Anzaldua And Fanon Summary

Anzaldua And Fanon Summary
Language may be the most important part of identity. Language takes an identity from being an
individual trait, and transforms it into a social one. The problem with language being a part of a
person's identity is that there are many languages and not all languages are seen as equal. Anzaldua
and Fanon address how some languages are seen as inferior and establish an us and them mentality
within nations and cultures. Fanon takes the approach of becoming the us or superior language and
culture, while Anzaldua makes the claim that a person is able to be a part of more than one culture
and language without losing ones own. Anderson uses language to establish the origins of language–
based separation based on the us and them concept as well as nations. ... Show more content on
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Anderson points out that many nations were established based on the creation of a national language
that was designed to unify the people and establish a distinction from other nations (Anderson
2006). The process of establishing a national language had both positive and negative effects.
People who did not speech the national language felt excluded and were essentially marginalized.
The people who spoke the language were more included and regarded as true citizens. The process
was more successful when the language was more widespread in the nation. Language is the tool
that can create nations as well as divide culture, countries, and people. The use of language is
important in establishing identities. For people like Anzaldua it can strengthen an identity while for
people Fanon mentioned it strips a person of their identity and replaces it with the superior language
and culture. Language is constantly changing and expanding, which in turn causes identities,
cultures, and nations to change and expand as
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Franz Fanon Racism
Before starting this paper, it is important to have historical background to understand the direction I
am going. According to the "Internet Encyclopedia Philosophy" Frantz Fanon was an Afro–French
philosopher and a writer who had influence in the post–colonial studies. His work "Black Skin,
White Mask" was formulated to show the oppression of African Americans. Black people have been
the subject of racialized and discursive discourse that has socially constructed them as criminal's
amoral human beings. To start off, by definition Negrophobia is classified as " The strong fear or
dislike of black people" in today's society "Negrophobia" is very much alive and thriving. According
to Brandon Hill at CNN "Phobias are extreme aversions. They ... Show more content on
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Fanon criticizes Sartre for "[s]eeing only one type of black man and equating anti–Semitism with
Negrophobia" as "the errors of analysis committed in [Sartre's] arguments" (160–161) Fanon arrives
at the relationship between blacks and whites; which in my opinion he starts to teach us about the
word "Negrophobia". In what seems like his search for this apparent relationship fanon ask, "Is there
any difference between one racism and another? Don't we encounter the same downfall, the same
failure of man?" (Fanon 67) Frantz referrers to Octave Mannon's Prospero and Caliban: The
Psychology of Colonization to pan out his standpoint of cultural exploitation as a whole, Fanon
acknowledges that Mannon's conclusion explains the "Colonizer–native relationship" (Fanon 64)
Yet, in the same token fanon finds error in Mannon's findings Fanon asserts that "All forms of
exploitation are alike" and that "Colonial racism is no different from other racisms" (Fanon 69) The
question at hand is very simple, is there any difference between " Negrophobia" and " Anti–
Semitism" According to Jock McCulloch author of Black Soul, White Artifact: Fanon's Clinical
Psychology and Social Theory the answer is no. " There is no substantial difference between Anti–
Semitism and

Comparing Frantz Fanon And Mahatma Gandhi
Danielle Patton
Final Paper
History 1500 to Present
December 4th, 2014
When you look back through time at the history of decolonization, there are many names that come
to mind, but two that should be focused on are Frantz Fanon and Mahatma Gandhi. Both of these
men were strong advocates for anti–colonialism and nationalism. Their attitudes can be described by
this quote from Frantz Fanon who said, "what matters is not to know the world but to change it."
They may have been active during different times in history, but they both took action to see that the
countries they represented were run in an anti–colonialistic and nationalistic way. A few questions
that may arise though is why did both of these men feel so strongly, what actions did they take to
make sure that their countries were run the right way, and what impact did they have on
decolonization? To fully understand these men and their actions, understanding what they believed
is key. The term nationalism describes both the attitude of someone that takes pride in their nation
and its identity, and the actions that are taken to ensure their country's autonomy (Miscevic). Most
people that have a nationalistic belief feel as though their country should be self–sufficient and
maximize their resources. The term anti–colonialism is used to describe an opposition to the term
colonialism, but you may wonder what does colonialism mean? Colonialism is a term that describes
"the practice of domination" (Kohn). This

The Wretched Of The Earth, By Joseph Fanon
In Fanonian philosophy, decolonization is the rational reaction of colonization. So, those who would
classify de–colonizers and their rhetoric "nativists" and "nativism," should refer to the supporting
quote from Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth: "The argument the native chooses has been
furnished by the settler..." (1968: 310). That "the native" "chooses" violence–self–defensive
struggle–as a means toward the goal of "total liberation" should startle no one, least of all
colonialists, capitalists, and those identified with the dominant race, prevailing gender, and the
controlling class of the contemporary imperial "world–system." Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had
presaged of the impending revolution for many years by the time Fanon developed his books on
revolutionary decolonization. Marx and Engels have set forth in The ... Show more content on
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The cases adopted and reinforced, raised, and shaped by the colonized were and are, to an extent,
produced by the "radical" and "revolutionary" institutions of colonialist and capitalist Europe. One
need read no further than C. L. R. James's authoritative The Black Jacobins to discern that the "first"
successful uprising by communities of African lineage in the contemporary age was impressed by,
and inextricable from, the French Revolution of 1789. But, Fanon urges that "Marxist analysis," or
any alternative "radical" or "revolutionary" idea that does not result out of the precise concrete
historicity (i.e., the life–worlds and life–struggles) of the colonized, should be corrected to
incorporate and serve the demands of their age and actions (1968:

Frantz Fanon
Frantz Fanon was a deeply involved and diligent philosopher who recognized the separation and
relations between the oppressed and the oppressors as well as the fight for freedom. He specifically
speaks on Algeria as the colonized, facing the French who were the colonizers. Fanon was writing
mainly during the 1940' s–60 when decolonization was becoming popular. Fanon was greatly
involved in the decolonization struggle, and in his book The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon explains
and observes the ways in which the colonized shall attempt to declare their rights from the
colonizers. Fanon believed that the only way for the colonized to earn their independence, they
would have to violently rebel against the colonizers. The famous movie or book ... Show more
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Before they begin celebrating, the Capitol diminishes the rule that was previously in place, which
allowed for two winners from the same district, and returned to the original rule in which only one
tribute shall be crowned victor. Neither Katniss nor Peeta gave in to the controlling and evil plans of
the Capitol, which called for either of them to turn on the other, and Katniss unselfishly suggested
that they both eat the poisonous Nightlock berries, leaving no victor. Here they both demonstrate
great courage and passion, as they are about to eat the berries when the Capitol gives in and allows
them both to be victorious. Katniss and Peeta defy that violence is necessary to gain their
independence as Fanon suggests. Rather than violently fighting until one of them remains, they
understand that if this were to happen the Capitol would have been pleased; however, instead Peeta
and Katniss use peace and intellect to first act on what would strongly annoy the Capitol, having no
winner, forcing the Capitol to have the final decision, two winners or no winners. Living under the
totalitarian rule of the Capitol, participating in these games in which, the most important key to
survival is to kill, Katniss and Peeta definitively defied Fanon and provided a strong, symbolic
message to all of the districts and the Capitol that change was headed its way. Frantz Fanon and
Mohandas

