = 12.14, p < .001, with children in
the modeling conditions displaying more
modeled behavior than children not exposed
24. to the models. A significant interaction be-
tween sex of subject and sex of model, fl,
24) = 10.58, p < .005, also emerged. We ex-
SEX-LINKED MODELING 1299
Table 1
Modeled Behavior Means for Interaction of Sex
of Subject and Sex of Model (Experiment 2)
Sex of subject
• Boys
Girls
Sex
Males
18.88
12.19
of models
Females
9.81
15.19
amined the nature of this interaction by
performing / tests on the means in Table 1.
Both boys and girls patterned their behavior
more after same-sex models than opposite-
sex models. This effect was highly statistically
25. significant for boys, *(24) = 3.49, p < .01,
but the difference fell short of significance
for girls, f(24) = 1.15, p> .10.
The three-way interaction involving all
three factors (sex of subject, power treatment,
and sex of model) was also significant, F(S,
24) = 3.30, p < .05. This interaction is de-
picted graphically in Figure 2. In contrast to
boys and girls in the control condition, chil-
dren in the treatment conditions were influ-
enced by the power displays. First, it is of
interest to note that in the no-power condi-
tion, same-sex modeling predominates, an
effect that is stronger for" boys, t(24) = 4.38,
p< .001, than for girls, f(24) = 1.59,/? = .12.
The portrayal of the models as powerful
produced different results depending on the
sex of the models and the sex of the observer.
Boys emulated many of the behaviors of the
male models irrespective of whether they
were powerful or not, enacting an average of
20, 22, and 29 imitative responses in the
males-in-power, females-in-power, and no-
power conditions, respectively. However, the
boys did not show an equal propensity to
imitate the female models irrespective of
power. The boys' mean imitative scores of
the female models for the males-in-power and
no-power conditions, were 8 and 6, respec-
tively. When the female models were in power,
however, a different result emerged. The boys
emulated the female models (M = 18) almost
26. Boys
Girls
10 -
5 -
MM FM MM FM
Males in Power
MM FM MM FM
Females in Power
MM FM MM FM
No Power
MM FM MM FM
Control
Figure 2. Mean imitative performance scores of boys and girls
exposed to male and female models as a
function of condition (Experiment 2; MM = male models, FM =
female models).
1300 KAY BUSSEY AND ALBERT BANDURA
to the same extent as the male models (Af =
21), t(24) = 0.72, p > .10, and this was
significantly greater than their imitation of
27. female models who lacked power /(24) =
1.98, p < .06, or for whom power relations
were left undefined, t{24) = 2.20, p < .05.
Their emulation of female models in power
was equal to that of the male models in
power, /(24) = 0.43, p>.10, but less than
their imitation of the male models for whom
power relations were left undefined, /(24) =
2.11, p< .05. Same-sex modeling is thus a
robust phenomenon in boys. Emulation of
female models is relatively infrequent in boys,
unless the female models command power,
under such conditions the boys' same-sex
imitation preference is attenuated so that
male and female models are emulated equally.
In all conditions the girls were influenced
by both male and female models. When
power differentials were not exhibited girls
tended to favor same-sex models. When fe-
male models exercised power, girls adopted
significant amounts of both the female and
male models' behavior, although they revealed
a slight preference for the female models over
the male models, /(24) = 0.48, p > .10. For
girls, seeing women command rewarding
power equalized sex-linked modeling; seeing
males exercise power attenuated but did not
completely override the influence of the same-
sex models, /(24) = 0.24, p > .10.
Acquisition of modeled pattern. Analysis
of variance of the acquisition scores yielded
no significant differences as a function of sex
status and power differentials. The latter fac-
tors clearly exert their effects on spontaneous
28. performance of modeled patterns of behavior
rather than on their acquisition.
Discussion
Results of the second experiment further
corroborate the prevalence of same-sex mod-
eling, although the effect was much stronger
for boys than for girls. Interestingly, powerful
female models were effective in producing
cross-sex imitation in boys. This readiness to
emulate a powerful opposite-sex model was
not so apparent for the girls.
The results of this study, along with those
of others (Bussey, 1979; Bussey & Perry,
1980; Bussey & Perry, 1982; Perry & Bussey,
1979), underscore the efficacy of models in
the sex-typing process. They further support
the two-process model of sex-typing proposed
by Bussey and Perry (1982), for boys. The
stronger same-sex modeling shown by boys
in many of the modeling studies presumably
stems from boys' desire to adopt masculine
behavior, and, simultaneously, to reject fem-
inine behavior. Girls also adopt same-sex
behavior, but not at the expense of rejecting
behavior patterns modeled by the oppo-
site sex.
