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Transactional Analysis Journal
ISSN: 0362-1537 (Print) 2329-5244 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtaj20
A TA View on Resistance to Affirmative Action
Sari van Poelje
To cite this article: Sari van Poelje (1992) A TA View on Resistance to Affirmative Action,
Transactional Analysis Journal, 22:3, 159-163, DOI: 10.1177/036215379202200306
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1177/036215379202200306
Published online: 28 Dec 2017.
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2. A TA View on Resistance to
Affirmative Action
Sari van Poelje
Abstract
Resistance to affirmative action follows a
predictable five-stage cycle. An important
factor in this resistance is the strength of per-
sonal prejudice, which emanates from a dou-
ble contamination of the Adult ego state. In-
terventions to reduce such resistance include
decontamination and redecision work, which
must be specifically focused at each stage of
the resistance.
Affirmative Action
The objectives ofaffirmative action are to at-
tain a work force in which all social groups are
represented in proportion to their availability
and qualifications in the population and to en-
sure that all groups are granted equal oppor-
tunity. The operational goal is usually to in-
crease the proportion of target group members
selected and promoted within an organization.
Target groups consist of people who are
categorized using variables by which they are
systematically discriminated against, that is,
race, gender, or physical ability (Batts, per-
sonal communication, May 1989).
There are five levels of change involved in an
affirmative action program (V. Batts, personal
communication, May 1989; Nieva, 1982):
1. Personal level: prejudice and
resistance to change (attitudes).
2. Interpersonal level: discrimination and
intergroup relations (behavior).
3. Structural-institutional level: organiza-
tional rules and procedures that con-
solidate unequal opportunity.
4. Cultural level: biased norms, values,
and expectations within the organization.
5. Political level: priority and means
allotted to the change program.
Change on one level does not necessarily en-
tail change on another level. This was con-
firmed during an affirmative action project in
Vol. 22, No.3, July 1992
two local government agencies in The
Netherlands in 1985 (515 and 244 employees
respectively). The implementation strategy dic-
tated new rules and procedures from the top
down in order to cause a change in managers'
recruitment behavior, which might lead to more
positive attitudes toward target group members
and eventually to equality of outcome and op-
portunity (van Poelje & van Werkum, 1988).
Formal changes in personnel policy includ-
ed target figures in management contracts,
priority for target group members if meeting
minimum requirements for vacant positions,
and more training facilities for part-time
employees (mostly women). A short-term in-
crease in the number of women and ethnic
minorities employed was realized, mostly
through recruitment from the outside.
However, the program led also to an increase
in the resistance to change. For example,
managers protested the hiring of target group
members because''the quality ofthe organiza-
tion was being negatively influenced" and
"non-target group members were being
discriminated against" (van Poelje, 1988, p.
30). This caused a shift in political priority and
eventually a decrease in the proportion of target
group members in the organizational work
force. Relative to non-target group members,
fewer target group members were hired and
more were fired (van Poelje, 1988).
Questions Raised
Rulesand procedures,discriminatory behavior,
and allotted means are concrete, visible targets
of change. In this affirmative action program,
however, the more invisible factors, such as
managerial prejudice, resistance to change, and
organizational culture, determined its effec-
tiveness in the long run (Hitt & Keats, 1985).
This raises several questions: What is and what
is not managers' resistanceto affirmativeaction?
159

3. SARI VAN POEUE
Is there a pattern to their resistance? What in-
terventions are viable when dealing directly with
resistance to affirmative action? Answers to
these questions are sought in this article.
What is Not Resistance to Affirmative
Action?
It is important to distinguish resistance to
change from legitimate criticism of an affir-
mative action program. Legitimate criticism
can usually be demonstrated to be factually
true, and if asked, a manager normally
cooperates to find practical solutions to such
problems. Legitimate criticism may concern the
lack of vacancies, the lack of qualified target
group applicants, or the lack of financial sup-
port for the program (van Poelje, 1990).
Managers who are resistant to change usually
cannot substantiate their claims and dismiss
alternatives with redefining transactions
(Mellor & Schiff, 1975b) and games (Berne,
1963). If the argument is that no minority
member can be found to perform a certain job,
a legitimate critic may use different ways to
recruit them; a resister usually lapses into "Yes
but" statements such as, "Yes, but they're not
qualified, they don't apply, etc."
In transactional analysis terms, legitimate
criticism is an Adult ego state response to a
here-and-now problem. Resistance is most visi-
ble after all legitimate criticism has been
resolved.
What is Resistance to Affirmative Action?
Weil (1985) stated that resistance to change
is the transference of defensive emotions that
were originally directed to parent figures. In this
transference, the perception of reality is distorted.
The Adult ego state is contaminated by the Child
ego state and by the Parent ego state.
Resistance to affirmative action is primarily
determined by the strength of individual prej-
udice toward members of target groups,
especially prejudice that is referred to as
modern or symbolic prejudice (Dovidio, Mann,
& Gaertner, 1989; Jacobson, 1985).
