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1. A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF TAGALOG-ENGLISH
CODE SWITCHING IN OPM LOVE SONGS
Joni Rose Alegado, Abigail M. Labaya, Pia S. Lirio, Ruthier S. Rivera
Department of English, Foreign Languages and Linguistics
College of Arts and Letters
Polytechnic University of the Philippines
March 2021

2. A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF TAGALOG-ENGLISH
CODE SWITCHING IN OPM LOVE SONGS
Abstract: The noticeable amount of streamers and listeners of Original Pilipino
Music (OPM) love songs in the country persuades the production of songs that are
written in Tagalog English or Taglish, which manifests the phenomenon of code
switching. The researchers used the frameworks of Likhitphongsathorn and
Sappapan (2014) to analyze English units in various OPM songs and identified the
most frequent code switching elements and observe its implications in the
Philippine context. It was found out in the among 185 English units that divided
into major levels first of words with a total number of 101 entries. Songs containing
English words come out higher than the other levels including phrases, clauses and
sentences. Thus, along with words, in the type of code switching data shows that
intra-sentential accumulated 131 entries greater than the other types of CS which
are 48 inter-sentential and 6 extra-sentential CS elements.
Keywords: code switching, taglish, tagalog, english, opm love songs, IMRAD
I. INTRODUCTION
Our deep seated culture and preference for a sense of community is what sets Filipinos to exhibit
unique and firm inclination in music. In the pre-colonial times until the arrival of Western influence, music
has been "interpenetrated in many ways" (De Leon, 2020). This paper focuses on code switching (CS) in
the Philippines’ Original Pinoy Music (OPM). The aim of this paper is to analyze the most common English
units found in the OPM song lyrics where Tagalog-English code switching (henceforth 'Taglish') happens
and categorize them into different types of code switching by using the method of Likhitphongsathorn and
Sappapan (2014). With this framework, the researchers are able to use it as well to further fulfill the study’s
purpose.
1.1 Original Pilipino Music
Since its inception, OPM have had changes as an evolving and "experimental" flair across various
genres, a seen development towards popular and contemporary styles. Original Pinoy Music, Original
Filipino Music, or abbreviated as OPM, refers to popular songs that emerged in the Philippine musical
community in the 1970s. It is considered as the successor of Manila Sound; a musical genre which
flourished later in the decade and later collapsed and led to the birth of more culturally inclined music for

3. the people in the country (Santos, 2012; Enriquez, 2019; Guanzon, 2018; Rodrigo & Tañedo, 2019). In his
own terms, Dalton (2007) defined OPM as a “phrase that was coined in the late 1980s to accommodate the
emergence of music that was considered uniquely Filipino.” Dalton suggested that “over the last few years,
the term OPM, used to signify tribal-pop, has become diluted, and now encompasses the young stars of the
twenty-first century" (p. 517).
The Original Pilipino Music is a diverse and accessible genre. OPM uses indigenous instruments
and adds western-derived sounds which confuses listeners of what can be considered ‘OPM’. As the new
generation seek their own identity, creativity blossomed rapidly which created a new wave of unique
masterpieces relevant to the Filipino context (Rodrigo & Tañedo, 2014). The dilution also came from a
long revolution of music and grew broader and more popular towards the theme of romance and love.
1.2 Defining Code Switching
Having the command of two or more languages enables an individual with the conditions to use
and mix two (or more) different languages in the same utterance; this occurrence is termed as code
switching (Bullock and Toribio, 2003). As both code switching and code mixing occur only in the speech
of bi- and multilinguals, both have vague boundaries with each other. Other contact-language phenomena
also share some fuzzy boundaries with code switching such as tag-switching, lexical borrowing, nonce
borrowings, loan translations, mixed languages, and diglossia.
First, tag-switching or extra-sentential switching is the insertion of a tag – such as exclamations or
formulaic expressions – from language A into an utterance of language B (Hoffman,1991). In lexical
borrowing, a morphological and phonological change occurs in a lexeme from language A that is then
assimilated in language B and can be utilized by monolinguals, unlike CS and CM. Concerning nonce
borrowings, they are unassimilated loan words and depend on a certain bilingual proficiency (Poplack,
1988). Because of the indistinct differences some researchers consider nonce borrowings as one-word code
switches (Myers-Scotton, 1993a). Loan translations or calques use the structure or the literal translations
from language B while retaining morphemes from the native language or language A (Backus and Dorleijn,
n.d). Meanwhile, mixed languages differ from CS in that they are varieties that have grammatical elements
derived from various genetic sources and CS does not constitute a mixed or hybrid grammatical system.
Lastly, diglossia is distinct from CS in that language shift is dependent upon particular social functions. In
diglossia, language change is bound by societal norms and in contrast, CS is wholly controlled by the
individual as to why, when, and how it occurs (Bullock and Toribio, 2009).