What Does Fanon Mean By Decolonization?
Fanon contributed a great deal to phenomenology, especially on race discourse and decolonisation.
Fanon explores the existential challenges faced by black human beings in a social world based on
his observations and treatment in France. Fanon's understanding of humanity was seen from the
position of a relativity privilege position in search for his own place in the world as a black man
living in France. In his early works Fanon talks about how "Negro's (sic) behave differently with a
white man" (Fanon, 1991, p.17) and that the whiter you are the closer you are to being a 'real human
being'. In Black Skin, White Masks (1991) Fanon recounts stories of stark racism and what the
impact of this is on the psyche. His later texts argue that decolonisation ... Show more content on
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Continuing to say that "Decolization, as we know it, is a historical process; that is to say that it
cannot be understood, it cannot become intelligible nor clear to itself except in the exact measure
that we can discern the movement which give it historical form and content" (ref Fanon The
Wretched of the Earth p.36). . Decolonise is defined in the Oxford dictionary as "(Of a state)
withdraw from (a colony), leaving it independent" (ref). For Fanon, decolonization is a necessary
revolution because the greatest harm has been done on the global scale of colonialism. Fanon is
trying to understand decolonisation as a process occurring through time, discourse, and cultural
practices that give meaning to independence and autonomy. (ref lecture slide). For many people
Fanon represents hope, he expresses at length in Black Skins, White Masks that some new humanity
was possible. What Fanon can see is that the process of decolonisation will be violent, as he writes
in the first sentence of sentence of Wretched of the Earth, 'decolonization is always a violent
phenomenon'. (ref WE,

Fanon, Kanye, and Gandhi Essay
Gandhi and Fanon both believed in what was correct and just. They believed that the man should be
free, especially if they are being controlled by the colonists' ideals. This was the case for both
Algiers and India. These two countries were being controlled by that one principle of the colonizers
which is that they are better and therefore should be in control. In the case of India, they were being
oppressed by the British and deprived of having their own land for themselves. Then there was
Fanon's battle, which had a different approach to it. The French were the ones colonizing Algiers
and they were being repressed into living in misery and oppression. They understood that the
colonization of people not only affected them physically ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net
...
We must not cultivate the spirit of the exceptional or look for the hero, another form of leader. We
must elevate the people, expand their minds, equip them differentiate them, and humanize them"
(137). Violence is the way to make sure there is a consciousness is present in every peasant, which
wont let the colonized be manipulated by either the ex–colonizers nor the new governors of their
country. For the third part of his argument Fanon shows what usually happens after the
decolonization of a country. Here he exposes the methods in which the leaders of bourgeois
nationalities enrich themselves by abandoning the long term development of their country so they
can earn as soon as possible and as much as possible. Even if it means staying bound and subjugated
to the interests of developed countries. In the fourth part it's about the development of a culture that
is immeasurable nor cares about the European culture. This one is important because just like the
success of everyone depends on the masses, the international culture depends on the construction of
the culture of every sub–developed nation. "It is the national liberation that puts the nation on the
stage of history. It is at the heart of national consciousness that international consciousness
establishes itself and thrives. And this dual emergence, in fact, is the

Wretched Of The Earth By Frantz Fanon
The Wretched of the Earth is Frantz Fanon's manifesto on decolonization. It covers the effects of
colonialism on the mental health of the colonized in this work, the use of language as a tool of
oppression, and the need for a (violent) revolution against the colonial, ruling class, is portrayed
very well. Fanon exposes the problems of certain paths to decolonization taken by countries in Latin
America. In the first section of the book, Fanon argues that the solution to the recurrent problems of
decolonization can only be realized through a violent uprising of the masses Fanon reasons that
violence is the only language that a colonialist society understands: "colonialism is not a machine
capable of thinking, a body endowed with reason. It is ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
Rather, they wish to gain access to the wealth and social status that had previously been
commandeered by the colonists. They wish to drain the peasant masses and natural resources for
their selfish benefit just as the colonizers did. The national bourgeoisie, defined by its European–
based education and culture, is credited with founding the political parties, which give rise to the
country's future leaders and those that negotiate the terms of decolonization with the colonist
country. However, the relative social and economic comfort of the national bourgeoisie prevents
them from supporting a violent insurrection (which might alter their cosy scenario). Prior to
decolonization, the "mother country" realizes the inevitability of "freedom," and thus drains most of
the "capital and technicians and encircling the young nation with an apparatus of economic
pressure". At the end of his chapter "'On National Culture,"' Fanon writes that "'the most urgent
thing today for the intellectual is to build up his nation"' and that "'the building of a nation is of
necessity accompanied by the discovery and encouragement of universalizing

The Wretched Of The Earth Fanon
In The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon underlines the aggressive voice the Native intellectual have.
Fanon points out how prominent the forcefulness is in the local intellectual and how much they
emphasized control. Fanon believes that by wiping out the arrangement of the colonizer, as he owns
his situation of specialist, by acclimatizing to his own convictions. This spins around the possibility
of a pioneer world. Fanon portraits the divisions of activity as less than fair titles where you can just
take the situation of it. He holds his own opinion that states that interests are to run society that see
more than the European perspectives that the colonizers have supported. His plan is viewed as a
little aggressive in light of the fact that he

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon: The Native...
The native intellectual's alliance with the lumpenproletariat. In Fanon's, The Wretched of the Earth,
he sees the Native Intellectual as aggressive for command, nonviolent, a modern voice, and
strategic. "The native intellectual has clothed his aggressiveness in his barely veiled desire to
assimilate himself to the colonial world. He used his aggressiveness to serve his own individual
interests," (60). Here, Fanon emphasizes the native intellectual's aggressiveness for power. He has
hid his initial plan to eliminate the settler and take his position of authority, by assimilating to his
beliefs. These revolve around the idea of a colonial world. This world is characterized as a division
of action less and honorable titles where you ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
He wants all social classes to get along and be able to live happily together. The native intellectual
wants to erase all the border lines that cause friction between the different social classes in order to
release some of the tension and the problems that a colonial world causes. One of the main problems
colonization causes is the degradation of humans that can get as serious as calling another human, of
lower standards, an animal. By erasing the idea of colonization, the native intellectual can create the
authentic group of boundless citizens that he wishes to have. The native intellectual se perceived as
a modern voice because his aggressiveness to change the conditions of colonization serves for the
purpose of uniting the relationship between the settler and the native. The settler is considered the
colonist who wants to reform Algeria to follow the reformation Europe. The native is the class of the
native intellectual; however, their difference is that the native believes in violence whereas the
native intellectual does not. "The intellectual, who for his part has followed the colonist with regard
to the universal abstract, will fight in order that the settler and the native may live together in peace,
in a new world,"(45). He has observed the colonization ideas and beliefs of the settler in
consideration to what the world shouldn't be. The native intellectual's dislike for such a world,
provokes him to fight for the world that he wants to

