Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival?

Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival?
IJGRP
Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra
Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or
Survival?
John Victor Mensah1, Erika Mamley Osae2, Asare Kofi Yeboah3
School for Development Studies, University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast
Faculty of Management Studies, University of Professional Studies, Accra
Assistant Director, Local Government Service, Accra
Globally, squatter settlements in urban areas have attracted attention and debates, especially
in the developing countries. More than 33 percent of the urban population in developing
countries lives in informal settlements due to rapid population growth and widespread poverty.
The paper analyses the emergence of squatter settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan
Area, Ghana. Data was gathered from three selected squatter settlements using qualitative
methods. Data collection methods used were focus group discussion, in-depth interview and
key informant interview. The study found that the squatter settlements emerged as a result of
both the need for survival by the poor and state failure. The water and sanitation situation in
the settlements were very poor as the settlers practised open defecation and poor waste
disposal. High cost of rent, financial difficulties, unemployment, poor housing policy by
government, and poverty were key reasons why people reside in squatter areas. Most of the
squatters were economically engaged in the informal sector. The settlements were
inadequately regulated by government agencies due to inadequate logistics, inadequate
personnel, and political interference. It is recommended that affordable housing policies
should be implemented for low income earners, preparation of planning schemes, and effective
and efficient implementation of housing regulations. The informal sector should be developed
as it employs most of the squatter settlers.
Keywords: Urban area, emergence, squatter settlement, survival, state failure, informal sector
INTRODUCTION
Rapid urbanization and unbalanced growth of cities have
physical, socio-economic and environmental effects. The
growth of informal settlements and poor residential
neighbourhoods are global phenomena accompanying the
growth of urban populations. Squatter settlements and
slums pose challenges to sustainable urban planning and
urban development. Sustainable Development Goal 11
1
Professor, School for Development Studies, University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast (Corresponding author –
john.mensah@ucc.edu.gh; Cell: +233-208174382) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9132-2299
2
Research Fellow, Faculty of Management Studies, University of Professional Studies, Accra (Email: ekisseih5@hotmail.com; Cell:
+233-245626060)
3
Assistant Director, Local Government Service, Accra (Email: slimoder@yahoo.co.uk; Cell: +233-548639359)
provides for making cities and human settlements
inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable (United Nations,
2013). An estimated 25 percent of the world’s urban
population live in informal settlements, with 213 million
informal settlement residents added to the global
population since 1990 (UN-Habitat, 2013). As of 2006,
almost 400 cities had populations of over one million with
Research Article
Vol. 7(1), pp. 219-233, March, 2021. © www.premierpublishers.org. ISSN: 2021-6009
International Journal of Geography and Regional Planning

Mensah et al. 220
most of these cities located in developing countries.
According to UNFPA (2007), the space taken up by urban
localities is increasing faster than their population. The
world’s urban population was expected to increase by
about 72 percent while the built-up areas of cities with
populations of 100,000 or more could increase by 175
percent. Most of these people would end up in squatter
settlements and slums that are intended to be temporary
to address the housing deficits.
In developing countries, one-third (about 863 million) of the
population resided in urban slums in 2012 (UN-Habitat,
2013). About 62 percent of the urban population in Africa,
30 percent in Asia, and 24 percent in Latin America and
the Caribbean live in slums (UN-Habitat, 2015a). Even
though squatter settlement and slum are often used
interchangeably, they differ slightly. Squatter settlements
are settlements of the urban poor developed through the
unauthorized occupation of land while slums are highly
congested urban areas marked by deteriorated, insanitary
buildings, poverty and social disorganization. Small
squatter settlements may grow into big slums.
Turner (1969) argued that slums and squatter settlements
are both the product of and the vehicle for activities which
are essential in the process of modernisation. Poor rural
migrants initially cannot afford to build, buy, or rent decent
housing and opt instead for cheap, substandard units
close to employment opportunities (Fox 2013). Slums and
squatter settlements are often portrayed as institutional
failures in housing policy, housing finance, public utilities,
local governance, and secure tenure (Sietchiping 2005).
Thus, squatter settlements are linked to broader issues of
marginalisation, poverty, inequality, exclusion, and urban
planning and governance (Mohanty, 2020).
In Ghana, many towns and cities, especially Accra, Tema,
Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi are undergoing a rapid
pace of urbanization with their related negative
consequences, which have manifested in socio-economic,
environmental and institutional challenges for urban
residents and local authorities (Owusu and Afutu-Kotey,
2010). The operation of the urban land market adversely
affects the poor who are squeezed of valuable land and
forced into high-density settlements or marginal locations
(Beall, 2000). Squatter settlements and slums house about
58 percent of Ghana’s urban population with an expected
growth rate of 1.8 percent per annum (National
Development Planning Commission, 2005).
The increasing rural-urban migration, urban poverty and
emergence of informal settlements in Ghana are occurring
within the context of decentralised governance system
where administrative functions and planning regulations
have been delegated to Metropolitan, Municipal and
District Assemblies (MMDAs) since the practice of
sustained decentralisation in 1988. Decentralisation is
expected to ensure effective and efficient response to local
development challenges and also facilitate the
participation of local people in decision-making and the
development process. Ghana’s decentralisation
programme is enshrined in Chapter 20 of the 1992
Constitution, and also in the Local Government Act of 1993
(Act 462) as amended by the Local Governance Act 2016
(Act 936).
Per the laws, MMDAs are the highest planning, regulating
and coordinating authority in their respective areas of
jurisdiction and expected to ensure effective spatial
planning and regulate land use. They are also expected to
mobilize resources for developmental projects, enhance
the local economy, ensure security, and contribute to
poverty alleviation. Rapid slum development has been
linked to low planning capacity by local governments
(Kuffer et al., 2016). However, local government and for
that matter the MMDAs under the Ministry of Local
Government and Rural Development (MLGRD) have not
been able to effectively handle the emergence of squatter
settlements and growth of slums.
Even though several studies have been carried out in the
area of slum development, focus has not been on the
emergence of squatter settlements. The People’s
Dialogue (2016) profiled a total of 265 slums at various
stages of development in the Greater Accra Metropolitan
Area (GAMA) with the following found in the Ayawaso
West Municipality: Abelemkpe, Dzorwulu, East Legon,
Okponglo, Roman Ridge and West Legon. Accra is the
nucleus of GAMA. Studies have been carried out in the
areas of housing and slum upgrading efforts. For example,
Asare et al. (2015) looked at infrastructure provision and
livelihood situations in slums and participation while
Owusu et al. (2008) investigated failed policies, and legal
and regulatory frameworks. Elections and politics, political
cultures and power structures in slums were studied by
Obeng-Odoom (2010). This paper seeks to analyse the
emergence and determinants of squatter settlements in
GAMA; examine livelihoods of the squatters; explore the
regulatory measures to address the emergence and
expansion of squatter settlements.
LITERATURE REVIEW
This section focuses on squatter settlement
conceptualised, the slum of hope and despair theory, slum
interventions and empirical review. The theory and
interventions are relevant to squatter settlements due to
the fact that there is a thin line between squatter settlement
and slum.
Squatter settlement conceptualised
Squatter settlement is a collection of dwellings erected on
land to which the occupants, or at least most of them, hold
no title and the physical and social characteristics of these
settlements tend to differ from the cities they surround.
Three characteristics define squatter settlements namely;