4. Regarding code switching and code mixing, linguists are torn between the two being separated by
a fine line (Bokamba, 1989; Kamwangamalu, 1992; Sridhar and Sridhar, 1980) or there being none at all
(Gumperz, 1982; Myers-Scotton, 1993a). According to Grosjean (1982), code mixing transfers elements of
all linguistic levels and units ranging from a lexical item to a sentence, so it is not always easy to distinguish
code switching from code mixing. Poplack (2000) and Clyne (2000) defines code switching as the
alternation of two languages within a single sentence or discourse. Bhatia and Ritchie (2013) also gave their
own definition of code switching, differentiating it from code mixing, stating that code switching is the use
of various linguistic units from two grammar systems across sentence boundaries within a speech event.
In code switching Hoffman (1991) states that code switches can occur within sentences, between
sentences, or at the extra-sentential level. The first type is intra-sentential switching in which the shift is
done in the middle of a sentence with no indications of a shift. This includes various shifts within the phrase
level including the word level and some researchers refer to intra-sentential switching as code mixing.
According to Muysken (2000), there are types of code mixing or intra-sentential code switching namely:
alternation, congruent lexicalization, and insertion. The second type is the inter-sentential switching,
occurring between clause or sentence boundaries. The third type is extra-sentential switching which
involves the insertion of tag from language A into language B or most commonly referred to as tag-
switching.
In the Philippine context, researchers like Thompson (2003) and Lesada (2016) have defined
Taglish in their corresponding studies of code switching. In Thompson’s book (2003), he stated that Taglish
was a creation of educated Filipinos as these people are more comfortable in using English in their daily
lives – they started to mix English and Tagalog and coined the term Taglish (Thompson, 2003). Similarly,
Lesada (2016) defined Taglish as a result of societal diglossia and complex language attitudes.
1.3 Code Switching and Song Lyrics
A common misconception surrounding bilingual speakers is that they are assumed as someone who
is smarter, as the distinction between monolingualism and bilingualism in the Philippines is considered a
part of societal status. However, studies such as from Kharkurin and Li (2015) have shown that bilingualism
involves the creative capacity of an individual to engage in situations more actively such as conversations,
writing, etc., which is divided in two: the generative and innovative capacities. Thus, the act of CS makes
the brain create more activity and employs complexity since various elements are applied as an unconscious
consideration for contexts, and purposes. Since language equates to identity, “English language” is a

5. representation of the “Western” culture that the people aspire to become as proof of being part of the
ongoing globalization thus Filipino singers and songwriters incorporated code switching in their lyrics.
Types of switch used to tend to conform to regular structural patterns and may be employed for
specific rhetorical effects, as well as being influenced by factors such as the relations between speakers,
topics, and settings (Bentahila, 1983). Code switching in songs may either act as an in-group marker, a
usage of a distinctive language or local dialect, a style for the artist and the crowd, or “language crossing”
(Rampton 1998, Auer, n.d.) wherein the performer uses a language to influence additional and larger
listeners but this kind of strategy is usually used for market purposes.
Another implication is an indirect reference to the artist's origin which a different language from
its targeted audience is used to either establish charm or create new meaning from a different perspective
or, an affirmation of identity. Aside from the above stated, code switching may also be a way to contrast
different personas from an individual or group artist, as they can use CS as an indicator to pave another
style. Last but not the least is the symbolic values each language upholds, best example of this is the recently
released song of EZ Mil entitled “Panalo”, wherein he incorporated English in the rap parts, Tagalog in the
chorus, and a bit of Ilocano as well. As Davies & Bentahila (2014) said “this is an effective use of
intertextuality, the allusions being accessible to the international public”.
Additionally, code switching (CS) serves functions closely related to the pop genre. Pop songs'
lyrics are poetic in manner; thus code switching helps to fit English words into the rhyming scheme of some
words. CS is also viewed as contextualization cue to give emphasis and salience to the chorus where the
general idea of the whole song is expressed. This is verifiable in the code switching phenomenon observed
in Hong Kong Cantonese Pop (Cantopop) songs. In the study conducted by Chan (2009), it was found out
that most Cantonese words have direct counterparts in English lexis and have little to no difference at all,
yet English is still used as it sounds more attractive and poetic. He labeled this as the aesthetic function of
CS. English is also used to express the singer’s self-feelings or add playfulness and sense of humor to the
song. It breeds a distinction to the singer as it is considered as a poetic device for diminution or
magnification of the lyrics with structural considerations (Chan, 2009).
In other parts of the world, English CS does not happen in selected languages alone. The outward
influence of English enables other countries to incorporate certain lexical elements in their vocabulary as a
result of globalization and open market trades. Evidently, different music industries use English to further
amplify their songs in the international scene and connect to other cultures. In Likhitphongsathorn &
Sappapan (2014), they examined how certain English codes are employed in the lyrics and pointed out the

