The life model offers social workers a promising framework to use .docx

The life model offers social workers a promising framework to
use in assisting immigrant families. However, the complexities
of adaptation to a new country may make it difficult for social
workers to operate from a purely ecological approach. The
authors use segmented assimilation theory to better account for
the specificities of the immigrant experience. They argue that
by adding concepts from segmented assimilation theory to the
life model, social workers can better understand the
environmental stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of
immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a
new country. With these concepts, social workers who work
with immigrant families will be better positioned to achieve
their central goal: enhancing person and environment fit.
KEY WORDS: acculturation; assimilation; immigrants; life
model; second generation
Nearly a century ago, Jane Addams (1910) observed that
immigrants needed help integrating their European and
American experiences to give them meaning and a sense of
relation:
Power to see life as a whole is more needed in the immigrant
quarter of the city than anywhere else.… Why should the chasm
between fathers and sons, yawning at the feet of each
generation, be made so unnecessarily cruel and impassable to
these bewildered immigrants? (p. 172)
The inability of some immigrant families to integrate the
cultural capital from the world left behind with the demands of
the new society creates a gulf of experience between immigrants
and their children that can undermine the parental relationship.
Today, the issue of family cohesion in the face of acculturative
stressors remains central to the immigrant experience and
creates a sense of urgency because it is so linked with the
success of the second generation. The size of the immigrant
population and the role their children will play in future labor
markets (Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Sullivan, 2006) moves the

problem from the realm of the person to the status of a larger
public concern.
Immigrant families are rapidly becoming the "typical" American
family. More than one in seven families in the United States is
headed by a foreign-born adult. Children of immigrant parents
are the fastest growing segment of the nation's child population
(Capps, Fix, Ost, Reardon-Anderson, & Passel, 2004). The U.S.
Census Bureau (2003) reported that slightly more than 14
million children (approximately one in five) live in immigrant
families; the percentage is even higher (22 percent) for children
under the age of six (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). At a structural
level, these changing demographics create large-scale and long-
range effects that bear on many social services and many issues
of social policy (Sullivan, 2006). Specifically, the population
growth of native-born children in nonwhite immigrant families,
in the context of an aging white population, has implications for
intergenerational and interethnic justice. The native-born
children of immigrants will make up a large portion of the
future workforce--and of the future contributors to the social
security-recipient population (Morales & Bonilla, 1993;
Sullivan, 2006).
For many immigrants, relocating to the United States means
leaving one cultural universe and entering a new one--a life
transition that, unlike other forms of life transitions, can span
decades and affect subsequent generations. Immigrant families
must grapple with a distinct set of cultural adjustments. Aside
from adapting to a new society, immigrant adults rear children
in a cultural context that is different--sometimes vastly so--from
the one in which they themselves were socialized, and often that
context includes speaking a language other than English.
Although contemporary immigrants and their native-born
children--the second generation--face the same type of parental
estrangement as earlier immigrants did, the social context has
changed dramatically. Immigrant families today face the
challenges of adaptation in an era of eroded social safety nets
and heightened scrutiny of citizenship status (Engstrom, 2006).

The industrial era long ago gave way to a more technologically
complex society, and the labor market has bifurcated into two
sectors: high-skilled work and low-skill work, the latter with
correspondingly low wages and often with no benefits (Portes &
Rumbaut, 2001; Wilson, 1980, 1987). Many immigrants work in
low-wage jobs that provide few or no benefits and little
opportunity for advancement.
Segmented assimilation theory identifies factors that contribute
to the different rates of acculturation among parents and their
offspring; it also explains how intergenerational acculturation
patterns affect the way the second generation confronts external
obstacles to social mobility (Portes, 1996; Portes, Fernandez-
Kelly, & Haller, 2005; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Portes & Zhou,
1993; Waters, 1996). Segmented assimilation theory has been
used by scholars studying the difficulties immigrant families
have with acculturating to American society. For example,
segmented theory has been used to ground case studies (Kelly,
2007) and to understand substance use and abuse (Martinez,
2006), educational performance (Stone & Hart, 2005), and
racial distrust among immigrant minority students (Albertini,
2004). Chapman and Perreira (2005) used segmented
assimilation theory to inform aspects of their framework for
assessment of the psychosocial risks associated with successful
adaptation Of Latino youths. Although a useful contribution to
the literature, Chapman and Perreira's (2005) application of the
theory is narrowly focused on Latinos and does not make use of
this theory's ability to explain why some immigrant families
have more difficulties with assimilation than others do. The
explanatory power of the theory lies in its ability to illuminate
factors that contribute to diverse life trajectories among
immigrant families.
We argue that by adding concepts from segmented assimilation
theory to the life model (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman
& Germain, 1976, 2008), social workers can better understand
the environmental stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of
immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a