Int. J. Geogr. Reg, Plan. 221
physical, social and legal (Srinivas, 2015). Physically,
squatter settlements have services and infrastructure
below the minimum levels. Socially, most of the squatter
households belong to the lower-income group, working as
wage labourers or informal sector enterprises. Legally,
squatters lack ownership of the land on which they build
their houses. Amis (1984) highlighted the characteristics of
squatter settlement including illegality and informality, low
residential space, unauthorized housing and temporary
dwellings, inappropriate locations, overcrowding,
restricted public utilities, low educational level among
dwellers, poverty and vulnerability.
UN-Habitat (2015b) identifies several interrelated factors
that have driven the emergence of informal settlements:
population growth; rural-urban migration; lack of affordable
housing; weak governance (particularly in policy, planning
and urban management); economic vulnerability and low-
paid work; marginalisation; and displacement caused by
conflict, natural disasters and climate change. Squatter
settlements are not integrated into the life of the urban area
due to economic and social ability barriers. The function of
these settlements at any moment in city development is to
house those classes of people who do not participate
directly in the formal economic and social life of the city.
In Africa, slums and informal settlements are continuing to
develop, proliferate, and expand in cities and towns due to
the combination of rapid urbanisation and demographic
growth, bad policies, and inappropriate incentive systems
including poor governance, inappropriate regulatory
frameworks, dysfunctional housing markets, and lack of
political will (Bah et al., 2018).
In Ghana, the Department of Physical Planning under the
MMDAs is responsible for: planning and management of
the human settlements; providing planning services to
public authorities and private developers; providing layout
plans (planning schemes) to guide orderly development;
formulating goals and standards relating to the use and
development of land; and designing plans and proposals
to direct the orderly growth and development of urban and
rural settlements in Ghana. It is required to collaborate with
other departments and agencies for proper planning and
regulation of buildings. Such departments include Works
Department (in charge of building control), Electricity
Company of Ghana, Ghana Water Company, Ghana
National Fire Service, and Lands Commission.
Slum of hope and despair theory
In understanding slum formation and subsequent growth,
Stokes (1962) propounded the slum of hope and slum of
despair theory, and escalator and non-escalator classes.
The slum of hope theory refers to the psychological
response by a slum dweller’s commitment to improve
his/her standard of living and possibly to move out of the
slum for an improved accommodation outside the slum.
The slum of hope is often the place where new migrants
settle first in the city. Slum of despair, on the other hand,
is the situation where slum dwellers lack the intention of
moving out of the slum or improving their living status.
Individuals who find it difficult to integrate into the city due
to lack of ability such as education, language, and other
social and economic resources are forced to remain in the
slum of despair where conditions are worse. These are
usually the poor and vulnerable persons. Distinction is also
made between the escalator and non-escalator class. The
group of people who are expected to move up through the
class structure for enhanced status are called escalators.
The reverse is the non-escalator class who are denied the
opportunities for moving up in the class structure.
Interventions dealing with squatter settlements
Until recently, the traditional housing policies of
governments in developing countries have been related to
five regulatory measures. These were control of land and
housing prices for the poor, setting minimum physical
standards for individual land and structure, eradication of
squatter settlements, adoption of large-scale development
through greenbelt, and encouragement of population
decentralisation among regions to reduce rural-urban
migration. However, these measures exerted harmful
influence on the housing condition of the poor (Lim, 1987).
Criticism of traditional urban policies has been
accompanied by a gradual shift in orientation. Today, sites
and services projects are widely accepted as a viable
means to provide housing for the low-income population.
The major international donor organisations agree that
new housing policies should emphasise the positive
contribution of the informal housing sector such as
squatter and slum upgrading, self-help housing, sites and
services projects, changes in minimum physical standards
of housing and apply the affordability concept in designing
programmes (Lim, 1987). Nevertheless, the organisations
differ in the role of the public sector in land development.
The UNCHS (1984) stresses the need to increase public
intervention in the process of land development for
housing while the World Bank (1981) highlights the
importance of the private sector.
Interventions worldwide can be divided into two:
resettlement programmes and in situ settlement
upgrading. The former approach is premised on the idea
of eliminating slums, often resorting to evictions and
relocating residents to remote locations on the outskirts of
cities (resettlement programmes). In many cases,
resettlement programmes have been unsuccessful. The
latter approach (settlement upgrading) is underpinned by
rights-based approach that builds upon informal
settlement communities and their inherent capacities. It
has its basis in international human rights obligations in
terms of the right to housing and several areas, including
the right to participation, access to justice, international
cooperation and development assistance, environmental
concerns, business and human rights. The living