6. process of nativization in the words used. It was found out that the most common English words used are
nouns and verbs because these are often removed in Thai grammar. Although certain sentences were used
in ungrammatical structure, it appears more frequently than phrasal and clausal levels. Furthermore, English
verbs are inserted to make an action or emotion more notable. Hybridization was found to least occur in the
study as it is easier to compose song lyrics with monosyllabic words which are more common in Thai.
Despite the extensive research on code switching appearing in music and translation across the
globe, there have not been any related studies that analyze the linguistic repertoire, underpinnings, and
implications of Tagalog-English or Taglish in Original Pilipino Music, especially in the Philippine context
or in the broad field of code switching concerning music and songwriting. The classification of the genre
with the use of their respective features have yet to be done for OPM as well (Deja & Blanquera et.al.,
2016).
II. METHODOLOGY
This paper aims to identify the most common English units used in modern OPM love songs,
specifically the entries of PhilPop songwriting festival every year since 2012 until 2018. All of the songs
gathered are from the Philippine Popular (PhilPop) Music official website, which has the aim of to promote
and strengthen the identity of OPM due to its strong cultural value in today's mainstream music. One of
their advocacies is to inspire excellent Filipino musical composers, thus encouraging singers and
songwriters on the competition and boot camps. The researchers then examine the most common CS
elements utilized on the festival's entry songs.
Additionally, this study also focuses on the implications of CS in the context of the OPM genre or
the Philippine context. In order to gather the data needed in the analysis, the researchers used the study of
Davis & Bentahila (2008) which explores code switching with regards to globalization and hybridization
of popular music in North Africa and the West.
Entry song lyrics are collected on different reliable music streaming websites, including Spotify
and YouTube Music, and song lyrics websites such as AZlyrics, and Google search engine results. To
examine the sample data, the researchers identified the lyrics of the songs and listed and tabulated the lines

7. or stanzas where CS occurred. A total of 25 OPM Taglish pop songs were gathered from the year 2012
when the Philpop Music Fest commenced until the year 2018.
In this analysis descriptive qualitative method is the most suitable to elaborate the data’s collection.
The researchers looked in-depth to understand clearly the raw materials used after collecting data through
random sampling and finding several factors about the topic (Ainsworth, 2019). The researchers only serve
possible outcomes and provide new knowledge to discuss further in the future. Thus, in this descriptive
analysis, raw materials were used and interpreted the songs and lyrics of it. If the researchers use larger
sampling sizes for population as representation, it might take a bit longer the process in providing results
efficiently.
Aside from this, using the quantitative method might encounter unanticipated events that the
validity of the data undermines the main idea of the analysis. (Babbie, 2010) The researchers try to avoid
executing it that way, because the aim of this investigation has to be sufficient and must contain only
minimal material. This is why quantitative as a data collection method is unnecessary for the researchers to
use. Due to its wide range of statistics and mathematical applications needed to be provided by the analyzers
which is out of this research limits.
Nonetheless, OPM is already conflicting on its own. The term is too vague to be called a genre but
the general consensus is that no matter the genre, as long as a song is made by Filipinos it can be classified
as an OPM song (Guanzon, 2018). To restrict the collection of OPM Taglish songs, the researchers set the
limitation of sample data according to the following: a.) the songs were composed and performed during
the entirety of the competition, b.) copy of the song and its lyrics are available and released online, and c.)
It is under the classification of love genre, that is, it talks about the concept of romance, break-up, unrequited
love, passion, experiences, falling in love, feelings, and the likes.
III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSONS
3.1 Types of English units in OPM Taglish love songs
From the data gathered, the researchers found 185 English units employed into four major levels:
word, phrase, clause, as well as sentence. After thorough examination, it was found that the occurrence of
English units used in OPM Taglish love songs mostly took place at the level of words, followed by
sentences, phrases, and clauses, respectively.