The Wretched Of The Earth By Franz Fanon
Fanon One issue of Freud's psychoanalytic theories and the psychosexual stages is exposed through
examining Frantz Fanon. During the 1950's Fanon found residency in France and wrote about the
impact of colonialism subjugation of blacks. The focus was on the negative psychological effects
brought out by the trauma of the events. Loss of personal identity, reactionary psychoses and
defense mechanisms were all brought up related to the war involving the algerians. An interesting
conclusion from Fanon is that there are mental defenses to protect a person from mental disorders
such as Case No.1's wife. Its implied that simple differences, such as knowing the information a
person is being tortured for, can greatly impact whether or not they acquire ... Show more content on
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"Freud believed the libido to be of crucial importance in personality, but he maintained that other
impulses, particularly aggression, also play significant shaping roles" (Lilienfeld, 2013). This
compliments Fanon's findings within The Wretched Of The Earth. Rape, and by nature sexuality,
were used as tools of aggression. Although linked in use as a means of torture, both for the captive
and those surrounding the victim's, credit must be given to Freud's theory for correctly identifying
sexuality and aggression as different traits. Unfortunately Trait theory, from Freud's perspective, still
relies heavily on genetic predisposition. The divergence from sexuality and aggression comes in the
form of survivability. It's a reactionary response to protect and survive that likely developed from
our descendants. The largest flaw with the theory of aggression is that the id is claimed to operate on
the pleasure principle and immediate gratification. This reconnects aggression and sexuality in
circumstances such as Fanon described. There is gratification in domination by this assumption.
Relating this to the story of Oedipus it could be viewed that killing his Father and laying with his
Mother are the same action in personality development. The mutual suppression of aggression and
sexuality are necessary in continuing a child's development beyond the Phallic

What Is Fanon Necessary?
Franz Fanon was born in the French Territory, Martinque, in 1925. He had a Doctorate in psychiatry,
he was introduced to philosophy of negritude by Aimé Césaire. Fanon fought in World War II with
the French military, in the 1950's he went to North Africa and joined the Front de Liberation
Nationale (FLN). Fanon was a leading anticolonial theorist, known for his writings White Skin,
Black Masks, and Wretched of the Earth. He died before his 40th birthday, in 1961.
Fanon's overall argument about the use of violence in decolonization is, violence is necessary. Per
Fanon (1963), decolonization is the "encounter between two congenitally antagonistic forces that in
fact owe their singularities to the kind of reification secreted and nurtured by the colonial ... Show
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"His brief life was notable both for his whole–hearted engagement in the independence struggle the
Algerian people waged against France and for his astute, passionate analyses of the human impulse
towards freedom in the colonial context" (Nicholls, n.d.). Do I agree violence is always necessary?
No, I do not. Do I believe it is morally and ethically justifiable? Sitting here in the comfort of my
home, being of the white dominate race, I could easily say no it is not justifiable. However, I was
not that black male or black female living in Algeria being dominated and dehumanized by the white
race. I believe there truly is only so much a human can take before their survival mode kicks in and
violence is initiated. Do I agree with everything Fanon believes? No, I do not. I do agree with
Fanon's core principle of decolonization theory that "all of us are entitled to moral consideration and
that no one is dispensable" (Nicholls, n.d.). This principle continues to motivate scholars and activist
devoted to human rights and social

Who Is Aime Cesaire?
Aimé Césaire was born in Basse–Pointe, Martinique, in the French Caribbean. His father, Fernand
Elphège, was educated as teacher, but later worked as a manager of a sugar estate. Eléonore, his
mother a seamstress. In Cahier Césaire described his childhood without mercy: "And the bed of
planks from which my race has risen, all my race from this bed of planks on its feet of kerosene
cases, as if the old bed had elephantiasis, covered with a goat skin, and its dried banana leaves and
its rags, the ghost of a mattress that is my grandmother's bed (above the bed in a pot full of oil a
candle–end whose flame looks like a fat turnip, and on the side of the pot, in letters of gold:
MERCI). Césaire's family was poor, but his parents invested in the education of their children. To
faciliate the studies of their talented son, they moved Basse ... Show more content on
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Césaire paralles the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized with the relationship
between Nazis and their victims. "People are astounded, they are angry. They say: "How strange that
is. But then it is only Nazism, it wont last." And they wait, and they hope; and they hide the truth
from themselves: It is savagery, the supreme savagery, it crowns, it epitomizes the day–to–day
savageries; yes, it is Nazism, but before they became its victims, they were its accomplices; that
Nazism they tolerated before they succumbed to it, they exonerated it, they closed their eyes to it,
they legitimated it because until then it had been employed only against non–European peoples; that
Nazism they encouraged, they were responsible for it, and it drips, it seeps, it wells fro every crack
in western Christian civilization until it engulfs that civilization in a bloody

Marx Vs Fanon
Following an extensive description of both Fanon and Marx distinct, yet similar critique of their
respective societal status quos upon time of writing, the focus of this paper will shift towards each
writer's philosophical explanation as to why their assessment of both capitalist and colonial societies
possesses logical reasoning. Interestingly enough, Marx cites, "the discovery of America, and the
rounding of the Cape," (Marx 718) as pivotal events in the the ultimate rise of modern
industrialization, revealing an intersection among historical materialists such as Fanon who
configures these events as the apply to the framework of post–colonial discourse. With regards to
Marx's larger takeaway and intention, the philosopher's considers that ... Show more content on
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Central to Fanon's philosophy concerning the process of Decolonization rests the mutual
understanding among both groups that their positions are the result of specific historic processes.
Yet, under the oppression of the colonizers, the colonized fail to empower themselves because the
colonist, "continues to fabricate the colonized subject." (Fanon 826). This fabrication manifests in
the colonizer's use of institutional mechanisms such as education, incarceration and economic
opportunity to promulgate a collective identity in which the identity of the colonized remains that of
a people born less–than their oppressors. Adopting this false identity, the colonized community
becomes, "a sector of niggers, a sector of towelheads," whose, "dreams of possession," (Fanon 827)
remain dreams until those colonized peoples are able to empower themselves and overthrow the
colonizer's systems of control. Like Marx, Fanon seeks to deliberate the exact modes and methods
by which the colonial system retains power over the colonized peoples, their lands, and the
resources which abound throughout them. Unlike Marx, Fanon credits the direct subjectgation of
countless peoples from countless nations, tribes and languages to "what race one belongs to."
(Fanon 827) The presupposition that the colonizer forever remains, "first and foremost the outsider"
(Fanon 827) further supports the philosopher's absolute means of societal upheaval in that Marxist
economic theories of oppression pertaining to the bankers, customs house, and elsewhere fails to
account for the sociological justifications which the colonial system propagates

