362Journal of Career DevelopmentVolume 34 Number 4Ju.docx

362
Journal of Career Development
Volume 34 Number 4
June 2008 362-396
© 2008 Curators of the
University of Missouri
10.1177/0894845308316292
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Career Development Concerns
of Recent Immigrants
and Refugees
Oksana Yakushko
Autumn Backhaus
Megan Watson
Katherine Ngaruiya
Jaime Gonzalez
University of Nebraska–Lincoln
The number of recent immigrants and refugees in the United
States is growing
dramatically. Among key reasons for migration is search for
adequate employ-
ment and hope for opportunities to develop occupationally.
However, recent
immigrants and refugees face multiple obstacles in their career

development in
the United States. This article uses social cognitive career
theory to examine
the role of relocation circumstances, stressors of migration,
acculturation pat-
terns, and oppression on the career development and
employment functioning
of recent immigrants and refugees. Specific suggestions for
career counselors
working with this population are provided.
Keywords: immigrants; refugees; career development; career
adjustment
Immigration is undoubtedly the strongest force that has shaped
U.S.history, and current global changes account for
unprecedented movements
of individuals across the world in search of better life
opportunities and con-
ditions, especially employment opportunities (Marsella & Ring,
2003). U.S.
Census Bureau reports show that that approximately 12% of the
U.S. popu-
lation is foreign-born and that three out of four individuals who
are foreign-
born have immigrated to the United States since 1980 (Larsen,
2004). More
than 100 million immigrants and 13 million refugees have
moved across bor-
ders worldwide within the last several decades. The number of
foreign-born
Authors’ Note: Please address correspondence to Oksana
Yakushko, 235 Teachers College
Hall, Department of Educational Psychology, University of
Nebraska–Lincoln, Lincoln, NE

68588-0345; e-mail: [email protected]
at ABILENE CHRISTIAN UNIV on August 1,
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individuals in the United States has increased from 5.1% in
1970 to 11.5%
in 2002, and is predicted to continue to increase dramatically
over the com-
ing years. With regards to work, about one in seven of the
country’s workers
was foreign-born (Marsella & Ring, 2003; Yakushko, 2007). In
addition, a
large number of immigrants reside and work in the United
States without
legal documentation (Fry, 2001).
Majority of the immigrants and refugees seek employment after
their relo-
cation to the United States (Schmidley, 2001). Information
about the career
development and career transition issues of immigrants and
refugees remains
limited, yet career counseling to these populations can be one of
the most sig-
nificant contributors to their positive transition into a new
culture (Yakushko,
2006). For example, the United Nations Resolution on Refugees
called on all
nations that have ratified refugee agreements to focus on
providing refugees
with information on specific opportunities about employment
after relocation
(Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 1991).

Moreover, immi-
grant and refugee women and men are not only likely to seek to
transition and
adjust to their new work environment but also many of them
view their relo-
cation as an opportunity to develop their career potential.
This article focuses exclusively on the population of immigrant
and refugee
women and men in the United States who have recently
migrated and who
may be struggling with career transition and adjustment issues
because of
relocation. This article neither addresses the employment and
career devel-
opment concerns of immigrants and refugees who have been in
the United
States for considerable amount of time nor the subsequent
immigrant gener-
ations who were born in the United States. Career development
concerns of
these individuals are also important to explore, because recent
studies sug-
gest that the economic and sociopolitical pressures have many
negative out-
comes for immigrants and refugees even after lengthy periods of
time in this
country (see Portes & Rumbaut, 2006, for review). Furthermore,
international
students and those who remain in the United States for limited
periods of
time are not considered in this article. Unique needs of these
individuals are
increasingly receiving attention in the career literature (e.g.,
Yang, Wong,
Hwang, & Heppner, 2002).

This article reviews existing literature about immigrants and
refugees in
the United States and has developed a framework for
understanding and
working with career concerns of these individuals. Social
cognitive career
theory (SCCT) is used throughout the article as a framework for
understanding
the factors that may facilitate or serve as barriers in the career
development
of recent immigrants and refugees. The article summarizes the
SCCT and
Yakushko et al. / Immigration and Career 363
briefly describes the circumstances of relocation and the
demographic char-
acteristics of immigrants and refugees in the United States. An
overview of
key influences that shape the career experiences of immigrants
and refugees
is provided. Last, the authors suggest specific strategies for
providing career
counseling to immigrants and refugees as well as ways by which
career coun-
selors can build competencies in this population.
Career Development and Employment
After the Relocation

Employment presents a special challenge to immigrant and
refugee indi-
viduals (Yakushko, 2006). Although some immigrants and
refugees chose to
migrate to the United States primarily to support their families
through any
available job opportunities, such as in the case of many
undocumented immi-
grants, many immigrants and refugees expect to find meaningful
work or to
continue developing in their career path after the relocation.
However, most
of these individuals experience a dramatic downturn in terms of
their career
opportunities after migration (Berger, 2004; Yakushko, 2006).
Immigrants
and refugees may face unemployment, underemployment, and
disqualifica-
tion of their previously held professional credentials (Berger,
2004).
Moreover, immigrants may be less likely to obtain employment
in their
former occupation and are often forced to work in the lowest
levels of occu-
pational ladder in the United States (Yakushko, 2006). For
example, Foner
(2001) interviewed immigrant women residing in New York
City and found
that majority of the women experienced a loss of professional
status in
moving from being a scientist, a teacher, or a clerical worker to
working as
a domestic aid.
In addition, immigrants are disproportionately employed in

physically
demanding jobs and in industries where there is substantial
potential for
injury (Center for Workforce Success, 2007; Pransky et al.,
2002). Earnings
for immigrants and refugees are typically low (Larsen, 2004)
and income is
frequently directed toward supporting families left at home
(Mehta et al.,
2000). Although employers cite lack of English skills as the
primary reason
for low-level dead-end jobs for many immigrants and refugees,
most work
sites do not facilitate language training (Center for Workforce
Success, 2007).
Moreover, many immigrants and refugees report financial
pressure and work
at multiple sites for extended hours to support their families,
which does not
leave them time to gain proficiency in English (Yakushko,
2008b).
364 Journal of Career Development / June 2008
Employment difficulties significantly contribute to immigrants’
and
refugees’ mental health. For example, securing employment,
economic hard-
ship, and job demands were identified as major stressors
contributing to

mental illness among Latino immigrants (Finch, Catalano,
Novaco, & Vega,
2003). Work–family strain has also been found to negatively
affect Mexican
immigrant women and men, resulting in elevated levels of
depression and
anxiety (Grzywacz, Quandt, Arcury, & Marín, 2005). These
mental health
difficulties in turn become a barrier in the career development
processes of
the recent immigrants and refugees.
On the other hand, work can be extremely beneficial and
empowering for
people who are struggling in a new country (Yakushko, 2006).
Employment
can aid the process of adjustment and help individuals make
roots in the new
country. Working decreases the isolation that many feel and
may contribute
to building a new social network. It may also provide an
opportunity for new
friendships as well as an opportunity to learn more about the
culture, includ-
ing facilitating English language skills. For many immigrants
and refugees,
developing a positive career path in the United States would
signify that their
migration was indeed successful.
Shinnar (2007) conducted a qualitative study on the barriers and
facilitators
of career development of recent Mexican immigrants. According
to her find-
ings, individual-level variables (such as personal characteristics
and personal