new country. Furthermore, this enhanced ecological approach
can help practitioners better understand the crucial role that
intergenerational acculturation plays in the challenges that some
immigrant parents experience in their efforts to relate to and
guide their children. With this expanded view, we believe that
social workers who work with immigrant families will be better
positioned to achieve their central goal: enhancing person and
environment fit.
APPLING THE LIFE MODEL TO IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR
CHILDREN
The life model is particularly relevant for those working with
immigrants and their children. Inspired by the idea that social
work practice should be modeled on life itself, the life model
places particular emphasis on the normal life processes of
growth, development, and decline (Bandler, 1963; Germain &
Gitterman, 1996, Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). These
processes, along with human motivation for problem solving
and need satisfaction, are understood in the context of the life
span. Life-modeled practice, grounded in ecological theory,
seeks to maximize the fit between individuals, families, and
groups and their environment (Germain & Gitterman, 1996;
Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). Capitalizing on reciprocal
interactions between people and their environments,
interventions are tailored to enhance people's ability to meet
their needs and to coax the environment to become more
amenable to their needs (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman
& Germain, 1976, 2008; Shulman & Gitterman, 1994). Problems
in living (Gitterman & Germain, 1976) were originally
conceived as generated by three interrelated sources: ( 1)
stressful life transitions, ( 2) environmental pressures, and ( 3)
maladaptive interpersonal processes (Shulman & Gitterman,
1994). Later, the life model added three new conceptual areas
that reflect the profession's evolving sensitivity to social
diversity: ( 1) the recognition of factors that influence
vulnerability and oppression; ( 2) the presence of healthy and
unhealthy habitat and niche; and ( 3) consideration of variations

in the life course (the trajectory taken by an individual), with
attention to social and cultural determinants of these trajectories
(Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Ungar, 2002).
Although these new additions to the life model provide a
comprehensive framework for understanding the myriad
challenges facing immigrant families, the life model remains
general and unspecific regarding factors that affect immigrant
families. Other theoretical concepts are needed to address the
following key questions regarding the adaptation process: What
factors influence vulnerability and oppression of immigrants?
What are the social and cultural determinants of the various life
trajectories immigrants take? Answering these questions will
generate a greater appreciation for the obstacles immigrant
families must overcome.
SEGMENTED ASSIMILATION AND INTERGENERATIONAL
ACCULTURATION
Intergenerational conflict is common in the immigrant
experience, but not all families experience the disdain that some
second-generation youths develop toward their immigrant
parents and their cultural heritage. Not all immigrant youths
prematurely free themselves from parental authority, losing the
corresponding support and guidance. Nevertheless, the question
remains: How do individual, family, and community dynamics
intersect with larger contextual forces so as to give rise to
divergent assimilation outcomes?
Contemporary sociological theory can help answer this
question. Although assimilation--the process by which
immigrants and their children integrate into society--is an
important concept, it is also a term that has been overused and
burdened by extensive qualifications (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001).
Traditional straight-line assimilation, with its assumption of
rapid integration and acceptance into the American mainstream,
is only one of several possible assimilation outcomes. Portes
and Rumbaut (2001) reminded us that assimilation remains a
cautionary tale and that positive outcomes are by no means
guaranteed. They argued for a conceptualization that accounts

for the different possible outcomes and variation across
immigrant groups. By tracing the divergent assimilation paths
of second-generation children to intergenerational acculturation,
segmented assimilation theory explains the specific role that
immigrant parents and their co-ethnic communities play in
helping the second generation to confront external obstacles to
social mobility (for example, racial discrimination, a two-tiered
labor market, and inner-city subcultures). The key issue is not
whether the assimilation of immigrants and their children will
occur; a long historical record proves that it does, even under
the direst of circumstances. Rather, in regard to social mobility,
the segment of society into which immigrants and their children
assimilate carries significantly more weight.
Segmented assimilation theory recognizes that although U.S.
society is racially and ethnically diverse, it is also stratified
along socioeconomic lines (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Wilson,
1980, 1987). Socioeconomic status shapes and constrains
opportunities for social mobility. Those at the more
impoverished levels of society--the working poor, for example--
experience a myriad of obstacles to upward social mobility
because the problems associated with poverty are so
interlocking that one reversal can produce a chain reaction with
far-reaching results (Shipler, 2004). Low-wage employment
with no benefits relegates workers to communities with poorer
housing stock, unreliable transportation systems, and inadequate
schools. This heightened vulnerability is further accentuated
when workers have an illness, are involved in an accident, or
are victims of a street crime. Given the corrosive effects of
poverty, it is not surprising that, for low-income immigrant
families, increased length of residency in the United States
coincides with deterioration in the health and school
achievement of their children (Hernandez & Charney, 1998;
Shields & Behrman, 2004).
Perhaps the most useful contribution segmented assimilation
theory has to offer is the idea that the pace of intergenerational
acculturation--the process by which immigrants and their