Fanon Vs Dubois
When reading W.E.B. DuBois and Franz Fanon, I couldn't get rid of the feeling of dejà vu. It seemed
that I have already encountered these ideas; maybe in a slightly different shape but I have definitely
heard that before. After reflecting on what I have read, I decided that DuBois' concept of "double–
consciousness" reminds me of the concept of "double vision" that was introduced by post–colonial
feminists. Thus, when in class we started to discuss how DuBois and Fanon anticipate the ideas of
the second–wave feminism, I felt relieved – my intuition didn't let me down and I was very close to
identifying the thoughts I had been introduced to before. It is nearly impossible to not notice that
both DuBois and Friedan use the language of the "problem" ... Show more content on
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"We cannot be held responsible that in this war psychiatric phenomena entailing disorders affecting
behavior and thought have taken on importance where those who carry out the "pacification" are
concerned, or that these same disorders are notable among the "pacified" population. The truth is
that colonialism in its essence was already taking on the aspect of a fertile purveyor for psychiatric
hospitals." – claims Fanon. He highlights that people on the both sides (both the colonizers and the
colonized) suffer from the situation, so, reasons Fanon, the problem is rooted in the situation but not
in people. When you see many people with psychological and psychosomatic problems from both
sides, you start noticing the pattern. After observing it for a while, you conclude that these people
are victims of the colonial

Garvey Vs Frantz Fanon Essay
Marcus Garvey, a political activist who gave a speech at Nova Scotia, fought against the hegemonic
ideas of society to ensure that Blacks are in a world where they can be able to thrive by uniting the
diaspora of Blacks into Africa. In comparison, Frantz Fanon, a West Indian philosopher, challenged
the racial narratives, post WWII, to exhibit how Blacks were seen through society's eyes because of
these racial narratives and plans to change the perception that has been bestowed on Blacks for
centuries. Both Garvey and Fanon vindicated hegemonic, racial narratives by trying to unite all
Blacks to ensure prosperous futures and changing how Blacks looked upon. Garvey wanted to make
sure Blacks were thriving and had power and Fanon fought to make a difference in society's
perception of Blacks. ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
In a speech in Nova Scotia, Garvey shared that "we are going to emancipate ourselves from mental
slavery because whilst others might free the body, none but ourselves can free the mind." Garvey
challenges the hegemonic idea that Blacks are subject to one way of thinking and that the kind of
thinking Blacks do holds them back from "emancipating" themselves from cultural hegemony. In
addition, the evidence exhibits how Garvey exploited why Blacks haven't yet abolished hegemonic
ideas and gives his solution. Moving forward, Garvey talks about bringing freedom to the diaspora
of the Black race through unity. Further into the speech at Nova Scotia, Garvey claims that "these
four million people are working to convert the rest of the four hundred million that are all over the
world, and it is for this purpose, that we are asking you to join our land and to do the best you can to
help us bring about an emancipated race." This hegemonic idea that Blacks cannot think for
themselves has is that of what Garvey wants Blacks to be "emancipated"

Fanon Collective Unconsciousness
Fanon asserts that the social constructions of racism get their way into society through various
channels. According to him, information and propositions slowly get their way into the minds of
individuals through newspapers, the radio, books, school text, advertisement, and movies. These
information shapes a person's vision of the world. The view of the world is always white in the
Antilles. No black manifestation exists.
Fanon speaks specifically from the Antillean man's psychology. The Antillean man realizes that he
has been living a mistake all his life. He realizes the collective unconscious that one is not black
because of color. The Antillean realizes that one is black as a result of being evil, wicked, instinctual
and spineless. It is imperative to know the definition of white. White is anything that is opposite to
the black traits. It is the collective unconsciousness that black is sin, ugliness, immorality and
darkness. The meaning of this is that if a man is immoral, then he is black. On the other hand, if he
behaves with morals, he is not black. The Martinique have a ... Show more content on
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He represents the dark side of the soul and shameful feelings. Fanon asserts that from the view of
the white man, a black man is a physical image, the non–ego. Fanon goes an extra mile to contend
that 'A black man is not a man'. Thus, a black man, a victim of racism, constantly suffers a lack of
recognition. The black man cannot stand alone. He is the comparison to the white man. He is a
comparison because he is a constant object of the ego ideal and self–assertion. Whenever the black
man is in the presence of another person, the question of worth and merit is always raised. The
Negro does not possess a personal value; he is always dependent on the presence of the other. He
compares himself, asking questions whether he is blacker, less intelligent or less useful to the other
(Fanon,

Analysis Of The Wretched Of The Earth By Frrantz Fanon
Frantz Fanon once said in The Wretched of the Earth, "The colonized underdeveloped man is a
political creature in the most global sense of the term." Frantz Fanon was born in 1925 in
Martinique, a French colony in the Caribbean Sea. He was descended from African slaves who had
previously been brought to the island. Fanon left Martinique at the age of 18 and fought for France
in the last years of World War II. It was during the war that he experienced extensive racism from
his white European peers. This would continue to influence his worldview for the rest of his short
life. Fanon's critical work has established him as an outstanding theoretician of a wide range of
issues, such as identity, nationalism, black consciousness, the role of violence in the struggle for
decolonization, and language as an index of power. His body of work has been influential in fields
like philosophy, politics, psychiatry, cultural studies, and gender studies, as well. Black Skin, White
Masks (written in 1952) and The Wretched of the Earth (written in 1961) two books that state
Fanon'santi–colonial revolutionary thoughts made him an important contributor in the field of
postcolonial studies. He is a controversial image in the field of post–colonialism despite his
contributions in a wide range of fields of study he has been intensively criticized for his abstract
generalizations and his absolutism. Fanon's experience and the general background of that period
justify his bitterness when he talks for

Violence of Decolonization Essay
Violence of Decolonization
Frantz Fanon argues the decolonization must always be a violent phenomenon because resisting a
colonizing power using only politics will not work. Europeans justified colonization by treating it as
gods work. They believed that god wanted then to occupy all lands and spread the word of god to
savages of darker skin color. Fanon joined the Algerian Nationalist Movement when the Algeria was
being colonized be the French. Many examples of violence written of in The Wretched of the Earth
were taken from the struggle for independence in Algeria. Also the writing is sympathetic towards
colonized natives. Fanon claims decolonization causes violent actions from both settlers and natives
and creates intolerant ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
Because politics seemed to be a dead end process, the natives felt that fighting was their only way to
regain independence.
Native revolts would rarely change anything politically; it gave individuals a temporary feeling that
they were not inferior to their oppressors by causing disorder (Fanon 94). When the settler's
dominance became imminent, Natives tended to struggle violently with themselves. The anger that
possessed for their oppressors was vented through crime and battles with other native tribes. Fanon
says that is was an excuse to ignore their oppressors, accept colonization of their land, and to allow
history to move on (Fanon 54).
European settlers had the idea that by some divine right, all land was created for them and the
control of the mother country. The land that that did not occupy would not prosper without their
influence and would go back to the middle ages (Fanon 51). The burden of God's good work
entailed white men to impose his European religion, medicines, and civilized practices onto natives
that they believed to be evil because of the plague and disease they carried. The natives were called
savages or other primitive nicknames because of their underdeveloped technology and weaponry
compared to the settlers (Fanon 41). Settlers consider native's aggression as evil acts against god.
Natives see the settlers as the bringers of violence.