8. Among the 185 English units examined, it was found out that code switching frequently appeared
in words with 101 entries (54.59%), followed by phrases with 36 entries (19.45%) and sentences with 27
entries (14.59%), the least entry belongs to the clauses with 21 entries (11.35%). The four major levels are
then sorted out and divided according to their respective classes such as noun, pronoun, verb, adjective,
adverb, conjunction, preposition, interjection, and uncategorized units (others) including fillers.

9. As stated, the unit of words contain most levels of code switching consisting of 101 entries, with
nouns being the most frequently used in the collected lyrics, having 51 tokens (50.49%). Followed by
adjectives with 23 tokens (22.77%) and verbs with 16 tokens (15.84%). In addition to the top three word
classes, 6 uncategorized units (5.94%) and 4 adverbs (3.96%) were found. Conjunction was revealed as the
least used unit, sharing 1 token (0.99%). The example English words mixed in OPM Taglish love songs are
included below:
'Maghihintay parin ako ng twist sa bandang dulo'
(I will still wait for a twist at the end)
- Kontrabida by Sam Concepcion
'Na-develop na nga yata talent sa pagpi-piano'
(I have developed a talent for playing the piano)
- Korde Kordigo by Leanee & Naara
Among the 36 phrases scattered across the gathered data, noun phrases were the highest number
with 16 entries (44.44%). 7 adjective phrases (19.44%), and 6 verb phrases (16.67%) came across the table.
On the other hand, adverb phrases and prepositional phrases occurred the least with 4 tokens (11.11%) and
3 tokens (8.33%) respectively. Examples of English phrases found in OPM Taglish love songs are shown
as follows:

10. 'Kahit nga ang super flying ipis' (Even a super flying cockroach)
- Ako'y Sayo - Sue Ramirez
'Long weekend friday pa pati' (Beside it's also long weekend friday)
- Hang Out Lang - Duncan Ramos, Young JV
Out of the 21 total clauses accumulated, it is shown that noun clauses were the most dominant
acquiring 8 entries or 38.1% of the overall data. It is then nearly followed by the conjunction clauses having
7 entries (33.33%) while the other remaining clauses come behind in decreasing order: verb clauses have 4
entries or 19.05%, and lastly, the adjective clauses having only 2 entries or 9.52% of the entirety. The listed
example of clauses from the used song lyrics are illustrated below:
'Start of a new beginning,
Naglaho na ang happy ending'
(Start of a new beginning, the happy ending is gone)
- MMRA - Jeric Medina
Na mahalin ka, aalagaan kita
'Cause there's something 'bout you, baby
(To love you, I will take care of you
'Cause there's something' bout you, baby)
- Baliw Sa'yo - J. Roa ft. Bosx1ne

11. In table 5, it is presented that from 27 gathered entries under English sentences only 3 tokens
(2.09%) were found for the complex classification. Then the compound sentence has 8 tokens which is
29.63%. The simple sentences emerged as the leading classification that garnered a total of 16 entries thus,
59.26% of the graph. Here is an example of the sentences with code switching taken from the song lyrics:
'Merong forever, I'll love you forever
I love you'
(There's forever, I'll love you forever. I love you)
- Kelan Kaya - Ataska, Nash Lorca
Presented in this table are the types of code switching found in OPM Taglish love songs. Intra-
sentential code switching is the leading type which has 131 entries which accumulated 70.81% of the

12. totality. The succeeding CS type is Inter-sentential code switching that has 48 entries (25.95%) and
followed lastly by extra-sentential code switching that only gathered 6 entries or 3.24% of the graph.
Furthermore, English noun words contain the highest number of code switching items of about 51
tokens, while English conjunction words have the lowest number of code switching items, with 1 token.
Additionally, intra-sentential includes the English units of words and phrases while inter-sentential consists
of clauses and sentences. Extra-sentential CS represents tag-switching or switching of either a single word
or tag phrase from one language to another.
3.2 Implications of Taglish code switching in the Philippine Context
In this analysis, there are many ways wherein code switching could appear in the song lyrics
obtained. All of the CS tokens found are scattered among the major linguistic units of the English language.
Having the mastery or exposure in both languages, Filipino and English are well-established in various
fields and appraised with a vital role in the country (Lesada, 2016). In a familiar study observed by Davis
& Bentahila (2008), many singers utilize code switching for aesthetic and poetic purposes by means of
employing both languages in the lyrics. Drawing from the song of Binibini sa MRT by The Juans, it revolves
around the story of a man who narrates his train ride with a woman he has met, thereby wanting to come
with her anywhere she goes. Code switching is achieved for rhyming and localization.
Oh, kuyang gwardiya
Pasens'ya na, hindi ko namamalayang
Nakatapak na 'ko sa Yellow Line
Mula sa Buendia Station
Solo mo aking attention
Paligid ay nag-slow motion
Nang makita kita
- Binibini sa MRT by The Juans
In other OPM songs, instances of 'language crossing' were found. Usage of different languages,
unrelated to the artists themselves, are utilized to reach new audiences often for commercial motives.
Bilingual songs reach a wide variety of audiences as part of mass media production, this creates effects in
different communities therefore making it open to such contact. Illustrating the song Space by Kean
Cipriano & Banda ni Kleggy, both artists interpreted the song according to their style in the form of