Mensah et al. 222
conditions in informal settlements are one of the most
pervasive violations of human rights. Hence the need to
upgrade informal settlements to meet basic standards of
human dignity (UN, 2018; Bah et al., 2018; Wakely, 2018).
Wakely (2020) emphasizes on strategic policy alternatives
ranging from public sector entry into the urban housing
market through the direct construction of public housing to
the provision of financial supports and non-financial
incentives to private sector producers and consumers of
urban housing.
Yet, in developing countries including India, Egypt, Kenya
and Ghana forced evictions in the form of demolition of
settlements have been used. These have caused
displacement, rendering inhabitants stranded, and with
recalcitrant settlers daring the authorities with
reconstruction of their makeshift structures. The high cost
of new dwellings provided by authorities during the
resettlement, and distanced locations from their sources of
employment make it unattractive to the squatter settler to
relocate to such sites (Kiddle, 2017).
In Ghana, a resettlement programme was done in the
1970s to relocate some of the Nima residents who fell
within the demarcated lands for the construction of the
Nima-Maamobi Highway to Madina Estates. This eviction
and resettlement to Madina Estates happened under a
military regime (National Liberation Council) in 1975.
According to Nyametso (2012), revised arrangements
were made to ensure all evictees were accommodated.
The evictees had tenure security but the common use and
shared amenities resulted in conflicts, which have not
been addressed by subsequent governments. In June
2008, the government commenced the Adjen Kotoku
project, located approximately 25km North of Accra, as
part of the bulk market breaking system. The bulk of
services including roads, storm water drains, water,
sewers and electricity was completed in November, 2011.
It was ready for further development, including housing,
industrial and other commercial infrastructure. Between
2012 and 2016, the government made an attempt to
relocate the residents of Old Fadama in Accra to Adzen
Kotoku. However, the project stalled owing to the
resistance by local community and landowners,
inadequate space to accommodate all residents of Old
Fadama, inadequate political will as the residents formed
a huge voting population, and threat to vote against the
government in power.
Corroborating the position of Kiddle (2017) and Fox
(2013), the use of ‘Site and Service’ approach which
attempts to relocate squatters and slum dwellers to areas
which have been serviced with social amenities failed to
achieve results due to several factors including distance
from their sources of employment. Both researchers and
policymakers should pay close attention to the local
political conditions to understand where and when slums
are likely to grow while recognising the context of intense
political competition for low-income voters (Alves, 2018).
Efforts by the government of Ghana to address the issue
of squatter settlements and slums include the creation of
the Ministry of Inner-Cities and Zongo Development
(MICZD) in 2017. Among other things, the Ministry is to
empower the indigenes of inner-cities and Zongo
communities through a coordinated programme of
economic and social development policies to facilitate a
prosperous, inclusive and sustainable social
transformation of the inner-cities and Zongo communities.
Inner-cities are the indigenous enclaves within the cities
and represent the urban core areas from which the
physical expansion of the rest of the city starts while Zongo
communities are populated mostly by settlers from
Northern Sahel areas of West Africa. Inner-cities and
Zongo communities are either clustered or dispersed in a
wider geographical space, especially in Accra. They bear
similar characteristics with squatter settlements and slums
as per the definition of UN-Habitat (2016). MICZD is
required to coordinate and facilitate critical interventions
through collaborative and affirmative actions that
progressively address the developmental deficits of inner-
cities and Zongo communities in Ghana. It is to upgrade
and change the narrative about slums in general through
its coordinated and affirmative actions.
Empirical review
Cities in the developing countries are frequently
characterized by high rates of immigration and widespread
proliferation of slum and squatter areas. Collier (1976)
studied differences between migrant residents of squatter
settlements and slums in Lima in terms of attitudes
concerning home and community improvement,
satisfaction and attitudes about getting ahead in life,
certain aspects of political participation, and the tendency
to become disillusioned after longer residence. The
findings show that migrants in settlements are somewhat
more satisfied and more oriented toward getting ahead
within the existing system. The characteristics of
settlements such as rent-free housing and the opportunity
to invest one's own resources in improvement of housing
are to some degree responsible for these differences.
However, the effects of living in a settlement could be
eroded if settlements failed to fulfill their promise as self-
improving communities. The political and policy
implications of these findings point in two directions. First,
there is a linkage between the goal of government
settlement policy of promoting self-help and a system-
supporting approach to problem solving. Second, the
government policy of accelerating the formation and
facilitating the physical development of settlements in
achieving its goals. Once the process of settlement
formation has been set in motion, the government may be
more involved in supporting further improvements in
settlement life in order to avoid a dramatic reversal in the
attitudes and orientations fostered by the settlements. This
involves a process of offering initial moderate benefits to
stimulate a greater need to supply further benefits.

Lo (1979) noted that the spatial distribution patterns of
squatter settlements in Hong Kong in 1944, 1956, 1967
and 1975 could be mapped and changes detected. Thus,
temporal analysis is vital in studies of informal settlements.
Based on migration data from a Philippine city, Costello’s
(1987) finding did not support the generalization that rural-
urban migrants are likely to settle in low-income
neighborhoods immediately on their arrival in the city.
Overall, migrants were neither heavily segregated in
certain districts of the city nor likely to settle in slums.
These patterns were mainly attributable to high rates of
immigration among young unmarried persons, many of
whom reside in non-slum neighborhoods as servants,
lodgers, or extended relatives.
In reviewing literature on health in the informal settlements
that house a sizeable proportion of the urban population in
Africa, Asia and Latin America, Sverdlik (2011) examined
emerging risks such as non-communicable diseases and
those associated with climate change. The author
observed how more gender- and age-sensitive strategies
can help address the large inequalities in health between
those in informal settlements and other urban residents.
The recommendation was that governments can create
interventions to ensure that urban centres fulfil their
enormous potential for health.
Alamgir, Jabbar and Islam (2009) assessed the livelihoods
of 90 slum dwellers in three purposively selected slums in
Dhaka city namely; Agargaon Radio Office, Karail, and
Khilgaon Bagicha. The majority of the slum dwellers were
found to be illiterate, with males having relatively more
education than females. Most household heads were
engaged in informal livelihoods like petty business, day
labour, rickshaw pulling, tailoring, food vending and maid
servants. Search for better livelihoods, landlessness, loss
of income source and joining relatives/families were the
major factors that caused people to migrate to dwell in
slums. Improvement in informal groupings, knowledge and
skills and women empowerment were variables found to
positively affect livelihoods of the respondents. Micro
credit was found to be very beneficial to slum dwellers,
particularly females.
King and Amponsah (2012) studied the role of city
authorities in contributing to development of urban slums
in Ghana. They used a mixed method approach and
sampled 1060 household heads from three purposively
selected slums namely; Old Fadama in Accra, Amui Dzor
in Ashaiman and Akwatia Line in Kumasi for the study.
They also conducted key informant interviews. The study
revealed that the majority of the slum dwellers were
unskilled labourers engaged in livelihood activities such as
head portage, food vending, running of public bath houses,
cleaners, and scrap metal dealers. It was also found that
poor coordination and weak collaboration among
regulatory agencies fueled rapid formation of squatter
settlements and slums. Both Alamgir et al. (2009) and King
and Amponsah (2012) concurred that the majority of the
slum dwellers were illiterate and engaged in informal
livelihood activities.
Lipu and Bhuiyan (2014) investigated 28-year data for the
period 1986-2014 on the living standard of slum dwellers
of Bangladesh. The findings revealed that:
i. Different forms of deprivation, sufferings and
miseries of slum dwellers from socio-economic to
constitutional rights issues.
ii. About 65 percent of the slum households spend
their incomes on food items, with around 96
percent of the households having not more than
two meals per day. High density of population,
filthy environment, polluted water and poor
sanitation exacerbated the risks of waterborne
and airborne diseases such as cholera, diarrhea,
pneumonia and tuberculosis;
iii. Most of the slum dwellers including children and
women were engaged in some activities in
exchange of benefits either in cash or kind;
iv. Only 5.5 percent of the slum dwellers were
employed in the formal sector of the economy;
v. The majority of the slum dwellers had no security
of tenure and could be evicted at any day and
time;
vi. About 29 percent of the slum dwellers were
absolute poor;
vii. Some slum dwellers were engaged in criminal
activities such as snatching, stealing, drug sale
and addiction, smuggling, prostitution, mugging
and child trafficking.
Elfarnouk (2015) noted that Libya had been dominated by
a high rate of urbanization since its independence in 1951,
with vast improvements in all aspects of life. The country
has multiple large cities that pull migrants in, people have
more than one choice of a final urban destination.
However, Tripoli has experienced the appearance of
squatter settlements since the late 1980s with many
negative impacts. In order to address the chronic
problems, the governmental efforts focused on conducting
planning schemes and housing policies and strategies.
However, the success rate has been low due to many
factors. The study used qualitative method (face to face
interviews) and quantitative analysis of multi-temporal
Landsat images. The analysis pointed to the presence of
combined multiple factors that contributed to the
emergence and prevalence of squatter settlements. These
factors are represented in the weakness of planning
institutions in applying the planning policies, failure of
planning schemes, corruption and bureaucracy,
administrative instability, intensive state intervention,
political transformation, and socioeconomic changes.
METHODS
This section covers four subsections namely; the study
area, Research Approach, Target population and sampling
procedure, and Data collection and analysis.