goals), group-level factors (such as cultural values, immigration
status, and
discrimination), and contextual factors (such as job security)
were significant
in influencing the perceptions of career development processes
among her
interviewees. Factors identified in Shinnar’s study point to a
theoretical frame-
work that can be useful in understanding the career development
processes
of new immigrants and refugees according to the SCCT
developed by Lent,
Brown, and Hackett (1994). This theory has been used in
understanding the
career development processes of diverse groups within the
United States
(e.g., Ward & Bingham, 1997). Its emphasis on the role of
individual and con-
textual factors is especially applicable to understanding the
distinct patterns
of career development of immigrants and refugees.
Social Cognitive Career Theory Framework
Among the recent theories that provide framework for
understanding indi-
vidual career development is the SCCT (Lent et al., 1994).
SCCT posits that
the development of positive career development depends on an
individual’s

experiences that result from interactions between environmental
and personal
factors (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 2000; Swanson & Gore, 2000).
The theory
emphasizes the role of proximal and distant factors that can
serve as facilitators
or as barriers of a person’s career development. SCCT
highlights the role of
a person’s abilities, past performances, self-efficacy, and
outcome expectan-
cies in the development of his or her interests, educational and
vocational
choices, and educational and vocational persistence.
Specifically, the theory
highlights the importance of a person’s self-efficacy, or
judgments about
their personal abilities in the development of their interest and
subsequent
educational and career goals. For example, a person who has
low self-efficacy
related to his or her musical abilities is likely to have less
interest in pursuing
musically related educational or career goals. Conversely, a
person who has
more positive self-efficacy regarding his or her musical abilities
is more
likely to consider musically related educational or career goals.
In addition
to the role of self-efficacy, SCCT also emphasizes the role of a
person’s
outcome expectancies on educational and career goal formation.
Outcome
expectancies can be described as a person’s beliefs about

probable outcomes
or likely results of a particular action. For example, a person
who believes
that if she or he pursues an interest in writing poetry, the
probable outcome
would be low paying, hard to find jobs, then that person’s
outcome expectancy
will affect his or her pursuit of the education and career related
to poetry
writing. As a result, a person’s self-efficacy and outcome
expectancies work
together to influence and determine a person’s interests and
education- and
career-related pursuits.
Among the unique contributions of the theory is an emphasis on
the influ-
ences of the person inputs along with background contextual
factors (Lent
et al., 2000). Thus, among person inputs may be individual
characteristics,
such as gender, race, ethnicity, and an ability level, whereas
background con-
textual factors may include availability of opportunities to
develop those learn-
ing experiences that led to positive sense of self-efficacy and
outcome
expectation. In addition, the theory highlights the key role of
the contextual
influences that are proximal to choice behavior during the
process of a per-
son’s career development based on his or her self-efficacy and
outcome
expectations. Discrimination and political events, for example,
could be seen
as such contextual moderators of individual’s career

development process.
Because SCCT places emphasis on the role of self-efficacy and
outcome
expectations, as well as personal factors (gender, race, etc.) and
background
or contextual factors (sexist or racist societal stereotypes, etc.),
SCCT has
been cited for its relevant application to the educational and
career needs and
behaviors of persons from diverse backgrounds (Gysbers,
Heppner, &
Johnston, 2003; Sharf, 2002; Ward & Bingham, 1997). Studies
using the
theory with minorities who are native to the United States have
supported its
use in understanding career development of diverse populations
(e.g., Hackett,
Betz, Casas, & Rocha-Singh, 1992). These studies have shown
that self-
efficacy and outcome expectations of individuals from
marginalized groups
are related to differential background and contextual factors as
well as to
academic and career functioning.
SCCT may be especially valuable in understanding the career

develop-
ment processes of the recent immigrants and refugees. Their
confidence in
obtaining employment and growing in a career path of their
choice is signif-
icantly influenced by both the personal and environmental
factors. Among
the most influential of these factors are the circumstances of
their relocation
related to the legality of their status in the United States.
Circumstances of Relocation
The circumstances of migration can be incorporated into the
context of
SCCT theory as an important contextual or background factor.
Migration can
be voluntary or forced and can result in differing legal statuses.
The three
broad categories of relocation that are officially recognized in
the United
States are (a) legal immigration, (b) refugee relocation, and (c)
undocumented
or illegal immigration. Legal immigration refers to relocation of
noncitizens
who are granted legal permanent residence by the U.S. federal
government.
Legal permanent residence provides the right to remain in the
country indef-
initely, to be gainfully employed, and to seek benefits of U.S.
citizenship
through naturalization (Mulder et al., 2001). This status does
not give the
right to vote or receive benefits such as the social security
payments because
many federal subsidies are reserved for U.S. citizens (Mulder et

al., 2001).
A different type of immigration status is granted to individuals
who are
considered refugees. Refugees are defined by the 1967 United
Nations
Protocol on Refugees as those people outside their country of
nationality
who are unable or unwilling to return to that country because of
persecution
or well-founded fear of persecution (Mulder et al., 2001). The
U.S. Refugee
Act of 1980 stated that under circumstances outlined by the
U.N. Protocol,
the United States will allow a certain number of individuals of
any country
to enter the United States as refugees (U.S. Census Bureau,
2005). This
number is determined by the U.S. President and Congress and
has a ceiling. In
addition, the determination about which countries and political
conflicts can
be a function of the relations between the United States and
those countries
(see Pedraza, 2000).
The third category of U.S. immigrants represents individuals

who seek to
relocate to the United States in search of employment and better
living con-
ditions. Often referred to as the illegal or undocumented
population, the
unauthorized migrant population consists primarily of two
groups: (a) those
entering the United States without inspection and (b) those
entering the
United States with legal temporary visas but stay beyond the
time allotment
of their visas (Mulder et al., 2001). The research by the Pew
Hispanic Center
estimates that 10 to 12 million individuals reside in the United
States with-
out legal documents (Passel, 2006).
Immigrants’ and refugees’ status in the United States is
significant to their
legal and economic eligibilities and has distinct psychological
and social
consequences (Berger, 2004). However, the differences between
the groups
cannot be assumed to be universal. In fact, many legal
immigrants seek refuge
in the United States because of great political, economic, and
social hard-
ships they experience in their homelands. Many undocumented
immigrants
experience traumatic relocation experience akin to that of the
refugees:
Torture, rape, abuse, and physical traumas are not uncommon.
Last, a great
number of refugees who enter the United States have not
experienced war
and physical assaults. For example, a large number of Jewish

women and
men from the former USSR have received and continue to
receive refugee
status in the United States based on their experiences of
religious and ethnic
discrimination.
However, status and circumstances of relocation are significant
for immi-
grant and refugee individuals, especially in terms of their
eligibilities for
work and employment. As a result, in keeping with the
framework of SCCT,
the legality of a person’s status and the circumstances of his or
her relocation
are undoubtedly among the key contextual factors that influence
the career
trajectories of recent immigrants and refugees. Not only is a
person’s migra-
tion status a contextual factor, it is also likely to influence the
individual’s
self-efficacy and outcome expectancies as they relate to
educational and
career pursuits. For example, a person without legal documents
might have
very different outcome expectancies related to finding a job
than a person
who has legal permanent resident status. Thus, throughout the
article, both
the distinct aspects of career development related to legal status
as well
general patterns that may be common to most individuals in this
group will
be highlighted.