children learn the language and normative lifestyles of a new
culture--plays an important role in the support and resources
that second-generation children can access to overcome external
barriers to successful adaptation. In an ideal world,
acculturation occurs at similar rates for both immigrant parents
and their children, enabling children to maintain family and
communities ties. When confronted by racial discrimination, a
bifurcated labor market, and innercity subcultures, second-
generation children who have maintained these important
connections face these difficulties with adult support and
guidance. However, acculturation rates often differ between
parents and offspring (Hwang, 2006), creating a gap between
the first and second generations that extends beyond normal
generational gaps. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) identified three
types of intergenerational acculturation: ( 1) dissonant, ( 2)
consonant, and ( 3) selected.
Synonymous with "harsh" or "jarring," dissonant acculturation
is aptly named. Such an acculturation occurs when children
learn English and adopt U.S. culture at such an accelerated rate,
compared with their parents, that parental authority is
undermined and children can prematurely free themselves from
parental control. In the most extreme instances, role reversal
occurs when the child's mastery of the language and culture puts
her or him at a social advantage vis-à-vis the parents and the
child is expected to serve as translator and mediator in the
public world. A dissonant acculturation process diminishes the
ability of parents to provide critical guidance. Moreover, this
process often occurs in a context of limited community
supports, so the results are particularly cruel. When confronted
with external obstacles to social advancement, such as poverty,
racial discrimination, or poor educational opportunities, these
children often have little more than their peer group for support.
The immigrant's child confronts these obstacles alone and is
particularly vulnerable to the adoption of adversarial attitudes
and lifestyles associated with inner-city subcultures and
downward social mobility.

Consider the fluidity of racial identity and how it can serve as a
proxy for something other than identity (Sanmels, 2006; Tafoya,
2004; Waters, 1996). One study that examined how adolescent
children of black immigrant parents constructed and used their
ethnic identity found that ethnically identified teenagers
recognized that their immigrant status separated them from
being solely identified as African American--arguably the most
stigmatized group in the United States (Water, 1996).
Depending on the situation, ethnically identified youths spoke
differently--formal English rather than accented English--and
sent out other signals of ethnic group belonging (such as
sporting a Jamaican keychain). For these adolescents, racial and
ethnic identity were not synonymous with being a black
American. Rather, these adolescents viewed race and ethnicity
as fluid, social currency that is partially a conscious choice to
adopt behaviors and speech to fit the social context (Waters,
1996).
In sharp contrast, other adolescents in the study who adopted a
fixed racial identity--black American--placed little emphasis on
their ethnic identities. These teenagers believed that race
definitively constrained their chances of getting ahead, and they
did not see their cultural heritage as providing any social
leverage. Moreover, these youths had adopted and identified
with some of the negative stereotypes. One young Haitian
American teenager reported the following:
My parents, they do not like American blacks, … they feel that
they are lazy. They don't want to work and stufflike that from
what they can see. And I feel that, um, I feel that way too …
and nay mother is like, yeah, you're just too American. (Waters,
1996, p. 185)
The most striking finding in this study was how the two groups
of teenagers responded to their parents' negative opinions of
black Americans and the degree of intergenerational conflict.
Although both groups reported that their parents held negative
appraisals of African Americans, ethnically identified youths
agreed with their parents' and wider society's negative

assessments of poor black people and sought to avoid being
identified in that way. American-identified youths rejected their
parents' opinions outright, blaming those beliefs on their
parents' naïveté regarding the U.S. social system. These youths'
racial identity included embracing aspects of a peer-group
culture that brought them into conflict with their parents'
cultural beliefs. Disaffected by their parents and their cultural
values, American-identified teenagers confronted the perils of
racial discrimination and inner-city subcultures alone.
In marked contrast, consonant acculturation reflects a process in
which there is a gradual loss of native language and culture.
Acquisition of English language and U.S. culture are assumed
by the parent and child at roughly the same rates. The role of
economic resources cannot be underestimated here. In some
instances, immigrant parents have the resources to purchase
experiences that facilitate their ability to pass on their cultural
heritage: a parochial education, language school, summer trips
to the country of origin. These "extras" give a child exposure to
the parent's culture and facilitate a family milieu of common
values and cultural beliefs. In addition, the parents' education
and employment foster the acquisition of language and culture,
enhancing authority so that the parents retain their parental role.
Selective acculturation occurs when the learning process of both
generations is embedded in a co-ethnic community that slows
down the cultural shift and promotes the partial retention of
parents' home language and cultural norms. Selective
acculturation is commonly found among middle-class members
living in ethic enclaves, such as Cubans in Miami.
PARENTAL HUMAN CAPITAL, MODES OF
INCORPORATION, AND FAMILY STRUCTURE
As illustrated in the earlier discussion, central to segmented
assimilation theory is the way that parental human capital
influences patterns of intergenerational acculturation. In
addition, intergenerational acculturation is affected by how the
immigrant group is received in this country (modes of
incorporation) and the ways in which family structure helps or