Mensah et al. 224
Study Area
GAMA encompasses Tema Metropolis and ten
municipalities (Figure 1). It consists of fairly large towns
which are all functionally linked to Accra and the
settlements within it are at various stages of urban
transformation (Oduro, Adamtey & Ocloo, 2015). It is one
of the fastest growing city regions in West Africa as well as
exposed to recurrent shocks and stresses on top of
numerous developmental challenges and climate change
issues that threaten developmental gains (World Bank,
2017). Hence the choice of three municipalities within the
GAMA namely; Ayawaso West, Tema West and Ga East.
Figure 1: Composition of the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area and Peri-urban Accra
Source: Oduro, Adamtey & Ocloo (2015)
The Ayawaso West Municipality was previously a Sub-
Metropolitan District of Accra Metropolis before its
elevation to a municipality in 2018. It shares boundary with
Tema and OkaiKoi North to the East and West
respectively. It also shares a boundary with La-
Nkwantanang-Madina Municipality to the south, and Ga
East Municipality to the North.
The West Legon area also called “Westlands” was once
owned by the Owoo family, who sold the land to State
Insurance Company and the settlement derived its name
‘West Legon’ because of the water-logged nature of the
land (PSUP, 2012).
The Ga East Municipality (GEM) was carved out of the Ga
East District which was established in 2004 by Legislative
Instrument [LI] 1749 as a district, and later elevated to a
Municipality in 2008 by LI 1864. However, in June 2012,
the municipality was split into two: Ga East and La-
Nkwantang-Madina municipalities. The Ga East
Municipality is located at the northern part of Greater Accra
Region. It covers a land area of about 96 square
kilometres. It has Abokobi as its capital. It is bordered on
the West by the Ga West Municipality (GWM) and Ga
North Municipality, on the East by La-Nkwantanang-
Madina Municipality (LaNMM), to the South by Ayawaso
West Municipality (AWM) and to the North by the Akwapim
South District.
The Ga East Municipality had pockets of squatter
settlements. However, the focus of the study was the
Dome Pillar 2 squatter settlement, which has been in
existence for about ten years and increased in size since
2018 due to the eviction and demolition of squatter
settlements along the Tema-Accra-Nsawam railway lines.
The Tema West Municipality was carved out of the Tema
Metropolis in 2018 by LI 2312 with its capital as Tema
Community 20. It has well planned residential settlements
of varying classes. The Ashaiman Municipality was also
carved out of the Tema Metropolis in 2008 by LI 1889.
Unlike the Tema West Municipality, Ashaiman was
established as an informal settlement by/for labourers
working on the construction of Tema harbour in the 1950s
and was absorbed as a Zonal Council of Tema
Metropolitan Assembly in the1960s.

Research Approach
The qualitative approach rooted in the interpretivist
epistemic tradition was used for the study. This was done
in order to acquire knowledge based on the participants’
viewpoints, grounded in their individual world view and
experiences. The approach allowed for flexibility and
contextual factors; and increased the opportunity to
develop new ideas (Charmaz, 2004). The explanatory
research design has the primary purpose of explaining
why events occur.
Target population and sampling procedure
The target population for the study was made up of
squatter settlers in Westlands-University of Ghana
Boundary Road in Ayawaso West Municipality, Dome
Pillar 2 “Kiosk Estate” in Ga East Municipality and the
Accra-Tema Motorway squatter settlement in Tema West
Municipality. The target population comprised Assembly
members, officers of the Physical Planning Department,
Building Inspectors, opinion leaders and selected
legitimate residents who lived around the slums.
The purposive sampling technique was used to select the
study communities, female and male residents and
leaders of the squatter settlements as well as staff of the
Municipal Assemblies. Data for the study was collected
from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data
was collected from squatter settlers and the key persons
while the secondary data were gathered from the reports
of the Assemblies and journal articles.
Data collection and analysis
The primary data collection methods used were Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs), key person interviews and in-
depth interviews. Six FGDs were conducted in the three
communities based on sex differentiation. The FGD
participants were selected based on their willingness to
participate in the study. The key person interviews were
based on criteria that they were officials of the Assembly,
opinion leaders or residents around the slums. In-depth
interviews were conducted with some individual squatter
settlers to further probe what the FGDs failed to address.
The three data collection instruments (key person
interview guide, focus group discussion guide and in-depth
interview guide) were written in English Language but the
interactions in the communities were conducted in two
local languages: Twi and Ga. The guides were formulated
based on the study objectives. At the point of saturation,
where no new themes had come up, the study had covered
a total of 75 participants consisting of 60 FGD participants
from six FGDs, three in-depth interviewees and 12 key
persons. Thus, a total of 63 squatter settlers and 12 key
persons were covered (Tables 1 and 2). Data was
collected between 1st and 30th June, 2019.
Table 1: Sex distribution of squatter settler participants in focus group discussion
Sex Westlands-UG Boundary
Road
Dome Pillar 2 Kiosk
Estate
Motorway squatter
settlement
Total
Male 8 (40) 11 (55) 12 (60) 31 (52)
Female 12 (60) 9 (45) 8 (40) 29 (48)
Total 20 (100) 20 (100) 20 (100) 60 (100)
Percentage figures are in parentheses
Source: Fieldwork (2019)
Table 2: Distribution of individual respondents by sex
Sex In-depth interview Key persons Total
Male 2 9 11
Female 1 3 4
Total 3 12 15
Source: Fieldwork, 2019
Ethical considerations were followed in the data collection
exercise. The interviewees and participants were assured
of confidentiality and anonymity of their responses, and
their ultimate consent sought. The data collected were
transcribed, translated, grouped under various thematic
areas and analyzed manually.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Here, the issues relate to demographic characteristics of
the participants, origin and emergence of squatter
settlements, water and sanitation situation of the
settlements, factors contributing to emerging squatter
settlements, livelihood structure of the squatter settlers,
and regulation of squatter settlements.
Demographic characteristics of the participants
The demographic characteristics of the 60 FGD
participants including sex, educational background, marital
status and household size were examined in order to put
the study into context. There were relatively more males
(52%) than females in the FGDs. In Dome Pillar 2 and
Motorway, more males than females participated in FGDs.