Immigration Stress
Migration is a highly stressful experience that influences
immigrant and
refugee individuals’ well-being and functioning. Rumbaut
(1991) stated that
“migration can produce profound psychological distress among
the most
motivated and well prepared individuals, and even in most
receptive circum-
stances” (p. 56). Immigrant women and men may experience
posttraumatic
stress, mourning and grieving of multiple losses, acculturative
stress, loneliness,
loss of self-esteem, strain and fatigue from cognitive overload,
uprootendess,
and perceptions that they are unable to function competently in
the new cul-
ture (Berger, 2004; Espín, 1997, 1999; Garza-Guerrero, 1974;
Yakushko &
Chronister, 2005). Women and men who enter the United States
without
documents in search of work may face significant travails in
getting to their
destination and living in constant fear of deportation. Moreover,
undocu-
mented migrant workers face tremendous hazards of working in
unsafe harsh
conditions. As a result, Hovey and Magana (2003) reported that

migrant farm
workers from Mexico had elevated levels of depression, anxiety,
and suicidal
ideations.
Refugees undergo severe psychological duress as a result of
their trauma-
tization history and forced relocation (Cole, Espín, & Rothblum,
1992).
Mollica, Wyshak, and Lavelle (1987) categorized trauma that
may have been
experienced by refugees into four categories: (a) deprivation,
such as the lack
of food or shelter; (b) physical injury, rape, or torture; (c)
incarceration or
reeducation camps; and (d) witnessing torture and killing. In
addition to
refugees experiencing extreme psychological traumas prior to
their relocation,
they may have developed many profound physical symptoms as
the result of
injuries and deprivation (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Prendes-
Lintel, 2001). For
example, refugee women and men may have untreated head
injuries that
would severely limit their ability to learn and adjust. Last,
refugees’ migra-
tion process may be further complicated by experiences of
abuse while in
resettlement camps (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Prendes-Lintel,
2001).
Within the SCCT framework, contextual factors that are
background and
proximal to their career development, such as immigration
stressors, have a

substantial impact on the person’s self-efficacy and outcome
expectations.
Thus, choice behavior and career performance may be
significantly moder-
ated by the experiences of stress prior to and after the
migration. However,
personal input variables may also play a role in how immigrants
and refugees
address these stressors in their lives.
Individual Factors in Migration
For both immigrants and refugees, additional factors that
influence their
immigration experiences include their individual factors that
may account
for differences in how they cope with migration stress (Ben-
Sira, 1997). For
example, a person who may have had premigration mental
health issues,
such as anxiety or depression, may be especially vulnerable to
stress after the
migration. Voluntary migration, optimistic expectations,
language skills, and
availability of support are associated with more positive
outcomes for immi-
grants (Escobar, Nervi, & Gara, 2000; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994;
Salgado de

Snyder, 1994). Moreover, personality factors, such as cognitive
flexibility,
optimism, and positive coping styles, may also contribute to
less problematic
relocation experiences (Yakushko & Chronister, 2005).
Additionally, the pres-
ence of a culturally similar immigrant community and
availability of helpful
resources are significant during the process of relocation and
adjustment for
immigrants and refugees (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006; Yakushko,
2008b).
Undoubtedly, both the positive factors and stressors of
immigration play a
significant role in how immigrant and refugee individuals are
able to approach
their career development. Previous research has suggested that
individual
characteristics such as resilience, insight, and identity are
components of
career motivation that can aid recent immigrants in development
of a success-
ful career path. These authors define resilience as a dedication
to persevere
despite difficulties, insight as an ability to have clear
understanding of one-
self and the world of work, and identity as a developed sense of
career goals.
Within the SCCT framework, the various personal inputs as well
as back-
ground contextual factors of recent immigrants and refugees
may have an
impact on the person’s self-efficacy and outcome expectations.
These factors
can both help and hinder immigrant and refugee individuals in

the develop-
ment of their interests and educational and vocational
attainment while in the
new country. Acculturation and cultural adaptation may also be
essential to
the career development and adjustment in this group.
Acculturation
Acculturation, or the process of adopting the values and
behaviors of a
new culture, is the most common factor used to discuss
immigrants’ mental
health needs (Flannery, Reise, & Yu, 2001; Hays, 2001; Ortega,
Rosenheck,
Alegria, & Desai, 2000; Salgado de Snyder, 1994), and it is an
important
consideration when examining personal and contextual factors
within the
framework of SCCT. Acculturation is an inevitable result of
contact with a
nonnative culture and has been regarded as a complex process in
which cultural,
interpersonal, and intrapersonal variables are operant (Berry &
Sam, 1997;
Miranda & Umhoefer, 1998). In the acculturation process,
changing attitudes

and behavior moderate an individual’s adaptation to a new
environment.
Models of acculturation emphasize several patterns consisting
of rejecting
or accepting host community’s cultural values and practices as
well as reject-
ing or maintaining immigrant’s home cultural values and
practices. In one of
the most commonly used acculturation models, these patterns
result in patterns
of rejection/encapsulation, deculturation/marginalization,
assimilation or
integration/biculturalism (Berry, 1980; Berry & Sam, 1997).
Scholars have
found support for integration or biculturalism as the most
positive acculturation
outcome in terms of immigrants’ mental health (González,
Haan, & Hinton,
2001; Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980; Wong-Rieger & Quintana,
1987).
Many scholars, however, have viewed acculturation as a
unidimensional
phenomenon (see Sam & Berry, 2006, for review). Special
attention is given
primarily to English language acquisition and use. Greater
English language
skills are often seen by both scholars and the public as a
positive sign of
adjustment and integration of immigrants into the U.S.
community. Indeed,
immigrant women from former Soviet Union, who are less
acculturated,
especially in terms of English language proficiency, were found
to have higher

levels of depression (Miller & Chandler, 2002; Miller et al.,
2006). Language
skills are also seen as a primary factor in immigrants’ and
refugees’ career
development and job success. For example, a report by the
Center for Workforce
Success (2007) of the Manufacturing Institute showed that
employers in
industries typically hiring immigrants and refugees see language
skills as a
main factor in their overall work performance.
However, theorists and researchers have highlighted that
acculturation is
a complex multifaceted process that reaches beyond language
skills (see Sam
& Berry, 2006, for review). In a sample of Korean immigrants,
Oh, Koeske,
and Sales (2002) found that those aspects of acculturation that
facilitated
immigrants’ social integration, such as the English language,
were inversely
related to depression. Similarly, in a sample of immigrant
women from the
former Soviet Union, those acculturative patterns that
contributed to women’s
lower social alienation were associated with their lower
symptoms of psy-
chological distress (Miller et al., 2006). However, abandonment
of cultural
identity, traditions, and values, associated with higher
acculturation, may be
directly related to higher levels of depression (Oh et al., 2002).
Because job

sites may emphasize cultural heterogeneity and abandonment of
cultural values
that may differentiate recent immigrants and refugees from
other workers,
such pressures to acculturate may be perceived by many
immigrants and
refugees as a barrier to further career development.
Empirical studies on the influence of acculturation on the
academic and
career development of immigrant youth further highlights the
complexities
of the processes of cultural adjustment and adaptation. For
example, in a
study of 105 Latino adolescent girls, Flores, Ojeda, Huang, Gee,
and Lee
(2006) found that acculturation played a key role in their
educational attain-
ment. Specifically, results of their study indicate that Anglo-
focused rather
than Mexican-focused acculturation patterns were related to
greater educa-
tional attainment. In another study by Flores, Navarro, Smith,
and Ploszaj
(2006) acculturation level significantly predicted Mexican
American boys’
nontraditional career self-efficacy. According to their findings,
Mexican
American boys who were more acculturated were more likely to

develop
strong beliefs about their abilities for nontraditional careers for
men and
were more likely to be open to careers traditionally held by
women. A study
by Hurtado and Gauvain (1997) found that for adolescents of
Mexican
descent acculturation was significant in their actual attendance
of college.
For immigrant adults, acculturation may also relate to greater
willingness to
seek literacy skill and career-related development opportunities.
Acculturation patterns of refugees and immigrants may be
especially
complex if they experienced frequent severe premigration
trauma (Bemak &
Chung, 2002). As mentioned earlier, experiences of torture,
physical depriva-
tion, assaults, forced relocation, multiple losses, and separation
from family
and community are likely to complicate the process of
adaptation to a new
country for many refugees and some immigrants. Their
relocation to a new
country has been shown to result in feelings of helplessness and
disorientation
(Bemak & Greenberg, 1994). For example, Tayabas and Pok
(1983) identi-
fied that the first 1 to 2 years following the resettlement may be
especially
crucial in the adaptation of refugees.
According to Bemak (1989), acculturation of refugees may take
on a more
developmental process with the first phase focusing on safety