hinders social supports. In this section, we discuss these three
factors and how they facilitate the ability of immigrant parents
to remain a guiding force for their children (see Figure 1).
Parental Human Capital. Immigrants come to this country with
wide variations in age, education, occupational skills, wealth,
and knowledge of English. Each of these factors not only
contributes to immigrants' wage-earning potential in the labor
market, but also plays a role in determining the extent to which
immigrant parents can regulate the acculturation process for
their children. This ability to have some say in the rate of
children's acculturation is extremely important, because for
most immigrant families, schools often undermine cultural
retention (Ishibashi, 1991; Ishibashi & Martinez, 2006). By
attending U.S. schools, the children of immigrants experience
an accelerated acculturation process, often putting them at a
linguistic and cultural advantage over their parents. Therefore,
parents who lack the personal and community resources to keep
up with their children's acculturation are decisively
disadvantaged in maintaining an influential role in their
children's lives.
Immigrant parents with English language ability, who know
how to navigate complex social organizations, have a decisive
advantage both at home and in the labor market. Highly
educated and skilled adult immigrants are better able to
acculturate quickly to U.S. society than immigrants who come
with little education, low levels of literacy, and no exposure to
complex social institutions and technology. The first group has
greater potential to access high-wage work that will lead to
rapid social mobility. Because they possess education and skills
that are valued in U.S. society, these immigrants encounter a
more hospitable environment and have greater opportunity to
regulate their situations (and their family situations) than do
those with low levels of human capital.
The second group has many more cultural disadvantages to
overcome. For these immigrants, competencies developed in
their native societies may not translate well to the new society.

Regrettably, the second generation's view of their parents is
shaped by their perception of the fit between the parents' skills
and their new environment, rather than the actual competencies
of their parents. Consider the observation made by Rodriguez
(1982):
My mother and father made themselves under stood at the
county hospital clinic and at government offices. And yet… it
was unsettling to hear my parents struggle with English.
Hearing them, I'd grow nervous, my clutching trust in their
protection and power weakened. (p. 15)
Apart from obvious financial difficulties, income, language, and
education can negatively affect the parental relationship in
unforeseen ways, fraying those important ties over time and
heightening the vulnerability of some immigrant children to the
loss of parental support. Because parental human capital
determines labor-market participation, which in turn affects the
availability of resources and institutional access, the coercive
effects on family ties are particularly brutal: Children living in
families with the fewest resources (usually living in
communities where parental guidance is most critical) are on
their own in dealing with discrimination and the pitfalls of
poverty.
Modes of Incorporation. In addition to the skills and resources
that immigrants individually possess, the receiving context
plays a vital role in eroding or strengthening family ties.
Governmental policies and the receptivity of the native
population to the new immigrants have a powerful effect on the
supports and resources available to help immigrants maintain
control over their lives during adaptation to a new environment.
As noncitizens, immigrants depend on federal policies to confer
rights and privileges on the basis of their immigration status.
Sometimes these policies are influenced by foreign policy
needs, as in the case of Cuban refugees. In the United States,
modes of incorporation can range from a positive reception, in
which there is federal support for the resettlement of
immigrants (as in the case of Cubans and Vietnamese during the

Cold War), to an overtly hostile stance, as in the case of
undocumented Mexican nationals. Between these two extremes,
most immigrants find a host society that is, at best, ambivalent
about their presence and expects immigrants to make it largely
on their own (Engstrom, 2006). However, the ability to "make
it" depends largely on governmental policies that regulate
immigration status: essentially, the degree to which immigrants
can live and work openly in society and the types of labor
opportunities and protections they encounter.
Undocumented immigrants, for example, work at jobs that most
people in the United States find undesirable, and they have the
least protection from occupational hazards and abuse.
Moreover, their claim on social institutions is tenuous. Because
undocumented immigrants fear deportation, many will use such
institutions only in emergencies. The lack of choice for this
group is apparent; reversals, such as a serious illness or injury
or a workplace raid, can have a disorganizing effect on even the
most industrious family. Under these hostile circumstances,
parental ability to protect children is precarious.
However, even legal immigrants, who have a stronger claim on
social services and institutions, are not immune to a hostile
reception. Their ability to make use of institutional resources is
limited by factors that convey a message of inaccessibility: the
lack of health insurance, language barriers, and the absence of
linguistically and culturally competent service providers. Modes
of incorporation have far-reaching effects on the acculturation
of immigrants and directly relate to their ability to care for
themselves and their families.
Family Structure. Family structure is intimately tied to the
cultural and economic resources families have for raising their
children. Two-parent households generally have higher incomes
than one-parent households (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). Low-
income immigrant families can stretch their resources, for
example, if they have extended family or family friends who
can assume child care responsibilities while parents are
working. Moreover, low-wage immigrant parents often must