However, the reverse was the case in Westlands as shown
in Table 1.
The majority (68%) of the participants were Junior High
School graduates. The highest education level of the
participants was Senior High School; with males having
relatively higher education than females. The married were
dominant in the settlements while many single participants
were cohabitating with reasons that they lacked financial
strength to perform marriage rites. The average household
size was four, equaling the average national household
size of four (GSS, 2014). The ethnic origin of most of the
participants in the Westlands were Ewes and in Dome
Pillar 2 were Northerners and Akans while in the Motorway
were mixed ethnicity with some foreigners from the West
African sub-region. The three in-depth interviewees had
basic school education while all 12 key persons had
tertiary education (see Table 2). They were all married with
up to three children.
Origin and emergence of squatter settlements
The existence of the selected squatter settlements differs
and spans from about three to over ten years. It all started
with one bold and confident individual or a small group of
persons who constructed a makeshift knockdown structure
and living in for a week without being questioned by
authorities. This paved the way for others to join and within
a spate of a month, a new settlement emerged. The
squatter dwellers in the Westlands were faced with
eviction order as some were residing on government
reserve land while others occupied a litigated private land
(Figure 2). The Tema West Municipality has pockets of
squatter settlements with the worst being the Texpo area
of the Accra-Tema Motorway (Figures 3 and 4).
Figure 2: Section of the Westlands settlement
Source: Field work (2019)
Figure 3: Section of the Accra-Tema Motorway squatter settlement

Figure 4: Another section of the Accra-Tema Motorway squatter settlement
Water and sanitation situation of the settlements
The water and sanitation issues were categorized under
four areas: access to potable water, access to toilet facility,
disposal of waste, and access to bath facilities. The
sources of water were purchase of sachet water, rain water
harvest, and purchase of water from nearby houses. The
FGD participants indicated that they had easy access to
water facilities.
With respect to access to toilet facilities, the FGD
participants at Westlands and Dome Pillar 2 settlements
mentioned the practice of open defecation in the nearby
bushes. A key person at Westlands had this to say:
We have no toilet facility in this community
so both women and men practise open
defecation in the bush. The University of
Ghana has vast undeveloped land opposite
our settlement which serves in this regard.
We would be constrained should the
University develop this land because we
would have nowhere to attend to natures call
(Key person, Westlands).
Even though the FGD participants at the Motorway
objected to the practice of open defecation, they were
unable to tell where they get access to toilet facilities. A
key person had this to share:
People here practise a different type of
open defecation due to the absence of
bushy areas. They defecate in plastic bags
and dispose them in drains or along the
road (Key person, Motorway).
On waste disposal, the FGD participants at both
Westlands and Dome Pillar 2 disposed solid and liquid
waste in the bush while their counterparts at the Motorway
mainly disposed waste at undeveloped spaces around the
settlement. Regarding access to bath facilities,
participants in all the slums patronised private baths
developed by other settlers at a fee.
The poor sanitary conditions around the squatter
settlements could also be attributed to other residents in
the nearby communities. It was revealed at the FGD
sessions that:
Some rich people who live around this place
mostly dispose of their wastes into the bush
opposite us. They usually do this in the
morning when they are driving to their
places of work. Yet, everyone blames the
poor squatter settler for the poor situation
(FGD participant, Westlands).
The findings corroborate that of Lipu and Bhuiyan (2014)
that the living environment of slums is bad for health due
to inadequate water and poor sanitation facilities.
Factors contributing to emerging squatter settlements
The participants were asked to name the factors that led
to their decision to reside in the squatter settlements. Key
factors which featured prominently in all the FGDs and
corroborated by the key persons were: high cost of rent,
financial difficulties, unemployment, poor housing policy by
government, and poverty. A participant remarked that:
Some of us were renting apartments
elsewhere but due to our inability to meet
the increasing rent, we decided to resettle