A surprising finding of this research is that
cross-sex modeling was more pronounced in
boys than for girls. This finding would seem
to contradict the common view that boys
show a more rigid adherence to the masculine
29. role than girls show for the feminine role
(Brown, 1956; Hartup & Moore, 1963; Heth-
erington, 1967; Kleinke & Nicholson, 1979;
Marcus & Overton, 1978; Nadelman, 1974).
For example, boys are less likely to imitate
cross-sex behavior or to develop egalitarian
conceptions of sex roles when pressured to
do so (Abramovitch & Grusec, 1978; Flerx,
Fidler, & Rogers, 1976; Grusec & Brinker,
1972; Wolf, 1973, 1975). Why then was
cross-sex modeling so effective, in this study,
for boys but not girls?
For boys, cross-sex modeling resulted when
female models commanded power, which in
this instance involved controlling rewarding
resources and the activities of others. This
form of interpersonal power may conform
more closely to the sex role that boys have
been socialized to play. If the type of power
exercised in this study is more in keeping
with the male sex role, the results become
understandable. Boys may be prone to emu-
late models whose style of behavior is consis-
tent with the male sex role stereotype, re-
gardless of the models' sex. Similar cross-sex
modeling may well occur for girls if, for
example, a factor such as nurturance, which
is more consistent with the female sex role
stereotype, was varied instead of power.
An alternative explanation is that girls are
less constrained in their modeling by the sex
of the model. Girls, typically, do not reject
opposite-sex models to the same extent as
boys do (Bussey & Perry, 1982). In the con-
30. dition that did not include power differentials
girls tended to imitate male models more
SEX-LINKED MODELING 1301
than the boys imitated female ones. Because
boys tend to adopt the behavior patterns of
same-sex models and reject the behavior pat-
terns of opposite-sex models, they generally
engaged in minimal cross-sex imitation. If,
however, the opposite-sex models command
power, which may appeal to boys, then the
boys not only cease rejecting the behavior
patterns of the opposite-sex models, but ac-
tively adopt them.
In contrast to the boys, the girls exhibited
greater consistency, across all three modeling
conditions, in their degree of cross-sex mod-
eling, whereas the boys engaged in highly
specific cross-sex modeling confined predom-
inantly to the condition in which the female
models had social power. For girls, cross-sex
modeling was thus not as dramatic as for
boys, because it occurred to a lesser extent
under ordinary conditions. The same inhibi-
tion for cross-sex models does not exist for
girls in the way it does for boys, so that
unless the behavior is particularly unattractive
to girls, they are likely to demonstrate some
cross-sex imitation, at least more than is
characteristic of boys. Boys, in contrast, are
unlikely to show much cross-sex modeling at
all in the absence of strong vicarious insti-
31. gators.
General Discussion
The results of our studies support and
extend previous research (Bussey & Perry,
1982; Perry & Bussey, 1979) in demonstrating
the viabililty of same-sex modeling as a
mechanism of sex role development. The
results demonstrate this impact on diverse
behavior patterns in children as young as 3
years of age, who have not even achieved
gender identity. This finding is at variance
with the assumption in cognitive-develop-
mental theory (Kohlberg, 1966) that the at-
tainment of gender constancy is a necessary
antecedent of same-sex modeling. Instead,
this research shows that children pattern their
behavior after members of their sex long
before they grasp gender constancy.
Another noteworthy feature of this research
is the dramatic cross-sex modeling effect for
boys. There are few reports of successful
cross-sex modeling effects for boys, but many
for girls. The finding of this study departs
from these typical findings in that the reverse
was true: Cross-sex modeling was more suc-
cessful and dramatic in boys than girls. One
reason for this lies in the nature of the factor
pitted against sex of the model, namely, the
powerfulness of the models. Boys emulated
powerful female models almost to the same
extent as male models. Because power is a
valued male behavior, the boys were prepared
32. to emulate models assuming power, regardless
of their sex. The girls, in contrast, were less
affected by the power manipulation. There
are two possible explanations for this finding.
First, girls displayed more generalized adop-
tion of cross-sex behavior across the various
modeling conditions and hence it was more
difficult to demonstrate a cross-sex modeling
effect for girls than boys. Second, power is
much more consistent with the male role and
hence the girls were less likely to construe
the male models as appropriate models for
themselves. Had the male models behaved in
a way more consistent with the female sex
role, the reverse result might have been ob-
tained.
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Received September 21, 1983
Revision received March 9, 1984 •