and security
followed by phases of greater bicultural adjustment and of
stronger orientation
toward future goals. Refugee individuals’ struggle to adapt to a
host com-
munity may be directly related to their coping strategies
developed to survive
severe trauma. For example, refugees who may have
experienced rape, torture,
or witnessing atrocities may have learned to play dumb to stay
alive (Chung
& Okazaki, 1991). Many of these coping patterns may be seen
as maladaptive
by individuals from the host community and may impede
refugees’ adaptation
to a new country, especially in terms of work (Bemak & Chung,
2002). Among
other barriers to refugees’ adaptation may be their ambivalence
about their
relocation, wishing to return to their home communities to make
a difference
or rebuild lives, and the survivor guilt of having successfully
escaped unlike
the others who did not (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Tobin &
Friedman, 1983).
These barriers may prevent refugee individuals from attempting
to integrate

into their new communities through learning a language or
gaining adequate
employment. Their career development may be forestalled or
hampered.
Very few studies have focused on the experiences of
acculturation among
immigrants who reside in the United States without legal
documents. Although
many migrant workers seek jobs temporarily to earn money and
return to their
homes, others relocate without documentation to settle in and
develop new
lives in the United States. Among many of their goals, such as
education for
their children and safety for their families, finding and
developing a successful
career is often seen as the primary goal (Yakushko, 2008b).
However, pressures
experienced by this immigrant group are tremendous, and their
acculturation
processes are complex and stressful. Undoubtedly, multiple
barriers to the cul-
tural adaptation of undocumented immigrants based on the fear
of deportation
as well as general xenophobic environment play a significant
role in their work
adjustment and well-being. A study by Hovey and Magana
(2003) found that
Mexican migrant farm workers reported high levels of
depression, anxiety, and
suicidal ideations related to higher acculturative stress.
Predictors of negative
functioning included family dysfunction, ineffective social
support, low levels
of self-esteem, high levels of education, lack of choice in

decisions about
migration and farm work, and low levels of religiosity.
In addition to differences in immigrants’ and refugees’
acculturation pat-
terns based on their migration experiences, individual factors
play an impor-
tant role in what ways and how quickly they adapt to their new
environment.
Acculturation may be influenced by age, economic resources,
desire to adapt,
the support of family and community, cultural norms and
values, as well as
an ability to address psychological barriers such as their trauma
(Bemak &
Chung, 2002; Berger, 2004; Yakushko, 2008b). Gender norms
and their flex-
ibility in a new cultural environment are also significant aspects
of accultur-
ation (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1999; Yakushko, 2006).
An acculturation process has direct implications for the career
develop-
ment of recent immigrants and refugees. Miranda and Umhoefer
(1998)
studied a group of Latino adults and found that the best
predictors of career
self-efficacy were acculturation and language use. The results
indicated that

the degree to which Latinos were acculturated and used the
English language
predicted career self-efficacy better than length of residence in
the United
States, age, or educational level. Earlier researchers have
theorized that inter-
cultural competence that results from positive acculturation
processes is
essential to the career development of this population. These
authors high-
lighted that low career success may be related to low
intercultural compe-
tence, which does not include language only. For example,
many jobs in the
United States require multitasking whereas this skill may be
new for some
immigrants and refugees.
Thus, immigrants’ and refugees’ employment as well as their
overall career
development are influenced profoundly by the individuals’
ability to adapt to
their new environment. Certainly, language skills are key to
their work expe-
rience. Understanding cultural norms in terms of social
interactions, work
attitudes, and other customs are also essential to not only
securing a job but
to seeking out opportunities for promotion as well as finding
career paths in
their new country that are consistent with the individuals’ skills
and interests.
On the other hand, losing connection to one’s culture may result
in isolation

from their immigrant community who can serve as role models,
offer support,
and provide networking opportunities (Segal & Mayadas, 2005).
Bicultural acculturative process (González et al., 2001;
Szapocznik &
Kurtines, 1980; Wong-Rieger & Quintana, 1987) may facilitate
positive career
development paths for immigrants and refugees. This process
seeks to value
individuals’ culture, their experiences and skills prior to
migration, and their
roots. At the same time, this bicultural acculturation process
can aid individ-
uals in obtaining cultural knowledge and skills that are essential
in surviving
and thriving in the new occupational environment. These skills
may include
knowledge of English language, understanding cultural customs
and attitudes,
ability to multitask, willingness to learn about new
technologies, acting in
direct and assertive manner with authorities, and development
of social rela-
tions with individuals in the host environment (Segal &
Mayadas, 2005;
Yakushko, 2006). Within the SCCT framework, positive
acculturation can
serve as a moderating contextual factor that is proximal to
immigrant and
refugee individuals’ career choice behavior. It is also likely that
immigrants’
and refugees’ sense of self-efficacy and outcome expectation in
their new
work environment can increase as they adjust to a new cultural
milieu while

maintaining connection to their own cultural roots.
Although acculturative processes can facilitate positive career
adjustment
for recent immigrants and refugees, they may be held back by
the forces that
are far beyond their own control. The United States and other
western
countries have experienced a recent rise in anti-immigrant
attitudes that
directly affect all immigrant individuals (Yakushko, 2008a).
Career develop-
ment of recent immigrants and refugees is undoubtedly
influenced by these
negative prejudices that are systemic and widespread.
Oppression and Discrimination
Perhaps one of the most influential contextual factors to be
considered when
examining the career development of immigrant and refugee
individuals
within the framework of SCCT is the issue of oppression and
discrimination.
The SCCT is one of the few theoretical models of career
development
that directly emphasizes the role of these systemic factors on

the individuals’
career development processes (see Ward & Bingham, 1997, for
discussion).
Immigrant and refugee individuals in the United States
experience multiple
sources of social oppression. These forces include, but are not
limited to, xeno-
phobia, racism, sexism, and discrimination based on poverty
and employment
(Berger, 2004; Marsella & Ring, 2003; Pew Hispanic Center,
2006; Segal &
Mayadas, 2005; Yakushko, 2007; Yakushko & Chronister,
2005). Immigrant
individuals are often portrayed as criminal, poor, violent,
desperate to live in
the United States, and noneducated (Espanshade & Calhoun,
1993; Muller &
Espanshade, 1985; Pew Hispanic Center, 2006; Portes &
Rumbaut, 1996).
Contrary to stereotypes, research shows that those who are
immigrating to the
United States have higher education levels than the national
averages of their
home countries, work longer hours than U.S.-born individuals,
hold strong
moral values, and often desire to return home (Fry, 2001;
Guarnaccia, 1997;
Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Although all immigrants and refugees
face hostile
xenophobic climate in the United States, it is undocumented
migrant workers
that are especially targeted by anti-immigrant violence
(Yakushko, 2008a).
Undocumented immigrants who have no legal rights are often
emotionally
(e.g., harassment), physically (e.g., poor working conditions),

and economi-
cally (e.g., no consistent pay or health benefits) abused or
neglected by U.S.
employers, government, or social service systems (Yakushko &
Chronister,
2005). Without the right to vote and stay in the United States
legally, many
immigrants have little power to change oppressive social
structures.
Cultural values and prejudices also influence how immigrants
and refugees
are represented in psychological science, including vocational
psychology
(Yakushko, 2008a). Societal intolerance has led many social
scientists to narrowly
conceptualize immigrants as oppressed and helpless (see
Darvishpour, 2002, for
review) and to disregard their strengths, resilience,
resourcefulness, and com-
munity networks (Cole et al., 1992). Services to recent
immigrants and
refugees, which often must include the use of interpreters, are
limited; instru-
ments that are used with native-born individuals have not been
validated with
these populations (Yakushko, 2008a). Such systemic forces of