Mensah et al. 228
here. We only pay ‘ground rent’ of GHS
20.00 (US$3.70) per month for the land.
This payment is made to the caretaker of
the land as the land does not belong to us
(FGD, Westlands).
Another participant at Dome Pillar 2 also reported that:
Most of us do not have regular employment
to enable us rent decent accommodation.
We have no option than to reside here even
though the conditions are very unfavourable
(FGD, Dome Pillar 2).
In response to a question on who introduced them to the
squatter settlement, most of the responses related to own
discovery and sources of information from migrants from
their hometown, work mates, and spouses. Female
participants were mostly introduced to the squatter
settlement by their spouses.
I was stranded looking for a place to settle
when I migrated from my hometown to Accra
to make a living here about three years ago.
I came across this place one morning and
upon speaking to few guys from my
hometown, I was admitted here (FGD
participant, Motorway).
In response to questions on their future plans of
residence, participants in Westlands expressed much
desire to relocate to better accommodations in the near
future because the parcel of land they were occupying
belonged to private individuals. As an effort, most of them
had opened savings accounts with an agent of Fidelity
Bank. Some indicated that they had purchased “quarter
plots” and were saving towards building their own houses
to move in.
We are very lucky this parcel of land is under
dispute and therefore no one seems to claim
total control over it. If the parties resolve their
differences, we may have to leave at that
moment (FGD, Westlands).
On the contrary, the FGD participants at Dome Pillar 2 and
Motorway expressed little desire to move out of the
settlements because the lands either belongs to the state
or for road reservation. The attitudes of the Westlands
squatters could be explained by the slum of hope theory
while that of the other two settlements be explained by the
slum of despair theory.
The above findings are consistent with that of UN-Habitat
(2015b; Bah et al., 2018; Wakely, 2018; Wakely, 2020) that
several interrelated factors have driven the emergence of
informal settlements: population growth; rural-urban
migration; lack of affordable housing; weak governance
(e.g. policy, planning and urban management); economic
vulnerability and low-paid work; marginalisation; and
displacement caused by conflict, natural disasters and
climate change.
Livelihood structure of the squatter settlers
Livelihoods deal with the capabilities, assets and access
to assets mediated by institutions, which grant individual
various options to gain a living in order to cope with
uncertainties and respond to new opportunities (Ellis,
2000). In examining the livelihood structure of the
squatters, we found out the productive assets available to
them and how they used these assets to construct their
livelihoods. The assets were put into five categories
namely; natural, physical, financial, human and social
capital. Under natural capital, the participants at Dome
Pillar 2 mentioned land which was previously cultivated on
subsistence basis to supplement household incomes until
the widespread open defecation, which did compete for
the same parcel of land. Participants at all the three
settlements mentioned having access to road, electricity
and other infrastructural facilities as examples of physical
resources.
The participants were severely constrained with respect to
financial assets due to difficulty in securing credit, low
salaries and low savings. Some FGD participants,
especially women groups at the Westlands have accessed
credits to expand their individual businesses. They used
peer pressure to ensure members repay loans in order for
the groups to continually benefit from the scheme. Peer
pressure has worked very well for them. The female
participants at Westlands noted that collateral security was
not a condition for group lending. However, same could not
be said of the male participants as all had not accessed
any form of loans, and were very critical of savings and
loans agencies because they had been duped before. An
agent of Fidelity Bank had reached out to the settlers and
was opening bank accounts for individuals in the comfort
of their homes and also providing them financial literacy as
at the time of our data collection. This was a positive way
of deepening financial inclusion.
The participants at Dome Pillar 2 and Motorway
settlements indicated their inability to secure credit to
improve their livelihoods. The reasons cited were no
collateral, refusal by financial institutions, stigmatization,
fear of arrest and inadequate information on credit sources
and requirements. When questioned on why they failed to
engage in group loan application, they cited mistrust as the
major constraint.
The human assets in the settlements included artisanal
skills and labour. Community rules and sense of
togetherness were key social assets mentioned. The
sense of togetherness was particularly stressed at
Westlands. A female participant at the FGD had this to
share:
Some days ago, I had a cleaning job in the
nearby house but I was indisposed. My
friend stood in for me and we shared the
proceeds. We live here as family (FGD
participant, Westlands).

One male participant also noted that:
I was shocked how people gave out money
from their little resources to cater for the
hospital bills of one settler who was
involved in a motor accident. This is a value
you would not find among the rich who live
with tall walls around them (FGD
Participant, Westlands).
The findings support that of Alamgir et al. (2009), Lipu and
Bhuiyan (2014) and Asare et al.’s (2015) that slum
dwellers were predominantly engaged in livelihood
activities in the informal sector. While female participants
were engaged in activities such as sweeping, maid
servants, and food vendors, their male counterparts were
engaged mainly as construction labourers, scrap dealers,
barbers, drivers’ mates, carpenters, mechanics,
electricians, and masons. Both sexes were also found to
engage in hawking in traffic, petty trading, cleaning and
sewing.
Income is an important livelihood indicator. Participants
earned monthly income ranging from GHS250 to GHS400
(US$46.30 to US$74.07). The monthly income of squatter
settlers at Motorway (US$50 to US$74.07) was relatively
higher than at the other two settlements (US$50 to
US$64.81). Some participants at Westlands saved portion
of their incomes while none of the settlers at Motorway and
Pillar 2 saved at financial institutions except for keeping
their daily wages in the house. One female participant had
this to share:
I doubt if anyone here is able to save. We
are poor and even struggle to have two
meals per day. How can a hungry person
save? We certainly don’t have excess to
save (FGD participant, Motorway).
The implication of the above statement shows that the
majority of squatters did not have sustainable livelihoods
because their incomes were less than the minimum wage
of US$1.97 (GHS 10.65), worked under unsafe conditions,
and were unable to recover from shocks which confronted
their livelihoods.
Regulation of squatter settlements
The officials of the Assemblies confirmed their awareness
of the settlements in their respective jurisdictions. They
concurred that widespread squatter settlements in their
municipalities constitute a developmental challenge
attributable to rural-urban migration and migrants’ inability
to afford decent accommodation in the city. The finding
corroborates that of Ulack (1978) and Owusu et al. (2008)
that with the increasing rural-urban migration, squatter
settlements will continue to attract migrants due to their
relatively low rents. The officials also indicated that the
squatters occupied government service lands or buffer
lands and simply appropriate them without recourse to the
existing regulations. The squatter settlements had existed
ranging from four years to 20 years. An official indicated
that Texpo settlement had existed for about 20 years.
On the role of Assemblies in stopping emergence of
squatter settlements, the officials mentioned the measures
including intensive building control, preparation of planning
schemes for areas where none existed and enforcement
of building regulations. It came out that Tema West
Municipal Assembly (TWMA) had planned a demolition
exercise against the squatter settlements due to factors
not limited to unsanitary conditions and criminal activities.
Ga East Municipal Assembly (GEMA) and Ayawaso West
Municipal (AWMA) had no such plan as a result of lack of
political will. An official indicated that, any attempt to deal
with the squatter issue attracts resistance from politicians
due to their fear of losing votes.
On collaboration between the MMDAs and other
regulatory agencies, officials of TWMA and AWMA
indicated that squatter settlements had attained national
security status. As such, the National Security has been
coordinating with all the adjourning Assemblies, especially
for those on the motorway settlement to find a lasting
solution. Yet, on whether there was collaboration between
the MICZD and the Assemblies, only the GEMA made
mention of assistance from the ministry but was reluctant
to give details of the collaboration between them.
Challenges confronting the Assemblies in regulating
squatter settlements were: inadequate logistics,
inadequate personnel, political interference, bureaucratic
procedures, and absence of alternative housing policies.
The Assembly officials unanimously said that political
interference and inadequate logistics were the major
challenges. An official indicated that:
The interference comes in the form of a
phone-call by our political heads when
you are about to embark on a demolition
exercise, with threats of transfer outside
the district or severe consequences. So,
for the official who does not want any
disruption to his family life in terms of
unplanned transfers, have no option but
to comply. This is an issue with all political
parties (An official of one of the
Assemblies).
The above quotation confirms Alves’ (2018) position that
both researchers and policymakers, especially
technocrats need to pay close attention to the local political
conditions to understand where and when slums are likely
to grow, whilst also paying attention to the context where
there is intense political competition for low-income voters.
These settlers form a strong voting population which
politicians would want to protect at all cost.
With respect to whether demolition exercises make the
settlers vulnerable, the officials noted in affirmative. Since
the Assemblies are financially constrained to find
alternative residence for the settlers, the displaced settlers
often move into either another squatter settlement or
return to the previous place of abode. The finding supports
that of Nyametso (2012) that most of the illegal settlements