Why did Fanon Argue for a Violent Struggle Against...
In the second half of the twentieth century, started a process of decolonization, first in Asia and then
in Africa. In 1949, India was one of the first country to gain its independence, followed by Burma,
Malaysia, and Ceylon. In Africa the decolonization started a few years later, first in Libya and
Egypt, and in the rest of the continent afterwards. The main colonists were the Great Britain and
France. The history has shown that Great Britain succeeded to decolonize generally in peace while
France had much more problems to give up its colonies, which led to numerous conflicts opposing
the colonists and the colonized. It has been the case especially in Algeria where a murderous war
lasted almost eight years. The philosopher Frantz Fanon ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
In 1945 Fanon moved to France and settled in Lyon. Fanon studied medicine as well as philosophy,
literature and psychology. He became a doctor in a psychiatric hospital in France and then in
Algeria, where he moved in 1953. With the outbreak of the Algerian Revolution in 1954 he started
studying the Algerian situation and joined the National Liberation Front, in favour for the Algerian
Independence. In 1957, he was expelled by the colonial authorities and joined the provisional
government of the Algerian Republic in Tunis. Fanon wrote about colonialism and he praised the
use of violence against colonists in his book The Wretched of the Earth, which was published the
same year he died of leukaemia, in 1961, and two years before the independence of Algeria (Alice
Cherki, 2000). So Fanon's life has been quite short but rather rich in events. Although he was
mixed–race, Fanon has experienced racism when he arrived in France. Thus it is not surprising that
he identified to the Algerian people who were colonized by the French, and more generally to all
colonized and oppressed populations. But the paradox, as Henri Louis Gates underlines it, is that
Algerian people themselves considered him as "a European Interloper" and did not recognised his

First-Year Writing Project Analysis
This proposal explores how hip–hop can help accomplish the CCCC's stated goals on multiple
discourses and community engagement. Hip–hop can serve as a valuable tool to help them
implement those goals at the University of Nevada, Reno's core writing program. Our analysis will
focus on using hip–hop to broaden perspectives included in academic conversations and to empower
students to write as members of their community. While we understand that hip–hop may be a
controversial genre to include in the core writing curriculum, we propose that its inclusion is not at
odds with both the CCCC's and UNR's core writing program, but can in fact be a valuable asset
towards reaching those goals. We believe that first–year writing students will benefit from ... Show
Kendrick is one of the most popular rappers working right now, and his participation in that kind of
discussion illustrates that his genre shouldn't preclude him from being taken seriously. We find
ourselves in a time no less rich with artistic genius of all kinds, and Fanon's poignant expression of
the connection between art and the life it seeks to articulate should serve as a reminder not to forget
that art of all kinds, and from all kinds, can help us determine and express truth. Nowhere is that
lesson more vital than in hip–hop, and its relationship with academia. Currently, while a relationship
between them seems to at least exist, rap is treated as a novelty, perhaps being taught in a upper–
division classes, or as a study of the workings of genre conventions. What is largely ignored is the
fact that rap, like other forms of writing, exists not in a vacuum, but as a product of different
communities, and of its

Achebe and Fanon on Colonization and Decolonization
Living in the same region for an extended period of time will endow the human inhabitant with a
sense of pride in their homeland. When this idea is extended to a certain group of people living in
the same area, pride turns into nationalism. The residents not only feel like they geographically own
the land, but their history of culture in that given area lends them an emotional connection as well.
When people of elsewhere come to take the land from the native inhabitants, many changes occur.
In his book The Wretched of the Earth, Franz Fanon gives his insight into how the process of
colonization and decolonization happens, and the resulting physical and mental effects on both
groups of people. Telling this from a strictly historical and ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net
...
As Fanon states, "But the thing he [the settler] does not see, precisely because he is permeated by
colonialism and all its ways of thinking, is that the settler, from the moment that the colonial context
disappears, has no longer any interest in remaining or in co–existing" (Fanon). While the tribe
viewed the settlers as nothing more than an unwanted pest and let their guard down, the settlers
established a more developed culture right next door and proceeded to take them over right in front
of their eyes. As explained by Fanon, there comes a point where the natives either attempt the
process of decolonization or give up, and in the case of the Umofia, because their physical leader
Okonkwo was absent during the time to revolt, by the time he returned it was too late and the tribe
had given in to the white man.
Though the full process is not completed in Achebe 's book, colonization happens, which, as stated
by Fanon, is part of decolonization. Fanon makes the point that decolonization is the process of total
upheaval, and more often than not it boils down to violence. He states, "That affirmed intention of
placing the last at the head of things, and to climb at a pace (too quickly, some say) the well–known
steps which characterize an organized society, can only triumph if we use all means to turn the scale,
including, of course, that of violence." (Fanon). In Things Fall Apart, though the violence

Frantz Fanon The Fact Of Blackness
Fanon's argument regarding "The Fact of Blackness" and his conceptual use of violence as an affect
of bodily violence. 1. Introduction In this essay, I will be analysing Frantz Fanon's writing entitled
"The Fact of Blackness," Analysing the social psychological concept of "self–identity" in connection
to the "fact of being a black person." Frantz Fanon According to McCulloch (1983), was born in
1925 at Martinique. He advanced as a medical student in Paris where he was a psychiatrist. He was
trained in "one of the most radical psychiatric teaching programmes then available" (McCulloch,
1983, p. 1). Fanon wrote the book "Black Skin, White Mask" in 1952 when he was in Lyon
University, according to Panaf (1975). In the fifth chapter of his book Fanon wrote an essay entitled
"The Fact of Blackness" which was in a form of a cry of a black man. The writing was released at a
time when decolonisation and self–determination were intensifying and taking the centre stage.
Macey (2000). 2. Body Fanon starts by asking a rhetoric question: "what does a black ... Show more
Fanon finds himself suffering from schizophrenia and many disorders as a result of the white man's
harsh treatment. When all he wanted was to be himself. To a white man from France, Fanon was a
"Martinican, a native of "our" old colonies" (Fanon, 1986, p.113), which was a perception which
deprived the black man of self–pride or confidence in himself. "Mama, the nigger is going to eat me
up" (Fanon, 1986, p.114), to the white boy he is an animal that's shaking with anger ready to
swallow him up, just like a cannibal would eat up a prey. Fanon's search for self–identity is destined
to only one direction as he is not given a chance to exist "Since the other hesitated to recognize me,
there remained only one solution: to make myself known" (Fanon, 1986,