oppression and
discrimination play a powerful role in shaping immigrants’ and
refugees’ men-
tal health, career identity, and their access to counseling
resources.
Undoubtedly, discrimination and immigrants’ perception of
their host
environment play significant roles in their career development
and a sense of
efficacy in being able to obtain employment as well as to seek
out career
paths that would be personally fulfilling. SCCT provides a
useful framework
for understanding how crucial is the impact of environmental
factors, such as
discrimination, on the individuals’ career life (Lent et al., 1994;
Swanson &
Gore, 2000). Discrimination, as a contextual proximal factor,
can serve as a
powerful mediator between immigrant and refugee individuals’
development
of career interests and skills and their experiences of outcomes.
Negative
career outcomes that are due to prejudice and discrimination,
according to the
theoretical model, are likely to have a loopback effect on self-
efficacy and
outcome expectations. Recognition of these influences is crucial
for coun-
selors who work with recent immigrants and refugees.
Career Counseling With Immigrants and Refugees
The review of the factors that influence the career development
of recent

immigrants and refugees highlights that systemic contextual
factors play a
significant role in shaping experiences regarding work and
career for this
group. Blustein, McWhirter, and Perry (2005) highlighted that
for groups
such as recent immigrants and refugees, who experience
discrimination and
prejudice, work is a means of survival and not personal career
development.
These authors suggest an emancipatory communitarian approach
to career
counseling that must attend to broader contexts outside the four
walls of the
counseling rooms, such as advocacy and policy work. Moreover,
the eman-
cipatory communitarian approach emphasizes the key role of
empowerment
of individuals through career-related information.
To empower those immigrant and refugee individuals who may
seek career
counseling, career counselors can use their sessions to raise
their clients’
awareness and build their skills in dealing with the work
environments and
the structure of work opportunities in the United States. Career
counselors

can choose to focus on one or several strategies for empowering
their immigrant
and refugee clients through knowledge about the world of work.
Additionally,
career counselors can facilitate their clients’ career-related
growth when
counselors address their own competence in working with this
population.
Exploring the Career and Work Background
The career development path of immigrant and refugee
individuals is
shaped by both their career experience in their home countries
and by their
relocation to the United States (Yakushko, 2006). This fact,
although obvious,
is important to highlight because immigrants’ and refugees’
career develop-
ment is not affected by the same factors that influence career
development of
U.S.-born citizens. Immigrant individuals’ circumstances from
their childhood
to the time of relocation—in their families, immediate
communities, schools
(if they were allowed or able to receive an education), and their
countries—
reflect a unique combination of factors that are likely to be
different than those
of the U.S.-born citizens. Moreover, gender and social class
shape the world of
work in most countries of the world and will also play a
significant role in

career development of recent immigrants and refugees. Table 1
highlights
many of the key issues that are unique to recent immigrants and
refugees and
may have a direct influence on their career development and
adjustment. At the
same time, after their relocation to the United States, immigrant
individuals
can share experiences common to their native-born counterparts
based on
entrance into the Western/American gendered, racial, and class
systems that
shapes the world of work in the United States. This complexity
of background
and proximal experiences is acknowledged by the SCCT and,
therefore, lends
itself for use as a conceptual framework when providing career
guidance and
counseling to immigrants and refugees.
Examining the Contextual Factors
In addition to recognizing background factors such as previous
employ-
ment and level of resources as well as proximal factors such as
xenophobia
and discrimination, career counseling with recent immigrants
and refugees
must attend to concrete needs of individuals who are seeking to
continue or
to begin their career development in a new country. Because
immigrants and
refugees comprise a very large diverse group of individuals, it
is paramount
to attend to this diversity by beginning with an extensive
clinical interview.

Information in Table 1 may provide counselors with a structure
for what may
be helpful to include in such an assessment interview. Although
significant
Table 1
Psychosocial Factors That Can Influence Mental Health and
Career
Functioning of Recent Immigrants and Refugees
Factors Specific Considerations
Place of origin Racial and ethnic composition of the country of
origin
Urban or rural home and host environments
Political climate of the country or origin
Developed, Third World, or economy-in-transition economic
status of the country
Home country’s relations with the host country
Conditions of migration Economic
Political
Familial
Educational
Vocational

Socioeconomic status Educational level
Social class status in the home culture
Financial resources available for migration
Socioeconomic status of the home country
Demographic factors Age
Gender
Ability level
Religious practices
Relationship status and size of the kinship unit
Social support Proximity of similar ethnic community
Proximity of other immigrant groups
Proximity of family and friends
Proximity of social services for immigrants
Personality factors Personality traits (e.g., optimism)
Coping styles
Worldview
Achievement motivation
Resilience
Rigidity or flexibility
Cognitive styles
Language proficiency Knowledge of spoken English
Knowledge of written English
Literacy in a home language
Availability of interpreters
Legal status Legal immigrant (i.e., naturalized citizen, Green
Card holder
or permanent alien resident, asylum seeker
Refugee
Undocumented immigrant
Availability of legal and social services resources

(continued)
differences do exist between documented immigrants,
undocumented migrant
workers, and refugees, the factors that are most influential in
their career
development process are likely to be similar. For example,
many undocu-
mented migrant workers as well as recent immigrants migrate to
the United
States because of histories of trauma and persecution, whereas
some refugees
may have experienced persecutions related to their freedoms to
practice religion
rather than wars or forced relocations. Thus, most immigrants
and refugees
have common barriers to their career development that can be
addressed
through career counseling. Among these barriers is lack of
knowledge about
career options, processes of obtaining and maintaining a job,
cultural norms
with regard to work, developing work-related cultural
competencies, balancing
work and education, and balancing work and family life.
Dealing With a Career Transition

Most immigrants and refugees have had experiences of
developing and
maintaining career in their home country environments. These
career back-
grounds are essential to understanding the current career
functioning, expec-
tations, and possible trajectories of recent immigrants and
refugees. Many
individuals, especially those entering the United States for the
purposes of
employment, may have struggled with underemployment or
unemployment
in their own countries. Refugees are relocating from home
environment where
often their systems of social and employment possibilities were
severely
disrupted by wars or political turmoil (Bemak & Chung, 2002;
Segal &
Mayadas, 2005). Immigrant and refugee individuals from the
former USSR
Table 1 (continued)
Factors Specific Considerations
Length since migration Length of time in the host culture
Work-specific skills Occupation prior to relocation
Time management
Assertiveness and directness in communicating with others
Ability to multitask
Knowledge and comfort in use of technologies
Dual-parent work skills
Interviewing and resume-writing experiences
Understanding work laws, regulations, and responsibilities