Mensah et al. 230
have been tolerated as a consequence of the
government’s inability to provide substitute housing in the
form of resettlements for inhabitants and excessive
pressure from local and international human rights
organizations whenever local government agencies
embarked on demolition exercises.
An official asserted that:
The threat of not voting by the settlers is
a political blackmail against the
politicians, especially members of
parliament and those aspiring for political
positions to interfere in the work of the
officials. Even some Assembly members
also fight us over our attempts to enforce
the laws (An official of one of the
Assemblies).
An Assembly member for one of the areas corroborated
this assertion:
The squatters are useful resource for
retaining electoral fortunes, although they
are a nuisance that must be checked
(Assembly member for a squatter
settlement).
The implication of the above quotations is that, civil
servants who are in charge of ensuring that building
regulations and planning schemes are adhered to have
little control to enforce their core mandates due to political
interferences from various levels of the political structure.
All three Assembly officials confirmed that the Assemblies
are supposed to ensure orderly development in their areas
of jurisdiction in collaboration with the security agencies,
especially during demolition and eviction exercises. The
Assemblies lacked well laid out plans to prevent squatter
settlements from emerging. The officials made reference
to the legislation and referred to the new Building Code,
2018 which was very explicit on zero tolerance for
temporary structures. Under the building code, permission
could be granted for siting of a temporary structure upon
inspection by the Assembly for a period of six months, and
subject to renewal.
Assembly officials’ responses to questions on
compensation payments to settlers after eviction from the
settlements revealed that, all three assemblies would not
be able to pay any form of compensation because the
assemblies were even showing the squatters favour by not
prosecuting them. All three Assembly officials indicated
that they had planning schemes that did not cover their
entire jurisdiction due to the high cost of preparing
schemes. They stressed that the squatters occupy
government service or buffer lands, unclear boundaries
and private lands under litigation. This finding confirms the
assertion of Kuffer et al. (2016) that slum development is
linked to poor planning capacity by local governments.
On measures that could be used to stem the spread and
growth of squatter settlements, the Assembly officials
believed they need to work with the community leaders to
get timely information in view of inadequate human and
financial resources to undertake continuous inspection.
The officials asserted that collaboration with communities
where such settlements developed would be a positive
strategy. They were also unanimous in their responses on
freedom to enforce regulations without political
interference to control haphazard development. Interview
with a key informant near one of the squatter settlements
highlighted lack of trust in the Assemblies in regulating the
squatter menace. Community members had reported
several cases of theft perpetuated by some squatters to
the authorities who failed to take action.
CONCLUSION
The paper has provided evidence to support the argument
that emergence of squatter settlements is attributable to
both survival and state failure. The squatter settlements
began when one person or a small group of persons
occupied the unauthorized lands but the owners including
the government did not take the needed actions. These
settlements presented an issue of survival for rural-urban
migrants who were unable to afford the high cost of rent in
Accra. They could be related to several factors including
poor housing policy by government, high cost of rent,
financial difficulties, unemployment and poverty. The
majority of the squatters were engaged in economic
activities in the informal sector. The water and sanitation
situation in the squatter settlements were very poor as
settlers practised open defecation and waste disposal in
the nearby bush.
State failure was due to non-enforcement of basic building
regulations, failure to bridge the economic inequalities
between the urban and rural areas, limited government
resources and political interferences on its regulations.
Political interference prevented technocrats mandated by
law to act in the interest of the state from discharging their
mandates. Inadequate regulations by the local
government were occasioned by reasons such as
inadequate logistics, inadequate personnel and political
interference.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the findings and conclusion, six
recommendations are made: Firstly, the central
government should pursue Local Economic Development
programmes to open up the local economy for the creation
of decent work for the poor, particularly in rural areas. The
informal sector must be developed by the Assemblies to
employ the vulnerable. Secondly, the Assemblies and
central government should partner private investors to

explore investment into affordable accommodation
projects for low income households. The Rent Control
Department should be resourced by the central
government to handle all rent related complaints
effectively.
Thirdly, the Physical Planning Department and the Works
Department of the Municipal Assemblies should be
adequately resourced to undertake and enforce planning
schemes and building control exercises respectively.
Politicians should allow the technocrats to discharge their
duties without any interference. Fourthly, there should be
an efficient and effective collaboration between the
MLGRD and the MICZD to help address the challenges of
squatter settlements. Fifthly, the judiciary system should
address land litigations with dispatch. Sixthly squatters
should form associations to engage the government on
ways of addressing the challenges. Lastly, researchers
should conduct further studies on access to health care,
education, water and other public services for squatters.
REFERENCES
Alamgir MS, Jabbar MA, Islam MS (2009). Assessing the
livelihood of slum dwellers in Dhaka city, Journal of
the Bangladesh Agricultural University, 7(2), 373-
380.
Alves G (2018). Determinants of slum formation: The role
of local politics and policies’ (CAF Working Paper),
Development Bank of Latin America, Caracas.
Amis P (1984). Squatter or tenants: The commercialization
of unauthorized housing in Nairobi, World
Development, 12(1), 87-96.
Asare T, Osae EM, Pellow D (2015). Recreating housing:
New housing for Amui Djor residents’ in S Beck
and C Maida (Eds.). Public Anthropology in a
Borderless World. Berghahn Books, New York,
351-375.
Bah ME, Faye I, Geh ZF (2018). Housing Market
Dynamics in Africa, Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Beall J (2000). From the culture of poverty to inclusive
cities: Re‐framing urban policy and politics, Journal
of International Development, 12, 843-856.
Charmaz K (2004). Premises, principles, and practices in
qualitative research: Revisiting the
foundations, Qualitative Health Research, 14(7),
976-993.
Cohen B (2006). Urbanization in developing countries:
Current trends, future projections, and key
challenges for sustainability, Technology in
Society, 28, 63–80.
Collier D (1976). Squatter Settlements and the
Incorporation of Migrants into Urban Life: The
Case of Lima, Migration and Development Study
Group Center for International Studies
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Costello MA (1987). Slums and Squatter Areas
as Entrepots for Rural-Urban Migrants in a Less
Developed Society, Social Forces, 66(2), 427–
445.
Elfarnouk NA (2015). Squatter Settlements in Tripoli,
Libya: Assessing, Monitoring, and Analyzing the
Incidence and Prevalence of Urban Squatter
Areas in the Peri-Urban Fringe, Doctor of
Philosophy thesis, University of Kansas.
Ellis F (2000). Rural Livelihood and Diversity in Developing
Countries, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Lipu MSH, Bhuiyan AMW (2014). Electricity access in
urban slum households of Bangladesh: A case of
Dhaka, Journal of Renewable and Sustainable
Energy, 6(5), 053112.
Kiddle GL (2017) Informal settlement upgrading: Lessons
from Siva and Honiara, Development Bulletin, 78,
25-29.
King RS, Amponsah O (2012). The role of city authorities
in contributing to the development of urban slums
in Ghana, Journal of Construction Project
Management and Innovation, 2(1), 285-313.
Kuffer M, Pfeffer K, Sliuzas R (2016). Slums from space -
15 years of slum mapping using remote
sensing, Remote Sensing, 8(6), 455.
Lim G (1987). Housing policies for the urban poor in
developing countries, Journal of the American
Planning Association, 53(2), 176-185.
Lo CP (1979). Surveys of squatter settlements with
sequential aerial photography: A case study in
Hong Kong, Photogrammetria, 35(2), 45-63.
Mabogunje AL (1968). Urban land-use problems in
Nigeria, Institute of British Geographers Special
Publication, 1, 203-215.
Mohanty M (2020). Squatter settlements and slums and
sustainable development. In: Sustainable Cities
and Communities. Encyclopedia of the UN
Sustainable Development Goals. Springer Nature,
Switzerland, pp. 1-12. DOI:
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71061-7
Accessed 25th September, 2020.