work two jobs to make ends meet, so they have less time to
spend with their children and to interact with the institutions
(such as schools) that shape the lives of their children.
Moreover, many immigrant families are composed of members
with different immigration statuses (for example, citizen, legal
immigrant, undocumented immigrant). Mixed-status families are
estimated to constitute 9 percent of U.S. families (Fix and
Zimmermann, 2001). The typical mixed-status family comprises
U.S.-born children with at least one immigrant parent, who may
or may not have legal immigration status. Consequently,
policies designed to restrict one category of immigrants can
have a radiating effect on native born immigrants. Some family
members make the journey to the United States alone, leaving
others behind to emigrate later. Family separation means that
family members will begin the acculturation process at different
times and that reality strongly influences family dynamics.
THE LIFE MODEL REVISITED
As discussed earlier, although the fife model provides a useful
ecological framework to guide practice, it requires supplemental
theory. Although life-modeled practice recognizes factors that
may influence vulnerability and oppression, such as poverty,
crime, and environmental hazards, segmented assimilation
theory focuses on vulnerability in the areas of parental human
capital, modes of incorporation, and family structure. By
gathering information about the migration and adjustment
experience, social workers can assess the degree to which
immigrants and their children are experiencing a harsh
acculturation process that can negatively affect family relations
and limit immigrant children's ability to overcome obstacles to
social mobility.
The most vulnerable immigrant families are those with limited
human capital to cope with the demands of a modern
technological society and those who are socially isolated
(usually a single-parent-headed family or a family without a co-
ethnic community to call on). These are the families most in
need of cultural brokers to help them understand U.S. cultural

norms and expectations for interacting with various institutions,
including schools and health care organizations. In this respect,
cultural competence extends beyond merely understanding and
appreciating the clients' culture. Rather, this competence also
mandates the ability to explain complex human service systems
to immigrants in ways they can readily understand, something
social workers are particularly suited for and trained to do.
By importing concepts from segmented assimilation theory into
the life model, social workers can recognize and understand the
factors that contribute to the various outcomes experienced by
immigrant families. In the context of an enhanced ecological
model, interpersonal conflict and distress in an immigrant
family--even when the source of conflict seems mild--can be
viewed in a different light. For example, conflicts concerning
choice of friends, sexuality, curfew, and homework, which may
typically fall in the range of normal for most families, may
mask deeper underlying issues related to dissonant acculturation
for immigrant families. Often, parents will reach out for help
when they believe that their child is "slipping" and they are
unsure about how to regain control. The unspoken concern often
extends beyond the specific conflict and includes fears that the
youth is becoming "too American," in the worst sense of the
term. It is tempting to minimize these concerns in the absence
of overtly problematic behaviors, but doing so means that
service providers miss an opportunity to address greater
apprehensions about the parental relationship. Most families
have intergenerational disputes; what distinguishes immigrants
is not the presence of conflict but, rather, the dangers associated
with dissonant acculturation that heightens the need for
understanding, reconciliation, and compromise.
CONCLUSION
Jane Addams envisioned Hull House as a bridge between two
different cultural worlds, facilitating the adaptation of
immigrant families into U.S. society. Her observation that
immigrant families need help connecting the cultural heritage of
their past with the strengths needed to navigate the present

terrain resonates with major tenets in the life model. Even so,
segmented assimilation theory offers insights into the uneven
barriers facing the first and second generations and into how
vulnerabilities increase the chasm between parents and their
children (as Addams, 1910, so poignantly described). By
incorporating segmented theory into life-modeled practice,
contemporary social workers can foster interventions that
enhance the strengths of immigrant parents and help them guide
their children to lead productive lives.
BBA 2026, Organizational Communication 1
Course Learning Outcomes for Unit VII
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
7. Summarize the differences in communication styles of
managers vs. leaders.
7.1. Describe different ways managers and leaders use
communication to guide their organizations.
7.2. Discuss the effectiveness of communication through the
message, channel, and the potential
for feedback.
Reading Assignment
In order to access the following resource(s), click the link(s)

below:
Detert, J. R., Burris, E. R., Harrison, D. A., & Martin, S. R.
(2013). Voice flows to and around leaders:
Understanding when units are helped or hurt by employee voice.
Administrative Science Quarterly,
58(4), 624-668. Retrieved from
https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?url=http://s
earch.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direc
t=true&db=bth&AN=92688565&site=ehost-live&scope=site
Grossman, L. (2016). Inside Apple’s code war. Time, 187(11),
42-49. Retrieved from
earch.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direc
t=true&db=bth&AN=113831986&site=ehost-live&scope=site
Solomon, I. G., Costea, C., & Nita, A. M. (2016). Leadership
versus management in public organizations.
Economics, Management, and Financial Markets, 11(1), 143-
151. Retrieved from
earch.proquest.com.libraryresources.c
olumbiasouthern.edu/docview/1782998705?accountid=33337
Click here to view the Unit VII Presentation.
Click here to view the Unit VII Presentation transcript.