The Fact Of Blackness By Frantz Fanon
Frantz Fanon's "The Fact of Blackness," a chapter from Black Skin, White Masks describes the
anxiety felt while held in the gaze of the colonizer. A reading of Judith Butler's Gender Trouble in
conjunction with Fanon's work raises questions and possible strategies on how to reject
neocolonialism and contemporary white supremacy. Fanon's idea of blackness is performative but
not for the gain of the black man, rather for the white man. Butler suggests that regaining control of
the black man's fate comes from interpellation, the act, of interrupting the white man's claims or
ideas, or rather their misconceptions of the black man. A way of disregarding the white man's claims
is a form of rejecting that normativity, similar to Butler's analysis of drag where one rejects
normativity altogether. The black man's lack of interpellation enhances the white man's
performativity furthering white supremacy; a way of rejecting neocolonialism that disregards
societal norms.
"Performative utterances do not describe but perform the action they designate" (Culler 96), and the
repetitive assertions from the white man placed upon the black man results in him being inferior.
The white man's performativity about Butler's idea of gender trouble, that gender, sexuality and
biological makeup are not correlated. It also refers to oppressions of genders that do not fit the norm
of society. For Butler gender acts "as a strategy for survival within compulsory systems, gender is
performative with

Differences Between Fanon And De Tocqueville
Despite the fact that one cannot force a national identity, the drive to mold and create one runs deep
in both Fanon's and de Tocqueville's writings. At this point, the differences in background and the
purposes of writing between our two authors becomes apparent. De Tocqueville's project with
Algeria aims to investigate the best way to colonize with the least detriment to the French. Given
that the colonists had already deposed the old government to install their own at the time of his
writings, de Tocqueville identifies a few sources of danger for the French in Algeria and proposes a
path forward. At the time, the French had plans to unseat a remnant government in Constantine in
the east of Algiers and ally with Abd–el–Kader in the west of ... Show more content on
Helpwriting.net ...
Both believe that the identity has to flow from the bottom–up (that is to say that it must be based on
the desires and cultures of the people), realize that a shared identity is paramount to the security of a
nation, and even share the opinion that violence creates new and strengthens old identities. Even
moreover, both recognize that one state with two strong national identities cannot be beneficial for
all people: de Tocqueville in his analysis of Abd–el–Kader, and Fanon explicitly writing that "the
two confront each other, but not in the service of a higher unity... there is no reconciliation possible,
one of them is superfluous" (Fanon 4). The two only theoretically diverge on the ease of establishing
a unified culture. Furthermore, they practically diverge on the end goals of of national identity and
the resulting class structure. It clearly follows, then, that the primary difference between Fanon and
de Tocqueville's take on national identity stems purely from their respective positions in life, the
anti–colonialist against the

Franz Fanon Decolonization
1) According to Frantz Fanon decolonization is a violent event. Explain what this claim means along
with why Fanon supports it. According to Fanon, decolonization is "the substitution of one 'species'
of mankind by another". (Fanon, 1) By "species," Fanon refers to the colonist and another are the
colonized. It is a violent event because it is the processes when colonized become independent from
the colonizers. The consciousness of the colonized demands freedom and change of order. At the
same time, the consciousness of the colonizers is terrified of the changes that the colonized might
want. That is where we have a mismatch and the clash of ideas that turn into violence. He means
that the colonists restrict the colonized with force, so this ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net
...
By this logic, only philosophers can become a ruling class of the society because they are the most
reasonable. (Plato, 119) The reason why a philosopher can become the best ruler is because they
possess highly developed virtues and demonstrate high moral standards. They are more likely to be
more rational and strive for the truth because they have a love for wisdom. They are more interested
in knowledge rather than physical possessions, so they will serve the rest of the

The Wretched Of The Earth By Frantz Fanon: Analysis
Written by Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth is an analysis of the psychology of the
colonized and their path to liberation. In the book, Fanon analyzes the psychological effect of
colonization has on the psyche of a nation as well as its broader suggestions for building a
movement for decolonization. Fanon argues that violence in a controlled decolonization situation is
okay and it serves in the creation of a national identity in a post–colonial state. He is saying that it is
perfectly acceptable for a nation to use violence, if they need to, in order to gain their independence.
The author of The Wretched of the Earth is Frantz Fanon. He was born in 1925 and died before he
turned 40, in 1961. He was born in Martinique, a Caribbean island in the French colonies. Fanon
then went to France after fighting in World War II, to study medicine and psychiatry. Met with white
majority and vicious racism, he decided that he needed to go ... Show more content on
Helpwriting.net ...
As someone who never knew about decolonization this sentence struck me immediately. What I get
from this is that many people tend to think that countries that were colonized and are now seeking to
be decolonized usually go about that in a respectful and peaceful manner. However, that is not the
case. Many countries had to fight for their right to be a sovereign nation without control. For
example, take the colonization of the United States. The Native Americans did not know these
people and they definitely did not want them there, but because of the fact that they came with a vast
number of colonists, there was not much the Native Americans could do, on their own at least. On
the other hand, while not exactly the same, it somewhat close enough, the United States wanting to
rule themselves without help from England. The American Revolution occurred, which involved
bloody knives and

Essay on Post-colonial Encounters in the Early 20th Century
Alfred Noyes wrote The Empire Builders at the turn of the twentieth century. Despite the time at
which it was written in, there are various post–colonial themes regarding the hierarchy of difference.
The tone of the poem is pessimistic which is understandable since Noyes is writing during the
Naturalist period of English literature. Noyes is speaking to the middle class of England; those who
"fulfill their duties as they come" (Noyes, 45). He uses the first person plural article to create a
unification between the readers and the narrator. Noyes, in his poem, addresses two postcolonial
themes of Christianity as a vehicle of colonization, and the fallacies of European philosophy. In this
essay, I argue that the themes and structure that ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
Since the empire– builder has more lines of description, he is situated in a higher category of social
stratification.
Another instrument that allows the empire–builder to situate himself in higher categories of
hierarchy is Christianity. Noyes gives Christianity a large amount of agency in the discourse of
colonialism. Christianity was composite in producing Africa as backward. Christianity has two
roles: firstly, it is a method by which the white man created an inferiority complex amongst the
natives and secondly it created a clear distinction between colonizer and native. At the beginning of
the poem, he mentions the superiority of the white man and describes them as the "Lord God of
battles..." (Noyes, 5). By saying this, he is not only amplifying the inequality between the white man
and the native but also introducing Christianity as a method of creating the divide. On line thirty–
six, there is a description of the empire– builder as having a "shadowy crown of thorn" (Noyes, 36).
At this point in the poem, Noyes is slightly empathizing with the empire– builder since he has to
carry all the burden of the country on his back. Furthermore, by saying that he has a "crown of
thorns," Noyes is comparing the status of the empire– builder to that of Jesus Christ, which is
establishing the former as the highest authority in societal hierarchy. Towards the end of the poem,
Noyes makes the distinction between heaven and home. This is