Mensah et al. 232
Nyametso JK (2012). Resettlement of slum dwellers, land
tenure security and improved housing, living and
environmental conditions at Madina Estate, Accra,
Ghana, Urban Forum, 23(3), 343-365.
National Development Planning Commission (2005).
Growth and poverty reduction strategy (GPRS II),
2004-2009, National Development Planning
Commission, Accra.
Obeng-Odoom F (2010). An urban twist to politics in
Ghana, Habitat International, 34(4), 392–
399. doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2009.11.003
Oduro CY, Adamtey R, Ocloo K (2015). Urban growth and
livelihood transformations on the fringes of African
cities: A case study of changing livelihoods in peri-
urban Accra, Environment and Natural Resources
Research, 5(2), 81-98.
Owusu G (2013). Coping with urban sprawl: A critical
discussion of the urban containment strategy in a
developing country city, Accra, The Journal of
Urbanism, 26(1), 1-17.
Owusu G, Agyei-Mensah S, Lund R (2008). Slums of hope
and slums of despair: Mobility and livelihoods in
Nima, Accra, Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift -
Norwegian Journal of Geography, 62(3), 180–190.
Owusu G, Afutu-Kotey RL (2010). Poor urban
communities and municipal interface in Ghana: A
case study of Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi
metropolis. Florida: Centre for African Studies,
University of Florida. Retrieved from
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i1a2.pdf
People’s Dialogue on Human Settlement and
Development (PSUP) (2012). Slum settlements
profile. Report of Accra Metropolitan Area, land,
services and citizenship, Accra, Participatory Slum
Upgrading Project (PSUP).
People’s Dialogue (2016). Citywide informal settlements:
Putting Accra Metropolitan Assembly informal
settlements on the map, land, services and
citizenship (LSC Project II, 2016), Accra.
Sietchiping R (2005). Prospective slum policies:
Conceptualisation and implementation of a
proposed informal settlement growth model.
https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/948f/
1acf79ba85df2173142fa8063123d45dd6a4.pdf.
Accessed 29 September 2019
Stokes CJ (1962). A theory of slums, Land
Economics, 38(3), 187-197.
Sverdlik A (2011). Ill-health and poverty: a literature review
on health in informal settlements, Environment
and Urbanization, 23(1), 123-155.
Ulack R (1978). The Role of Urban Squatter
Settlements. Annals of the Association of
American Geographers, 68(4), 535-550.
United Nations (2013). Sustainable Development Goals.
https://www.un.org/development/
desa/disabilities/envision2030-goal11.html.
Accessed 25th September, 2020.
United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS)
(1984). Land for human settlements, UNCHS,
Kenya.
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) (2007). State of
world population 2007: Unleashing the potential
of urban growth’,
https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-
pdf/695_filename_sowp2007_eng.pdf
United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-
Habitat) (2003). The challenge of slums: global
report on human settlements, UN-Habitat, Nairobi.
UN-Habitat. (2013). Streets as public spaces and drivers
of urban prosperity, UN-Habitat, Nairobi.
UN-Habitat (2014). Housing and slum upgrading: Urban
themes. Retrieved
https://unhabitat.org/urbanthemes/housing-slum-
upgrading/
UN-Habitat (2015a). Global activities report 2015:
increasing synergy for greater national ownership,
UNON Publishing, Nairobi.
UN-Habitat (2015b). Informal settlements, Habitat III Issue
Paper 22, UN-Habitat, Nairobi.
UN-Habitat (2016). World Cities Report 2016:
Urbanization and Development - Emerging
Futures, UN-Habitat, Nairobi.
Wakely P (2018). Housing in Developing Cities:
Experience and Lessons, Routledge, New York &
London.
Wakely P (2020). Partnership: A Strategic Paradigm for
the Production & Management of Affordable
Housing & Sustainable Development, International
Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 12(1),
119-125.
World Bank (1981). Economic development and the
private sector, World Bank, Washington, DC.
World Bank (2017). Africa’s Cities: Opening Doors to the
World Overview, World Bank, Washington, DC.

Accepted 14 January 2021
Citation: Mensah J.V, Osae E.M, Asare K.Y (2021). Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan
Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival? International Journal of Geography and Regional Planning 7(1):
219-233.
Copyright: © 2021: Mensah et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original
author and source are cited.

Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival?

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

What's hot

What's hot (20)

Similar to Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival?

Similar to Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival? (20)

More from Premier Publishers

More from Premier Publishers (20)

Recently uploaded

Recently uploaded (20)

Emergence of Squatter Settlements in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana: An Issue of State Failure or Survival?