Course/Unit
Learning Outcomes
Learning Activity
7
Unit Lesson
Unit VII Presentation
Article: “Voice flows to and around leaders: Understanding
when units are
helped or hurt by employee voice”
Article: “Inside Apple’s code war”
Article: “Leadership versus management in public
organizations”
Unit VII Mini Project
7.1
Unit Lesson
Article: “Leadership versus management in public
organizations”
7.2
Unit Lesson
UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE
The Different Communication Styles
of Managers and Leaders

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UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title
Unit Lesson
Introduction

When discussing the difference between leadership and
management, many articles, books, seminars,
workshops, video series, and motivational presentations have
been created. A simple search in the CSU
Online Library, or with a search engine like Google or Bing,
will reveal a plethora of resources that address
the issue. The sources provide a variety of opinions on how to
define the two roles and how to help a
manager transition into the role of a leader or how a leader can
become a more effective manager.
It is important to realize that the two roles are not mutually
exclusive, but the tasks each complete in an
organization require a certain set of skills. Managers usually
focus on specific work and tasks that fit within
the subject of a designated resource: human, time, financial,
equipment, and so forth. The skills managers
develop work within the constraints of the system and enforce
the desired standards of work on the
employees. Leaders, on the other hand, often concentrate on the
long-term vision or goal of the organization
and work on defining the system that allows the organization to
operate. Leaders concentrate more on the
overall view and try to expand the standards of work by
motivating, mentoring, and building relationships with
employees.
Organizations need managers to decide about resources and
manage risk. Acquiring resources requires a
significant investment for an organization, so managers need to
make good decisions, not just about
technology, but also when hiring new employees. For example,
Christina Merhar (2016) estimates that every
time an organization hires a salaried employee, it costs between
six and nine months’ salary on average in

recruiting and training expenses. Deciding upon the employees
to hire for a job is an essential part of working
within the constraints of the system.
Hiring talented employees and retaining them is part of creating
a functioning organization. The leadership
role focuses on the overall view of employee retention and
expands standards that will benefit the
organization. After all, as Merhar (2016) suggests, beyond the
cost of hiring and training new employees,
organizations face additional costs in lost productivity and
engagement, increased customer service errors,
loss of income due to dissatisfied customers, and a cultural
impact with other employees.
Beyond employee hiring and retention, though, organizations
need to work with strategic partners, academic
institutions, and also contract workers. Both managers and
leaders are required to achieve these tasks, and
their primary tool is communication.
While this information is focused on managers, it can also help
employees and staff who are looking to move
from their current role to a more visible leadership position. As
Detert, Burris, Harrison, and Martin (2013)
relate, leaders are not just those in the most senior positions in
organizations. They define leaders as
members of the organization who formally oversee the
collective effort of employees who are accountable for
measured results.
Case Study: Apple Versus the U.S. Government
In order to understand the way in which a leader communicates,
it can be helpful to study a real-life situation.
Tim Cook, who is the CEO of Apple, has been embroiled in a

public debate regarding a request from the U.S.
government to unlock an iPhone. Apple has complied with the
government in the past, but the current
situation is different due to the scope of the request.
The phone is owned by the San Bernardino Department of
Public Health, which provided it as a work phone
for Syed Rizwan Farook, one of the shooter suspects in a
massacre in San Bernardino, California, where 14
people were killed, and 22 people were injured. Due to the iOS8
operating system installed on the phone,
data (e.g., photos, messages, contacts, call history) is securely
encrypted using a password. Apple cannot
bypass the passcode to obtain the data; this is one of the selling-
features that the company provides for its
customers. The encryption protects users from hackers and
criminals.
In “Inside Apple’s Code War,” Lev Grossman (2016) explains
that after the Orange County Regional
Computer Forensics Laboratory retrieved the phone and booted
it up, the authorities learned that it required a
passcode for access. Since the phone belonged to San
Bernardino County, a technician was able to remotely
UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title