Prejudice can be defined as an antipathy
based upon a faulty and inflexible generaliza-
tion (Allport, 1954). Old-fashioned prejudice
(Batts, 1982; McConahay, 1986) is direct and
aimed at a perceived characteristic of the target
group, such as, "All blacks can dance."
Modem prejudice is subtle, rationalizable, and
160
only indirectly linked to a characteristic of the
target group. For example, "Ofcourse we want
a woman for the job, but they just don't have
the necessary experience" (Kinder & Sears,
1981; McConahay, 1986).
In transactional analysis terms, prejudice is
defined as a double contamination (Batts, 1982;
Stem, 1987). As a result of contamination of the
Adult by the Parent, information derived from
norms and values is misrepresented as fact. This
is old-fashionedprejudice. TheParent-Adultcon-
taminationis usually associated with a contamina-
tion of the Adult by the Child. It is this con-
tamination ofthe Adult by the Child that is the
basis for modern prejudice.
The Cycle of Resistance
In the past six years, about two hundred
managers, mostly white males, involved in im-
plementing affirmative action in twelve local
government organizations were interviewed. In
one such organization successive interviews
were conducted over a period of six years.
The reigning political powers in these
organizations had determined that an affir-
mative action program was.necessary. In The
Netherlands affirmative action is not stimulated
through contract compliance or any other form
of sanction. Necessity, therefore, usually stems
from idealistic norms and values. An example
might be a sense of justice, the right to equal
outcome and opportunity, or, in some cases,
a lack of qualified non-target applicants (de
Olde, 1989).
The goal of interviewing the managers was
to explore and stimulate the organizational
possibilities in terms of expected vacancies, ac-
cess to target group candidates, allotted priority
and means, organizational culture, and
managers' motivation to participate in an af-
firmative action program.
After legitimate sources of criticism had been
discussed, a pattern emerged in the arguments
used to resist implementation ofthe affirmative
action program. When the arguments were
clustered in chronological order, they revealed
a five-stage cycle of resistance as shown in
Figure 1.
The cycle of resistance resembles the dis-
count matrix (Mellor & Schiff, 1975a). One
difference is that denial of responsibility is an
explicit step, probably because it is easier to
deny within the often-tangled network of
Transactional Analysis Journal

4. A TA VIEW ON RESISTANCE TO AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
Stages of Resistance
1. Denial of unequal
position, opportunity,
and treatment of target
groups.
2. Denial that the situation is
a problem.
3. Denial of possibilities for
changing the situation.
4. Denial of the
responsibility for change.
5. Denial of the power to
change.
Manager's Quotations
"Women and blacks have
more than an equal oppor-
tunity these days; it's the
white males I'm worried
about. "
"It's true that there aren't
enough blacks employed, but
my primary concern is pro-
duction, and not who is do-
ing the producing."
"The situation can't be
changed. Women just don't
have the hormones to be pro-
per managers."
"Our corporation isn't
responsible for changing the
position of minority groups.
Change society. Better yet,
change women and blacks!"
"Of course I want to hire
more blacks, but my boss,
my clients, and my
employees don't, and I can't
do anything about it."
Interventions
Acknowledge the will not to
discriminate while
demonstrating the unequal
situation of target group
members.
Acknowledge the function of
the old situation while
eliciting the benefits of
change and the ultimate costs
of stagnation.
Acknowledge the difficulty
of change while exploring
possible alternatives to
remedy the situation.
Acknowledge the respon-
sibility of all parties and fac-
tors involved while discern-
ing the share of responsibili-
ty within the organization.
Acknowledge the need for
support while acknowledging
the managers' capacity to im-
plement change.
Figure 1
The Cycle of Resistance and Interventions for Decontamination of Parent-Adult Overlap
relationships and accountabilities in an
organization.
Implications for the Change Contract
To reduce resistance and prejudice, decon-
taminationof the Parent-Adultand Child-Adult
overlap and redecision work are necessary
(Roberts, 1985). The nature of the contract for
change is therefore essential.
During the described affirmative action pro-
grams, the contract specified that the organiza-
tional consultant's role was to provide the
necessary conditions for change. These includ-
ed: planning with respect to vacancies, recruit-
ment of target group members, creating
political priorities, and managerial support
for the program. In transactional analysis
terms, the contract was limited largely to
Vol. 22. No.3. July 1992
decontamination of the Parent-Adult overlap
and strengthening of the Adult ego state.
The necessary decontaminationof the Adult-
Child overlap was addressed in a different
therapeutic contract, which specified coopera-
tion with a clinically schooled consultant in a
management course on "Dealing with Dif-
ferences. "
Decontamination of Parent-Adult Overlap
As an organizational consultant, I have used
the interventions noted in Figure 1 to decon-
taminate the Parent-Adult overlap found in
prejudiced behavior (van Poelje, 1990). In-
terventions at this level can, at the very least,
help people to become aware of various com-
ponents in affirmative action and of the
possibility of making redecisions on the
161

5. SARI VAN POEUE
personal level to remedy inequality (Stern,
1987).