Note: List of factors and considerations is not comprehensive.
may have been guaranteed a job yet experienced it as
bureaucratic, static, and
unsatisfying (Yakushko, 2007). These individuals may be both
passive and
skeptical about the process of career development in the United
States, yet
on the other hand, they may also hold great expectations for a
career that
could bring them tremendous financial and personal resources.
Recent immi-
grants and refugees who seek help with their career
development will be in
the process of a career transition that will be influenced by
these prior expe-
riences as well as by their postmigration circumstances. Career
counseling
with immigrant and refugee clients can seek to emphasize the
phases of making
a career transition, such as immobilization/shock, minimization
of change,
self-doubt, letting go of negative appraisals, testing new
options, search for
meaning, and integration/renewal (Abrego & Brammer, 1992).
Helping clients
establish a plan for dealing with various phases of their

transition can facilitate
a more positive adjustment to a new world of work.
Building Knowledge About Career Options
Many recent immigrants and refugees will be unaware of career
options
available to them. Through social services and informal
networks of other
immigrants, they may hear about jobs that typically employ
recent immigrants.
These jobs concentrate in manufacturing, agriculture, and low-
skills service
provision. Such occupational venues are especially open for
recent immigrants
and refugees because of their lack of language skills and often
other job skills;
these work settings also are characterized by low wages and
high turnover.
Although getting a job that pays will be a necessity for a vast
majority of recent
immigrants and refugees, many of them view these early
employment possi-
bilities as temporary work solutions and desire development of
their own
career dreams. Similar to how the children and adolescents who
are born in the
United States face barriers in their career development from
lack of adequate
information, so too do recent immigrant and refugee adults.
Lack of knowl-
edge may result in low self-efficacy and low outcome
expectation. It may
indeed be one of the biggest barriers to career development of
individuals
within this group. Thus, career counselors can use individual

and family ses-
sions as well as workshops and presentations to disseminate
information about
career paths and career requirements in the United States.
For those immigrants and refugees who enter the United States
with
previous career experiences, it may be important to obtain
necessary infor-
mation on how to receive recertification. For example, a refugee
doctor or a
refugee teacher may need to understand the requirements placed
by the
licensing boards governing these occupations. Career counselors
must see
themselves as key partners in helping gain and explain
information to their
immigrant and refugee clients.
Discussing How to Obtain and Maintain a Job
This component can help immigrants and refugees to learn
about where to
obtain information about available jobs, how to prepare and
deliver a job
application, how to interview for positions, and how to follow-
up their job

interviews. This intervention cannot be underestimated.
Immigrants and
refugees may have come from environments where jobs were
assigned or
gained through indirect means, such as family connections
rather than having
obtained through the typical U.S. method of searching and
interviewing for
the position (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Yakushko, 2007). Helping
an immigrant
and refugee client to develop a repertoire of job-searching
behaviors as well
as to gain an understanding of the interviewing strategies might
be essential
to their ability to gain employment and develop in a career path.
Exploring Cultural Norms About Work
Career counselors can begin the counseling process by asking
the client to
describe the world of work in their home countries as well as
their personal
career development journeys prior to relocation (Yakushko,
2006). To make
such conversations more vivid and meaningful, and in light of
the fact that it
will be difficult for a counselor and the client to communicate
about vastly
different cultural experiences, immigrant and refugee clients
can be asked to
bring objects or pictures that represent their stories. In
presenting informa-
tion or providing interventions with immigrants and refugees,
the counselor
can inquire about how certain processes, such as a job search,
occur in the

client’s home country. Paying attention to such aspects of work
culture as
multitasking and time management practices may be especially
significant.
People who have recently moved to a foreign culture may also
not be
familiar with the common structures of the job market in the
United States
(Segal & Mayadas, 2005). Inviting immigrants and refugees to
watch movies
or television programs that can show how organizational
systems work within
the United States can help them become more familiar with
differences
between job environments in their home cultures and the host
culture. Using
films can also help counselors and their clients focus on
specific distinctions
between work environments in different cultures. For example,
Lost Boys of
Sudan, a documentary about African refugee adolescents, has a
focus on the
role and culture of work in the United States. Another example
is the musi-
cal Working, which is based on interviews with people across
many different
occupations in the United States, such as a restaurant waiting
staff, a truck

driver, and a builder.
In addition to having clients describe the world of work in their
home
countries, career counselors can provide valuable
psychoeducational oppor-
tunities and information about the world of work in the United
States. For
example, the counselor could engage the client in role playing
communica-
tion interactions common in the U.S. work environment. During
this process,
the client and counselor can collaboratively work toward
resolving some of
the differences between the client’s previous culture of work
and work
practices in the United States. These types of psychoeducational
opportuni-
ties can provide the client with awareness and skills that they
can use to
make informed decisions about how to navigate the world of
work in the
United States.
Developing Work-Related Intercultural Competence
Counselors can assess their clients for a sense of resilience in a
new work
culture, their insight or understanding of themselves and the
U.S. world of
work, as well as their sense of identity or career goals.
Acculturation and
intercultural competence may be another important factor in
their career
development. Counselors may inquire about the ease their
immigrant or refugee

clients feel in understanding and functioning in their new work
environment.
For example, counselors can ask about their clients’ typical day
at work and
encourage the clients to highlight typical situations that appear
puzzling or
confusing to their clients. Moreover, counselors can ask their
clients to con-
trast their daily experiences of work situations in their home
environment in
comparison with their new experiences. These assessments can
aid the coun-
selors in gaining a picture of their clients’ intercultural
functioning, includ-
ing clients’ strengths and limitations. Specific attention can also
be given to
immigrants’ and refugees’ patterns of language acquisition and
interaction
with U.S.-born individuals. While supporting their clients’
cultural norms,
traditions, and community connections, counselors can also
provide clients
with information on how to build their intercultural competence
through
immersion in host community’s cultural opportunities,
especially those that
are free and require a low fee.

Discussing Opportunities for Work and Education
Building intercultural competence may be especially difficult
for recent
immigrants and refugees who experience financial pressure to
work many
hours in environments that are typically stressful and even
physically danger-
ous (Yakushko, 2008b). Many immigrants and refugees may feel
that they are
unable to pursue the aforementioned free and low-fee
opportunities for edu-
cation. For many, their need for work will conflict with their
desire for further
education (Yakushko, 2008b). Career counselors can focus on
empowering
their immigrant and refugee clients to find time and resources
for educational
opportunities that have less conflict with clients’ job schedules.
Obtaining
education may be one of the only ways for recent immigrants
and refugees
to develop their career dreams. These educational opportunities
can provide
them with certificates and eligibilities to be employed in certain
occupations,
and receiving English language instruction in formal ways is
necessary for
immigrants and refugees to gain basic proficiency required by
vast majority
of employers. Many communities around the United States
provide such
opportunities. Career counselors must familiarize themselves
with services

and trainings through English literacy councils, GED
preparation and train-
ing settings, community colleges, technical schools, faith-based
initiatives,
and social service agencies. In addition to providing this
information, career
counselors can explore with their immigrant and refugee clients
specific
strategies for balancing their work demands and educational
needs. For
example, career counselors may help their clients advocate for
themselves
with their employers for release time to attend classes and
trainings.
Balancing Work and Family Life
Typical immigrant and refugee family includes far greater
number of
children than typical U.S.-born family (Schmidley, 2001).
Family demands
may be considerable for recent immigrants and refugees who
will also be
unfamiliar with child care opportunities (Yakushko &
Chronister, 2005). In
addition, typical familial and community structures that were
present in
immigrant and refugee individuals’ home countries (e.g.,
grandparents,
extended families, neighbors) are likely to be severely disrupted
by the relo-
cation. Thus, career counselors who work with immigrant and
refugee indi-
viduals with children must also discuss ways that immigrant
families can obtain
help with their child care needs. For example, clients may be

encouraged to
discuss family policies with their employers as well as to seek
out available
resources in their new communities.
Attending to Individual and Systemic Facilitators
and Barriers of Work and Career Goals
As stated earlier, career interventions with immigrant and
refugee clients
can include a direct exploration of the facilitators and barriers
to their success
in the world of work (Yakushko, 2006). Highlighting the
clients’ strengths
and resources as well as brainstorming ideas for dealing with
existing diffi-
culties in the career development processes can provide clients
with tangible
ideas and solutions. Clients may benefit from assessment of
their skills,
interests, and values. Special attention can be paid to those
skills, interests,
and values that may be unique because of the clients’ immigrant
background.
For example, exploration may focus on a client’s growing
bilingual abilities
or bicultural resourcefulness that can become beneficial in her
or his career