13. Tagalog-English lyrics. This collaboration was specifically created as an entry for the competition. Lyrics
with code switching elements are shown below:
Sasabog na ang cellphone ko
Napa-flood na ako ng kakulitan mo
Hindi mo ba ako titigilan ha?
Bigyan mo naman ako ng space, my darling
Space, is what he asks of you
Space, mahirap bang ibigay?
Space is what he needs from you
Space
- Space by Kean Cipriano & Banda ni Kleggy
There are also instances where contrasting languages and personas is a factor considered among
these communities. Any artist can switch to create a signal or give way to show another persona confined
in the song. Furthermore, symbolic values of contrasting languages create intervening space between the
two, in this context—Filipino and English. Converging the languages specifies the coming of different
cultures and identities. As a result, having bilingual lyrics shows the similarities of both languages while
symbolizing harmony or forgiveness. This in itself is also an effective use of intertextuality or the allusion
of being accessible to the international public.
Citing the lyrics of Loco de Amor by BennyBunnyBand, it shows not only the instance of CS in
Taglish but also Chabacano, a Spanish-based creole native in Zamboanga. This unique entry describes the
singer's crazy love towards a woman. In itself, the lyrics appear to be fragmented and written only at word
level, but nonetheless exhibits code switching in two languages including the creole.
She’s so maldita
When she’s imbyerna
She wants to slap me with a door
Todo pacencia
Martir ang drama
‘Cause this pugita’s the mujer I adore
Que horror

14. I never felt this way before
(Corazon con mamon)
Her sabor
Is all I ever want and more
(Morcon sentido kumon)
- Loco de Amor by BennyBunnyband
IV. CONCLUSION
Based on the results it can be concluded that Taglish code switching is prevalent in the songs
collected. It is found that 70% of the code switch that occurs is specifically the intra-sentential type, which
is also a common occurrence in verbal conversations however, it can be noticed that under the word classes
there are no pronouns and prepositions since the lyrical scripts is usually crowded of adjectives as most of
the love songs are typically descriptive. Aside from that, conjunctive phrases, adverbial phrases, and
compound-complex sentences had no given data. Thus, code switching can be used to achieve clarity or
mystification, just greatly depends on how the artists aim to convey art.
Additionally, we can safely say that Tagalog-English CS appears highly different from other
varieties of CS especially that of Thai (Liphikitpongsathorn & Sappapan, 2014) and Cantonese Pop (Chan,
2009) CS. By the same token, other factors also influence the production and utilization of CS such as
globalization, localization, and hybridity present in the environment of artist’s or songwriters. It is also
interesting to see that multilingualism is present in some of the data, a good focus for future researchers to
further expand the topic of code switching in songs.
On the other hand, studies about code switching in Tagalog-English in music and television
advances slower than any disciplines or interests in general. The studies regarding music code switching
are highly explored among the countries in Africa, South America and Central Asia, but not in the
Philippines. Even though code switching studies in the Philippines are abundant, most, if not all, are focused
in the pedagogical area. Therefore, it is preferable if future local studies delve deeper in the subject of code-
switching in song lyrics and songwriting as code switching does not only occur between Tagalog and
English but in other Philippine languages as well. It must be noted that code switching also appears in
various façade of life where language and human activity works together, including music and songwriting.
Likewise, as to what Davies & Bentahila (2014) mentioned, “Code switching is a key for accessibility for
different communities or a process of breaking down barriers''. The usage of songs to reach and touch

15. varieties of audiences creates a way of communication to inspire, aspire, and believe despite the difference
of factions in the society.
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