A Practical Example on the Personal Level
One ofthe services rendered by local govern-
ment in The Netherlands is the maintenance of
city parks. Two years ofoccupational training
and only limited experience are required for ini-
tial employment.
In a mid-sized town the agricultural
maintenance department was manned by 80
white male employees whose average age was
fifty. About ten vacancies were expected within
the next three years. The city council wanted
to recruit women for the vacancies, preferably
women from ethnic minority groups. A special
budget was made available for a targeted
recruitment program. Three women from an
ethnic minority group were willing to work in
the department.
The following is an excerpt from an inter-
view by an external affirmative action advisor
(A) and the manager (M) of the department
(white male, reformed Protestant, 60 years
old). The transactions that contain important
discounts have been italicizedand are described
as they occur.
A: How would you feel about hiring
ethnic women for this function?
M: I think that, as long as they're
qualified, we should hire women.
(RedefinitionofA's question). They have
a hard enough time on the labor market
as it is, and there aren't enough women
working in this field. It wouldn't really
be a problem to hire Dutch women. (Dis-
count of the fact that ethnic women can
also be Dutch nationals). Ethnic women
would of course be a different story
altogether! (Discount of possibility of
change).
A: Why is that?
M: Well, there's the language problem,
of course, (Generalization. Discount
possibility of change.) and well ...
Dutch women tell the men to bugger off
when they try to harass them (Generali-
zation), but ethnic women haven't been
taught to say no (Generalization. Dis-
count possibilityofchange.), and I'd hate
to create an ambiguous situation.
A: We should be clear about the target
group we're talking about. These are
162
second-generation women from ethnic
groups; they speak Dutch very well and
they can probably handle the men as well
as we can.... I am glad that you want
to try to create a situation in which
women can be assertive when they're
harassed. As a manager I'd hate to have
to reject qualified candidates because you
expect harassment from the men though.
Has harassment ever occurred at work?
M: Well, no-but when the men are at
work they often callout to female
passersby.
A: And how do you feel about that?
M: Well it's what men do, I suppose
(Generalization. Discount possibility of
change.), but with my background
(religious) I don't always feel comfort-
able with all the calling and whistling go-
ing on.
A: Have you ever spoken to the men
about your discomfort?
M: (sly look) Are you kidding! I'm not
going to reprimand 80 men to be able to
employ3 women!(Discount possibilityof
change).
A: Do you consider yourself responsible
for your men's behavior?
M: Well yes, but I wouldn't know what
to do about this. (Discount power to
change).
A: I understand your position. It is
sometimes difficult to know how to react.
Would you like to talk about other ways
to handle the situation?
In this situation legitimate sources of
criticism had already been blocked: Vacancies,
candidates, money, and support from upper
management were available. Resistance to
change was clearly visible. In general, this
manager recognized the unequal position of
women and the need for change. However, he
discounted possibilities of change and in fact
did not perceive the absence of ethnic women
as a problem.
After considering alternative strategies for
reducing harassment in general, this manager
talked about the possibility of creating oppor-
tunities by which ethnic women could be
employed in his department. This created an
atmosphere in which the costs and benefits of
hiring ethnic women could be freely discussed.
At the end of the conversation he was relieved
Transactional Analysis Journal

6. A TA VIEW ON RESISTANCE TO AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
because the affirmative action program gave
him a chance to create a workplace where there
was opportunity for many differences, in-
cluding differences in religion, age, and ability.
Summary
The effectiveness of an affirmative action
program seems largely dependent upon
managers' potential for change at the personal
level. Resistanceto affirmative actioncorrelates
highly with individual prejudice against the
members of target groups. In transactional
analysis terms, both resistance and prejudice
are defined as a double contamination of the
Adult ego state by the Child and Parent ego
states.
In the course of interviewing managers to
assess opportunities for change, a predictable
five-stagecycle of resistanceemerged: I) denial
of unequal position, opportunity, and treatment
of target groups; 2) denial that the situation is
a problem; 3) denial of the possibilities of
changing the situation; 4) denial of the respon-
sibility for change; and 5) denial of the power
to change.
Decontamination of prejudice and the
resistance to affirmative action should follow
the pattern of this cycle. The nature of the
change contract is important. In this context,
the role ofa nonclinical organizational consul-
tant is limited to decontamination of the Adult
by the Parent and the strengthening of the
Adult. For decontamination of the Adult by the
Child and redecision work, the help of a clinical
consultant is required.
Sari van Poelje works in the Departmentfor
Personnel Management and Research at the
University ofBrabant, as a freelance organiza-
tional consultant and trainer, and as a part-
time owner/teacher at a Salsa dance school.
Please send reprint requests to Sari van Poelje,
JanVossensteeg 20a, 2312 WE Leiden, The
Netherlands.
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