pursuits.
Clients’ career development may also be hindered by factors
such as lack
of access to transportation. Other limitations may be based on
immigrants’
and refugees’ health status or abilities. For example, refugees
from areas
affected by war may have suffered traumatic injuries (Prendes-
Lintel, 2001).
Attending to such barriers may be essential in helping address
clients’ access
to available jobs as well as their efficacy with regard to career
development.
Additionally, counselors may also discuss the impact of current
climate of
prejudice toward immigrants and refugees in their career
development
(Yakushko, 2008a). For instance, foreign accents may be seen
by employers as
a barrier to their employment opportunities. Counselors may
work with clients
to help them recognize when others are judging them based on
their accent or
national origin and brainstorm ways to address this prejudice in
work environ-
ments. Career counselors can also help immigrant/refugee
clients reframe “hav-
ing an accent” as a positive indication of flexibility,
teachability, courage, and
innate intelligence. Immigrants and refugees learning a new
language late in life
are taking on a daunting task, and career counselors can help
them turn the
embarrassment of an accent into a continual reminder of the

integrity of their life
journey and as something of which they can be justly proud.
Developing Competencies in Working With
Immigrants and Refugees
In addition to specific strategies for working with recent
immigrants and
refugees, it may be important for counselors to examine their
competencies
in working with this diverse population. Although many
counselors have
been exposed to information about racism and its impact on
individuals,
most have not received training on how to work specifically
with those who
have recently migrated. Specifically, many counselors may hold
assumptions
about immigrants or foreign countries. They may also tend to
work individ-
ually rather than using a team approach, which has been shown
to be more
successful with this group (Prendes-Lintel, 2001). Last, they
may be unfa-
miliar with the practical and ethical aspects of involving a
language interpreter
in their work.
Challenging Personal Assumptions

Career counseling has been transformed by multiculturalism and
attention
to issues of diversity (Sue & Sue, 1999). Guidelines for
multiculturally com-
petent practice have been influential in aiding counselors from
the dominant
cultural backgrounds address their awareness, knowledge, and
skills in work-
ing with individuals and communities marginalized within the
U.S. society
(Sue, Aredondo, & McDavis, 1992). Although majority of the
immigrants are
racial minorities in the United States, and will experience
racism (Sue, 2003),
counselors may pay less attention to their immigrant clients’
status as foreign-
ers. Specifically, ethnocentric and xenophobic attitudes may be
unexamined by
career counseling practitioners and scholars (Yakushko, 2007).
A general cul-
tural belief that the United States is the greatest nation in the
world permeates
nearly all aspects of society in the United States and is reflected
in the nearly
complete absence of international career counseling information
in the U.S.
career counseling training programs. For example, an
assumption that seems
prevalent is U.S. concern regarding gender relations within the
world of work
outside the United States (Yakushko, 2006). Many socialist and
Soviet-block
countries (e.g., the former Soviet Union, Eastern European
countries, the
Republic of China, Cuba) were committed to greater gender

equality with
regard to women’s education and employment (Yakushko,
2007). Another
example is lack of awareness of educational opportunities
around the world
and the typical educational status of immigrants and refugees in
the United
States. For instance, counselors may not be aware that African
immigrants
have highest rate of high school completion (94.7%) in
comparison with all
other immigrant groups, including Europeans, Asians, and Latin
American
immigrants (Schmidley, 2001). It is paramount that career
counselors working
with immigrant and refugee individuals enter their work with a
healthy skepti-
cism regarding traditional cross-cultural assumptions and ready
to realize that
their knowledge of immigrant individuals’ experiences may be
inaccurate.
Career counselors who work with immigrants and refugees must
become
aware of their assumptions about immigrant and refugee host
communities

and actively explore with their clients the types of work
opportunities that
were available to them prior to relocation. As stated earlier,
immigrants and
refugees can be especially disappointed with occupational
limitations set on
them by xenophobic restrictions, such as the availability of only
domestic ser-
vices or dead-end jobs (Foner, 2001; Segal & Mayadas, 2005;
Yakushko,
2006). Immigrant families accustomed to either the dual
incomes supporting
their livelihood or the family and community support may face
difficulties in
countries such as the United States because of a lack of
structural support for
both men and women’s full participation in the workforce, such
as inadequate
child care. A career counselor who unquestioningly accepts
ethnocentric
notions that other countries have it worse than people in the
United States may
provide damaging and unethical services to immigrant and
refugee clients.
Stereotypes, ethnocentric attitudes, and reliance on one’s own
cultural
understanding are difficult to change because they provide a
structure for the
expectations of how others in foreign countries act and behave.
Approaching
a session with a beginner’s mind can communicate to immigrant
and refugee
clients that their career counselor is open to learning about and
respecting
both their culture and their unique position within that culture

as well as
facilitating the establishment of alliance (Heppner & Heppner,
2003).
Using a Team Approach to Treatment
Including other service providers in working with recent
immigrants and
refugees may be especially significant. In her review of a model
of working
with recent refugees, Prendes-Lintel (2001) highlights that
refugees as well
as many immigrants may have experienced extensive
traumatization that
resulted in physical, emotional, and social impairment. Thus,
career coun-
selors may wish to regard their work with this population from a
team
approach that uses a collaborative effort to help clients adjust
and succeed in
their new work environments. For example, career counselors
can familiar-
ize themselves with the work of local refugee relocation
centers, multicul-
tural behavioral health centers, cultural centers, churches,
literacy programs,
and employment agencies.
Using Interpreters or Working With Linguistic Limitations
One of the unique aspects of working with immigrant and
refugee clients
is the potential use of interpreters. Establishing rapport with the
client when

another person is present in the counseling room is likely to be
complex.
Complications arise when the client has concerns about the
anonymity of the
counseling process based on fears that an interpreter is likely to
interact with
the client’s ongoing ethnic community (Pernice, 1994;
Yakushko, 2007).
Moreover, working through an interpreter requires a specific set
of skills
from a counselor, which is not typically acquired during her or
his training.
For example, decisions about whether the interpreter uses first
or third person
language, as well as the office arrangement for client and the
interpreter, timing
and accuracy of interpretation must be attended by the
counselors.
Unfamiliarity With the Helping Process
Immigrant and refugee clients may be unfamiliar with the U.S.
concept of
confidentiality with psychological professionals, or may
mistrust the concept
even when it is understood. Ishisaka, Nguyen, and Okimoto
(1985) found
that some of their Indochinese clients had to be taught about
confidentiality
and its use in health settings. Those immigrant and refugee
clients who left

politically repressive home environments can understandably be
suspicious
about the limits of confidentiality and this suspicion will often
be heightened
by the presence of an interpreter. For example, clients may fear
that if they
share about their disappointment or experiences of
discrimination in the
workplace, their statements may be reported back to their
employers or
shared with government officials. In addition to lack of
knowledge about
the confidentiality and privilege, immigrant and refugee clients
may hold
assumptions about seeking counseling, such as counseling is
only for crazy
and weak people. Last, in many cultures, seeking help outside
the bounds of
one’s family of origin is considered inappropriate. Career
counselors must
attend to these and other assumptions about the helping process
and address
these early on in their work.
A career counselor who is mindful of the immigrant/refugee
client’s needs
to learn and trust the process of career counseling can focus on
creating a
positive safe environment. Counselors can explicitly state to
their clients that
they are willing to talk about every situation their clients
experience, however
baffling or dehumanizing. Additionally, counselors can
highlight for their
clients that it is acceptable and, in fact, helpful for their
immigrant and refugee