reset the iCloud password. Unfortunately, this meant that the
iPhone, which has its own passcode, would no
longer back up information to iCloud.
If the iCloud password had not been changed, Apple could have
provided the iPhone’s back up data to the
government. However, as Kim Zetter (2016) notes, by changing
the iCloud password, there is no chance for
the iPhone to back up additional data. Zetter (2016) states that
the best opportunity to get the data from the
iPhone was nullified by the technician changing the Apple ID.
If this had not occurred, then Apple would not
have to resist the government’s attempt to break the security of
its own operating system.
What would have been a simple request before the change now
resulted in a massive issue. The FBI
requested that Apple make a new version of the iPhone
operating system that circumvented important
security features and install it on the iPhone recovered during
the investigation of Syed Rizwan Farook.
Apple’s argument is that once this type of software is
developed, it can be used to unlock any iPhone, and
there would be no way to limit its use.
Managers
Zetter (2016) explains that Apple has a standard procedure
when working with government agencies. There
is a specific department set up to deal with technical requests of
this sort, and Apple technicians walked the
government agents through the standard process of retrieving
the data. The agents did not inform the Apple
technicians that the iCloud password had been changed,
however, so the information remained locked.

The managers, at this point, had focused on one specific area:
They were working on the technical support
aspect of the phone. Their communications were centered on
fixing this one particular problem; they were
meeting the specific demands of a single situation.
Leaders
Cook became involved when the FBI requested that Apple
create a new version of iOS 9 that would allow
them to unlock the phone. At this point, the issue had moved
from a single situation to one of company policy.
Cook did not just make a unilateral decision; instead, he
consulted with his managers and staff. Cook
explained that the company engaged in long, internal
discussions prior to the decision being made (as cited in
Grossman, 2016).
This is an area of leadership. The leader has to be focused on
how all of the departments in an organization
work together. Since this is a problem that could affect the
entire company, Cook took the time to gather
feedback from his executives, managers, and staff. Each person
had an opportunity to provide information
and to influence the decision.
When the U.S. government filed a motion to compel Apple’s
assistance in unlocking the iPhone, the situation
changed once again. By not filing a sealed case, Grossman
(2016) notes, the FBI was trying to bring the court
of public opinion into play about the issue. As the leader of
Apple, Cook was now faced with anticipating the
reactions of his employees to this situation, as well as
customers, strategic partners, and so forth. He needed
to make decisions in regard to this issue, but he also needed to
explain the rationale for those decisions to

everyone involved.
Creating a Communications Strategy that Fosters Change and
Innovation
Cook addressed this through creating messages about Apple’s
company mission, goals, and responsibilities.
He stressed Apple’s dedication to helping law enforcement and
provided details on the special efforts the
company makes to provide support. Cook focused on customer
protection, security, and human rights under
the U.S. Constitution. He provided transparency with the court
documents and Apple’s response.
Along with conducting media interviews to clarify Apple’s
position, Cook released “A Message to our
Customers” where he stressed the company's efforts to keep
consumers' information private. The letter calls
for public discussion of the issues and presents an overview of
the situation so both Apple customers and
people throughout the United States can understand what is at
stake. He lays out the argument for keeping
encryption and adds that if the government uses the All Writs
Act to unlock one iPhone, it would have the
ability to go into any device to monitor and/or collect data. This
would extend to health records, financial data,
UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title

and location tracking. The All Writs Act could be used to
constantly access and monitor any smart phone’s
microphone and camera without the user’s knowledge (Cook,
2016).
In the letter, Cook states that this legal challenge by Apple was
not taken lightly but with the deepest respect
for American democracy. He feels that the organization is
standing up to an overreach of authority by the U.S.
government. He welcomes a discussion with the public where
people consider the full implications of
government surveillance to this extent. Cook concludes the
letter by stating that, while the FBI has good
intentions in this one case, what will follow will undermine the
freedoms and liberty of law-abiding citizens who
our government should be protecting (Cook, 2016).
Variations of this message have been repeated by Cook in
interviews and at the Town Hall meeting that
occurs quarterly at 1 Infinite Circle Plaza. But Cook goes one
step further in certain interviews, pointing out
that even if the government outlaws encryption by companies in
the United States, criminals will simply
download apps from outside its borders. Since the Internet is
worldwide, it is easy to purchase encryption
apps from other countries. So the criminals’ data would be
unavailable to law enforcement, and everyone else
would be vulnerable. Financial information, personal messages,
photos, and work documents—anything
stored on a computer, tablet, or smart phone—would be
vulnerable. This type of technology, Cook states, will
only affect good, law-abiding citizens. It will not deter
criminals (as cited in Grossman, 2016).