Franz Fanon The Fact Of Blackness Analysis
Starting the reading by Frantz Fanon "The Fact of Blackness", the opening phrase of the reading
"Dirty nigger" stunned me. The following word "simply" referring to the word "negro" that is used
as an insult towards African Americans interested me because referring to such a negative word by
saying "simply" was odd for me. Reading through this text allowed me to put myself in the position
of a what it was like to be black person. Fanon included descriptive sentences such as "I had to meet
the white man's eyes. An unfamiliar weight burdened me. The real world challenged my claims"
(258). Through this description, I was able to feel the "weight" that had burdened the man. Fanon's
"the fact of blackness" focuses on the issue of race and identity. The white race has always ... Show
There are many myths of different races around the world and especially towards black people by
the white race and Fanon explains how it feels like being who he is. The part in the reading that I
went "wow" was when the child was scared of an African American man that was shivering thinking
that he was shivering because he was angry but he was shivering because he was cold. The white
race didn't even consider the fact that the black man is a human being that could also be affected by
the cold weather but they rather go for the myth and unjust judgments that are negative as Fanon
stated further in the reading, "Negroes are savages, brutes, illiterates...there was a myth of the Negro
that had to be destroyed at all costs" (261). The myths that go around in a society of one race leads
to people that doesn't even know them personally to make judgments of them and have an automatic
fear towards the people that are different from who they are. Fanon explores what it's like being a
black man in a

Frantz Fanon Research Paper
Rather, Fanon's "holistic" discussion of the process of decolonization echoed several familiar
themes, providing activists a reference point of reorientation during a time of increasing
disillusionment and alienation (motives of whites). (misinterpretation a larger us problem that was
not restricted to panthers). To better illustrate why Fanon's work stroke a chord with many activists,
we first need to consider Fanon's contribution to the study of the psychological effects of anti–black
racism and his concept of decolonization. Born and raised in Martinique, Frantz Fanon grew up in a
well–to–do middle–class environment. His mother in particular took great care that her son was
well–versed in the language and the culture of the French colonizers,

Fanon Vs. Hegelian Slavery
Fanon believes that the master–slave dialect by Hegel underestimates the power of the white master
on the black slave. In the case of Hegel, there is a sense of reciprocity between the master and the
slave which is not the case with the white master and the black slave. Instead of looking for
recognition from the black slave, like the master seeks from the Hegelian slave, the white master
only seeks work and labor. Unlike in the case of the Hegelian master and slave, the black slave and
the white master do not recognize themselves as recognizing each other. Another difference,
according to Fanon, between the Hegelian slave and the black colonial slave is that the Hegelian
slave eventually realizes his worth and gains freedom through his work.

Fanon Vs Pontcorvo Essay
Frantz Fanon and Pontecorvo could not have come from more different backgrounds, so it seems.
Pontecorvo was a Catholic film–maker from Italy while Fanon hailed from Martinique and practiced
psychiatry, philosophy and wrote about post–colonialist theory. Even though these men seemed
completely different, they both believed that violence, was not the answer to solving problems.
More specifically, these two men created art and wrote about colonialism and what is perpetuated
because of it. Pontecorvo created the Battle of Algiers not too long after the end of the Algerian War,
which ended in 1962, with Algerian independence from France. The director's intent to film so
shortly after the end of the war speaks to the type of feel he wanted to convey. Pontecorvo captured
the heartbreak and sorrow that came out of the war, ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
During one of the bombing scenes, and Algerian body is carried out of the rubble and is posed in a
Christ– like manner – his arms outstretched in order to look like a cross. After a bombing scene in
the French quarters, the same music plays that was played after a bombing in the Algerian quarters.
This is Pontecorvo's subtle way of stating that not all colonizers are the same. Pontecorvo's stance
on violence toward the colonizer is apparent – he does not think it is justifiable. By humanizing the
colonizer, especially during the bombings, he is stating that we are all broken people. Christianity
recognizes human depravity, which is why people need God to save them and forgive them for their
sins. Pontecorvo's music plays a massive role in conveying how both types of people, the colonizer
and the colonized are capable of great evil, but both can be justified through God. He believes that
once the colonizers and colonized can understand that they share the same human brokenness, then
maybe they can try to understand each other or work towards restorative

Frantz Fanon In The Wretched Of The Earth
Influence on social theory from movements of decolonisation that challenged colonial rule against
the third world. One of the key thinkers of these movements was the Martinique–born intellectual
and revolutionary Frantz Fanon. Frantz Fanon (1926–1961) is widely considered one of the most
important theorists of the twentieth century on race, racism, and colonialism. Fanon supported the
Algerian war of independence from French colonialism as he worked in Algeria as a psychiatrist
during the war, and he was a member of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). This essay
will attempt to critically discuss Fanon's account of the development of the colonised intellectual's
consciousness and the relationship to the struggle for national liberation, ... Show more content on
Helpwriting.net ...
"When it comes to the colonial situation, the Marxian analysis must be slightly stretched to deal
with these realities" (Fanon, The Wretched of The Earth, 1963). When he states this he is not saying
that the Marxian analysis should be abandoned, revised or ignored. He was trying to deal with
realities that the Marxist tradition often overlooked, such as the role the peasantry that is more than
simply an auxiliary to the working class, a critique of the national bourgeoisie and its relationship to
the proletariat and his rejection of a two staged theory of revolution. On these issues, Fanon may be
said to be more in tune with Marx than many of Marx's followers. After Marx published volume one
of his greatest theoretical work, he denied that he had ever developed a universal theory that is
applicable to every society on earth. He also specifically limited his delineation of the historical
tendency of capitalist accumulation to Western Europe alone and in his white writings on Russia and
elsewhere, he emphasised the possibility that these non–Western underdeveloped societies could get
to socialism without having to go through capitalist industrialisation. When you look at Marx's work
you find that he is not simply adopting a formula that he extracts from his earlier work in studying
Europe, and then simply tries to put it on to the rest of the developing world

The Psychoanalysts of Violence Essay
The film "Battle for Algiers" can be analyzed thoroughly through Frantz Fanon's and Hannah
Arendt's polar opposite theories on violence. The implication of both theories is represented in the
film that has captured the understanding of both insightful phenomena. Fanon's views on violence
are it unifies individuals into forming a complex unit organism that works together, rinses, in
addition it is presented as an effective and productive mean that support the process of
decolonization. In contract, Arendt's theory detaches the concept of violence from power and
emphasizes that the driven reasons for violence is anti–political. Both philosophers present
distinctive theories upon the use of violence; Fanon elucidates his philosophy on ... Show more
Hannah Arendt was regarded as one of significant and persuasive political philosophers of the 20th
century. While as her theories contradict fanon's, her philosophical theory apposes the naturalization
acts of violence, entailing its human nature. Arendt (1969) claims that a society that acts on violence
is a society that lacks power; in her view, force (violence) and power should not be regarded as one
in the practice of politics (1969). In addition, Arendt explains violent revolutions are destructive and
therefore its results are uncontrollable and has negative outcomes for humankind. In views of
change, "revolution" must accomplish core changes in process of decolonization that is logical and
relating. The fundamental opposition for resorting to violence as a mean to produce change is the
neutralization of violent revolutions as an effect of resorting to it as a strategic procedure to claim
change and justice, this results in preparing the society to act and be totalitarianism. Moreover, the
knowledge and belief that man knows his specified goal is ultimately "good" is resulted by his
ideology that categorizes it as good, owing to it's part of human nature, or god's will; Arendt theory
believes that religious extremist and violent revolutionaries contribute to justify immoral procedures
to claim their ends (1969). The only "real revolution" that Hannah Arendt agrees with Fanon is the
justification of the