clients to share their negative perceptions about their host
environment and
that the counselors will not be offended by such critiques.
Strategies that can
help create such an atmosphere include, for example, asking the
client to
teach the counselor a few words in his or her language, such as
hello, thank
you, yes/no, and good bye. Those who frequently work with
immigrants and
refugees can choose to keep an atlas or a globe in their office
and ask their
clients to describe where they came from or tell their story of
migration.
Following the immigrant/refugee client’s lead in the etiquette of
communi-
cation can be another way the counselor can show concern and
respect (Sue &
Sue, 1999). For example, giving the client a choice of how and
where to sit
in your office or accepting gifts for your time and assistance
can communicate
respect for cultural norms. Last, acknowledging to immigrants
and refugees
that you want to have a better understanding of them and their

culture can
help create a culturally and personally affirming therapeutic
space.
Creating Workshops and Structured Groups
For the majority of people around the world, individual
counseling is truly
a foreign worldview concept (Sue & Sue, 1999). Using
structured workshops
and groups can be more acceptable to immigrants and refugees
than attending
individual sessions. Structured workshops can be arranged with
community
organizations that serve immigrants locally. Workshops can
focus on issues
that broadly influence their lives in general—jobs, education,
language, rela-
tionships, and mental and physical health. For example,
Aggarwal (1990)
described about English as a second language classes, which
focused specifi-
cally on language skills necessary for employment. Review of
the recent
Census data suggested that indeed English language proficiency
was directly
related to the earning potential of recent immigrants and
refugees (Dávila &
Mora, 2004). Chronister (2006) developed a career intervention
program for
Mexican immigrant women, which was conducted through a
domestic violence
shelter. In addition to career-related information, workshops
and groups can
provide immigrant and refugees with needed support from other
immigrants

and refugees, a space for networking and exchanging of ideas,
and accessing
helpful advice about how to navigate a new world of work.
Career counselors
involved in the creation of such workshops can develop
professional relation-
ships with organizations and individuals who provide services
to immigrants
and refugees in their communities.
Developing a Global Perspective
U.S. psychology training in general and career training in
particular have
historically been undertaken in rather remarkable isolation from
the rest of
the world. Graduate and professional training programs have
given minimal
attention to having students learn about international
perspectives on mental
health or career counseling processes. This trend appears to be
changing based
on the increase in articles that focus on cross-cultural
applications of career
psychology or on describing career counseling services around
the world.
International English-language scholarly publications such as

the International
Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance and the
International
Journal for the Advancement of Counselling or career journals
published in
Australia and Great Britain (e.g., British Journal of Guidance
and Counselling
and the Australian Journal of Career Development) are now
available in a
number of U.S. libraries. Journals in the United States that are
focused on
career and vocational counseling have also increased the
number of articles
that include an international focus (see Flores et al., 2003).
Although the
majority of these international publications focus only on
portions of the
entire world, such as on the developed countries of Southeast
Asia, Australia,
and Western Europe, they nevertheless provide a picture of how
international
career counseling processes can and do differ from U.S.-based
practices.
Openness to other cultures is stimulated by a general
commitment to
understanding and challenging ethnocentrism in one’s own life
and career
counseling work. Watching foreign films, attending
international community
events, volunteering in local organizations that support
immigrants, reading
foreign literature, and traveling abroad can all provide career
counselors with
opportunities to step outside the U.S.-centered worldviews of
life and work.

The Internet with its world wide web can be an extraordinary
resource for
helping counselors obtain specific information about other
countries, peoples,
and cultures.
Not unlike the immigrant and refugee clients, counselor efficacy
and out-
come expectations can be affected by the aforementioned
facilitators and
barriers of developing competencies in working with this
population. Career
counselors must examine these facilitators and barriers as they
increase their
skills in working with immigrant and refugee clients. Personal
exploration,
continued training, consultation, and supervision can aid career
counselors in
their development as competent helpers for those immigrants
and refugees
who may seek their assistance.
Conclusion
The United States will continue to be a nation of immigrants
and refugees,
and the number of those who migrate to this country is
predicted to grow
(Marsella & Ring, 2003). The workforce in the United States is

believed to
become even more reliant on immigrant workforce in the future.
Among
primary reasons for relocation for many recent immigrants and
refugees is
their search for adequate employment as well as an opportunity
to develop a
career path that facilitates their personal growth and provides
stable support
for their families (Shinnar, 2007; Yakushko, 2006).
The career concerns of immigrants and refugees must be
considered
within larger systems, such as families, cultural communities,
and the receiv-
ing communities. This article focuses primarily on the
functioning of indi-
viduals themselves rather on these other contextual systems that
undoubtedly
influence their career development. Further theoretical and
empirical work
can focus on examining the systemic factors in the career
functioning of
immigrants as individuals, families, and communities.
This article provides a theoretical review of possible influences
on the
career development of recent immigrants and refugees.
Empirical career-
focused research with this population is necessary for
expanding the knowl-
edge and improving the tools in working with these individuals
and
communities. SCCT can be further tested and refined in its
applications to
the immigrant and refugee individuals. Scholars may examine

what inter-
ventions and under what conditions and in which contexts these
interven-
tions are successful in addressing the needs of the immigrant
and refugee
clients and communities.
It is also vital that such research is built on emancipatory,
communitarian
approach that critically addresses issues of power, oppression,
and privi-
lege (Blustein et al., 2005). For example, higher levels of
critical conscious-
ness in relation to the structure of career opportunities in the
United States
are related to higher vocational identity achievement among
urban adoles-
cents in the United States (Diemer & Blustein, 2006). Scholars,
practitioners,
and advocates for immigrant communities can explore whether
intentional
consciousness arising through the career counseling process
with this
group can aid them in more positive career development
processes in the
United States.
Career scholarship and practice in psychology have been rooted
in the
commitment to social justice, to providing adequate and
fulfilling employ-
ment to those who are not assured access to positive work
environments
(Swanson & Gore, 2000). Yet again, career counseling can
become a liberat-
ing tool for recent immigrants and refugees who can also

experience the
personal satisfaction of developing their career paths and
reaching their
career dreams.
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Oksana Yakushko, PhD, is an assistant professor of counseling
psychology in the Department
of Educational Psychology at the University of Nebraska–
Lincoln. Her scholarly work
focuses on immigration and immigrant adjustment, career
counseling and development, gender
issues, and cross-cultural work. She enjoys hiking with her
family, exploring new places,
dancing Flamenco, and running.
Autumn Backhaus is a doctoral candidate in the counseling
psychology program at the
University of Nebraska–Lincoln. She received her master’s
degree in clinical psychology
from Emporia State University, Kansas. Her research interests
include issues related to social
class, socioeconomic status, and classism as well as various
topics in the area of psychology
and public policy. She spends her free time reading, traveling,

and spending time with family
and friends.
Megan Watson is a doctoral candidate in the counseling
psychology program at the
University of Nebraska–Lincoln. She received her master’s
degree in forensic psychology
from the University of Denver. Her research interests include
issues related to trauma, vic-
timization, feminist identity, and immigrant/refugee mental
health. Main areas of interest
include domestic violence and government sponsored torture.
She spends her free time read-
ing, gardening, and enjoying family and friends.
Katherine Ngaruiya received most of her K-12 schooling in
Nairobi, Kenya, where she lived
for about 8 years of her life. She received her masters in
counseling psychology at the
University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Currently, she works as a
counselor at Centerpointe a Dual
Diagnosis center for individuals dealing with mental health and
substance use issues. Her
research interests center around the immigration/emigration
process, women and domestic
violence, and unique barriers faced by individuals struggling
with substance use problems
and/or mental health issues. She also enjoys biking and reading.
Jaime Gonzalez is a fourth-year doctoral candidate in the
counseling psychology program at
the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. He is originally from Los
Angeles, California, and
received his BA in psychology and MS in clinical/counseling
psychology from the California
State University San Bernardino. In 2004, Jaime received the

362Journal of Career DevelopmentVolume 34 Number 4Ju.docx

362Journal of Career DevelopmentVolume 34 Number 4Ju.docx

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