References
Cook, T. (2016). A message to our customers. Retrieved from
http://www.apple.com/customer-letter/
Detert, J. R., Burris, E. R., Harrison, D. A., & Martin, S. R.
(2013). Voice flows to and around leaders:
Understanding when units are helped or hurt by employee voice.
Administrative Science Quarterly,
58(4), 624-668.
Grossman, L. (2016). Inside Apple’s code war. Time, 187(11),
42-49.
Merhar, C. (2016, February 4). Employee retention – the real
cost of losing an employee [Blog post].
Retrieved from
http://www.zanebenefits.com/blog/bid/312123/Employee-
Retention-The-Real-Cost-of-
Losing-an-Employee
Zetter, K. (2016, February 19). Apple says the government
bungled its chance to get that iPhone’s data.
Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/2016/02/apple-
says-the-government-bungled-its-chance-
to-hack-that-iphone/
Suggested Reading

The articles below highlight some of the issues related to the
topics discussed in the Unit VII Lesson.
Merhar, C. (2016, February 4). Employee retention—the real
cost of losing an employee [Blog post].
Retrieved from
Retention-The-Real-Cost-of-
Losing-an-Employee
Zetter, K. (2016, February 19). Apple says the government
bungled its chance to get that iPhone’s data.
Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/2016/02/apple-
says-the-government-bungled-its-chance-
to-hack-that-iphone/
Learning Activities (Non-Graded)
Apply What You Have Learned
In your current (or past) place of employment, reflect on how
leaders communicate company policy.
Non-graded Learning Activities are provided to aid students in
their course of study. You do not have to
submit them. If you have questions, contact your instructor for
further guidance and information.
Retention-The-Real-Cost-of-Losing-an-Employee

Retention-The-Real-Cost-of-Losing-an-Employee
http://www.wired.com/2016/02/apple-says-the-government-
bungled-its-chance-to-hack-that-iphone/
http://www.wired.com/2016/02/apple-says-the-government-
bungled-its-chance-to-hack-that-iphone/
Unit VII Mini Project For this assignment, you will research the
different ways that managers and leaders use communication to
guide their organizations. Feel free to use the same organization
you researched for the Unit VI Case Study. You are not limited
to this organization, but it may be easier to complete the
assignment since you have already researched the organization
in Unit VI. You can use the same sources for both assignments,
if applicable. Find an instance where the organizational leader
communicates directly with his or her employees, investors, or
customers. Analyze the message, the channel, and the potential
for feedback. Do you believe that it is effective? Do you believe
that it is the same type of message that a manager would send?
Why, or why not? Remember to focus on the communication
styles of both leaders and managers. Strive for an equal balance
between the two types of communication styles in your
assignment. Example: The Apple events that occur in Cupertino
whenever Apple unveils a new product or service are examples
of the type of communication you should be analyzing in this
assignment. During the events, CEO Tim Cook addresses an
audience of employees, investors, and the general public. Cook
uses multiple channels to communicate with the audience,
including a live face-to-face discussion, live streaming of the
discussion, and a recorded video. For the assignment, you would
view one of the events, analyze Cook’s message and the
effectiveness of the channels, and discuss the potential for
feedback. Analyze whether or not the message is an effective
example of leadership. Explain whether or not you believe a
manager could, or should, use the same types of channels to
relay a message. Would it be effective? Note: You do not need

to use Apple for this assignment. It is provided as an example
only.
Use the standard five-paragraph format
(introduction/body/conclusion). Include at least two academic
sources. APA format should be used. The assignment should be
a minimum of two pages in length, not including the title and
reference pages. Content, organization, and grammar/mechanics
will be evaluated. Information about accessing the grading
rubric for this assignment is provided below.
Grading Rubrics
This course utilizes analytic grading rubrics as tools for your
professor in assigning grades for all learning activities. Each
rubric serves as a guide that communicates the expectations of
the learning activity and describes the criteria for each level of
achievement. In addition, a rubric is a reference tool that lists
evaluation criteria and can help you organize your efforts to
meet the requirements of that learning activity. It is imperative
for you to familiarize yourself with these rubrics because these
are the primary tools your professor uses for assessing learning
activities. Rubric categories include: (1) Assessment (Written
Response) and (2) Assignment. However, it is possible that not
all of the listed rubric types will be used in a single course
(e.g., some courses may not have Assessments). The Assessment
(Written Response) rubric can be found embedded in a link
within the directions for each Unit Assessment. However, these
rubrics will only be used when written-response questions
appear within the Assessment. Each Assignment type (e.g.,
article critique, case study, research paper) will have its own
rubric. The Assignment rubrics are built into Blackboard,
allowing students to review them prior to beginning the
Assignment and again once the Assignment has been scored.
This rubric can be accessed via the Assignment link located
within the unit where it is to be submitted. Students may also
access the rubric through the course menu by selecting “Tools”
and then “My Grades.” Again, it is vitally important for you to
become familiar with these rubrics because their application to

your Assessments and Assignments is the method by which your
instructor assigns all grades.

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