Frantz Fanon Decolonization
Because of the nature of the program, Frantz Fanon argues that decolonization cannot be achieved
without violence. Hence, the author claims that "decolonization is always a violent phenomenon"
(35). Decolonization is itself a violent program dues to the fact that colonies are created with
violence. Because of "the violence which has ruled over the ordering of the colonial world, that
same violence will be claimed and taken over by the native at the moment when he surges into the
forbidden quarters" (40). Therefore, the authors claim that decolonization is violent event because
these people have been colonized using force; therefore, when they decide to fight back, they will
use the same force the same used to conquer them. Because "the agents

Critical Commentary of Frantz Fanon
"The issue of reading Fanon today, then, is perhaps not about finding the moment of relevance in
Fanon's text that corresponds with the world, but in searching for the moments where Fanon's text
and the world do not correspond, and asking how Fanon, the revolutionary, would think and act in
the period of retrogression."
A complete study of 1968 and its legacies in Europe can not solely deal with events that occurred on
the continent. 1968 was, in fact, a "global phenomenon"; with ideas perpetrated in Europe reaching
as far as Mexico, China, and India, but to name a few . The beginning of this mutualistic
relationship between "New Left" groups on different continents (which spawned the revolutionary
feeling which would result in the events ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
At first, the book attracted a considerable amount of attention purely because of its author. For the
first time "a black anti–colonial activist used a word coined by white French social scientists... in an
affirmative manner", arguably more affirmative than anyone had before . Certainly, Jean–Paul
Sartre, who wrote the preface for The Wretched of the Earth and was one of Fanon's literary
influences, approved of his work, as Robert Bernasconi confirms in his piece Fanon's The Wretched
of the Earth as the Fulfilment of Sartre's Critique of Dialectical Reason, "Sartre would have found
The Wretched of the Earth closer to the dialectical concrete than anything he had written" . The
backdrop to the book is the seven yearlong Algerian War of Independence of which Fanon was a
great supporter. A lot of the theoretical concepts for dealing with the process of de–colonisation that
Fanon speaks of in Concerning Violence are his recommendations to the nations of Algeria and
Kenya, both of whom were, during 1961 striving to gain independence from France and Britain.
Motivated by, what he deemed to be an urgent call for an international "redistribution of wealth",
Fanon calls for solidarity among the rural masses, which he believes can only be gained through
them and by violent means . Rejecting the opulence of European powers as "literally scandalous",
Fanon establishes a

Fanon Violence
"On Violence"
Fanon is most noted for claiming that "At the individual level, violence is a cleansing force. It rids
the colonized of their inferiority complex, of their passive and despairing attitude. It emboldens
them and restores their self–confidence" (51). At first glance this claim rings true to the
interpretations of his work given by authors such as Robert Fulford and Henry Louis Gates, Jr who
resent Fanon's work, but there is more to this claim. To further enumerate on the quote, violence is a
"cleansing force" for Fanon after having affirmed that decolonization is always a violent
phenomenon. He describes this decolonization as a movement of bringing about change which can
only be done by the colonized taking charge of their land. The settlers are never willing to view the
oppressed as subjects, meaning freedom has to be taken by force. ... Show more content on
Helpwriting.net ...
Since the colonial world is "divided into two parts: Native and Colonizer's sector," the colonizers are
able to govern with brutal force in order to keep the natives in their place of poverty and obedience.
It is through the unbalanced relationship of the two that Fanon sees it fit for the colonized to
reciprocate the violence they have been exposed to their whole colonial lives.
It is here that the distinction between colonial violence and the emancipatory violence of the
colonized is needed. Colonial violence to Fanon has 3 dimensions, it is "inaugural, empirical and
absurd" (Mbembe 12). This violence is inaugural in the sense that it is used by the settlers to build
the colonial state and maintain their power in what Fanon called "a politics of hate" (89). The state is
everything but civil as it separates the settlers from the oppressed which leads into the second
dimension where the empirical aspects of this violence are

Fanon Identity
This is an insightful chapter about finding identity in a white world. Fanon goes through what
appears to be a crisis of identity when faced with the "other". We see this happening at the beginning
of the chapter with the first three words being "Look, a Negro". Fanon thus began to know himself
by how he thought the "other" saw/understood him. He stepped outside of himself into, first the
third person, but later in a triple person. This caused him to question his own self–image as well as
to question what it means to be black and the social structures that exist in a white supremacist
society. Fanon wrote about the unreasonable notion of judging and discriminating others based on
the colour of their skin– colour prejudice. He felt trapped under the fact that the white person had
fixed an identity onto him. As Fanon was creating himself, these stereotypes were both untrue and
stuck in time. The fixed identity of the black man was not part of his reality. As the chapter goes on,
we see that this objecthood was crushing him. It was reducing him to feeling inferior but also
nonexistent (p. 25). As if he is there, as an object, with the mere purpose of elevating the status of
the white person. All he wants is to be free to exist in the world without explaining himself; without
explaining the truth of his lived experience. He wants ... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
Or when black protestors take to the streets to protest against police violence. The media often
portrays black youth as troubled. They take one case of a black criminal and then they generalize an
entire community. They erase the individual; they take away their humanity. This is why campaigns
against systemic racism toward black people like, The Black Lives Matter activist movement are so
important. Such movements, I believe, would have the support of Frantz Fanon. They rally against
racial violence and raise awareness on the lived experiences of black

Simone De Beauvoir And Frantz Fanon
Simone de Beauvoir and Frantz Fanon were both interested in the experiences of marginalized
groups, women and black men respectively. In The Second Sex, De Beauvoir discusses the history
of domination women have experienced at the hands of the superior group, men. In Black Skin,
White Masks, Fanon explains and analyzes the experiences of black men in the wake of colonialism
and up to modern times. Both authors not only address the ways in which women and black men are
dominated by others, but also the ways in which the oppressed group participates, often
unknowingly, in the systems of their own domination. According to De Beauvoir, women participate
in their own domination by embracing the benefits given to them by men, by fulfilling expectations
... Show more content on Helpwriting.net ...
From birth, girls are taught that they are to act a certain way, and when they become women, they
perpetuate these norms by fulfilling them. "We are exhorted to be women, remain women, become
women...", De Beauvoir writes, "...it would appear, then, that every female human being is not
necessarily a woman; to be so considered she must share in that mysterious and threatened reality
known as femininity" . This femininity makes a female person a woman. For example, "[a woman]
must become a passive thing, a promise of submission" and, conversely, "if [a woman] is proud and
demanding, woman meets the male as an adversary" and is decidedly not feminine. "Shut up in her
flesh, her home, she sees herself as passive before these gods with human faces who set goals and
establish values" , and this acceptance and participation in traditional femininity perpetuates societal
beliefs that women, or at least acceptable women, are inferior naturally. By doing this, women
participate in the continuation of their domination by men, who society believes are more naturally
suited for superiority. Furthermore, "The woman that does not conform devalues herself sexually,
and hence socially, since sexual values are an integral feature of society" . This quote shows that,
according to De Beauvoir, women have little

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