Younger inmates tend to be involved in more rule violations and assaults compared to older inmates. Studies show the risk of misconduct peaks during teenage years and declines with age, as older inmates are more mature and less confrontational. Younger inmates also face different challenges on entering the prison system, such as threats of sexual advances or territorial disputes, which may be less problematic for older, more experienced inmates. Research also finds racial differences in prison adjustment, with some studies showing non-white inmates engaging in more violent misconduct. This may be due to the importation of "codes of the street" from disadvantaged minority communities into the prison environment. Additionally, compared to other groups, white inmates have been found to experience higher levels

1. [1/13, 3:47 AM] ���:Age
The inverse relationshipbetweenage andcrime iswell-establishedincriminology
(Greenberg,1985; Hirschi & Gottfredson,1983; Moffitt,1993; Nagin,Farrington,& Moffitt,
1995). By the same token,researchexamining prisonadaptationsandviolence consistently
[1/13, 3:47 AM] ���:documentsastrong,inverse relationshipbetweenage andsuchbehaviors(Wooldredge,
1994).
Studiesindicate thatyoungerinmatestendtobe involvedinmore rule violations(Porporino&
Zamble,1984), inmate-on-inmate assaults(Ekland-Olson,Barrick,&Cohen,1983), as well as
inmate-on-staffassaults(Wright&Smith,1985). Theyare alsomore likelytoreportconflicts
withothersingeneral (Wright&Smith,1985).
MacKenzie (1987), forexample,foundthatthe youngestinmatesinhersample (e.g.,
those 19 yearsof age or less) receivedmore misconductticketsfromthe institutioncomparedto
otherinmate groups,andthat thisnumberpeakedduringteenageyearsanddeclinedsignificantly
thereafter.Furthermore,she observedincreasedlevelsof anxietyforinmatesunderthirty,which
was accompaniedbyincreasedconflictsotherprisoners.Similarly,Gover,MacKenzie,and
Armstrong’s(2000) researchon juvenile adaptations toincarcerationacross48 U.S. correctional

2. facilitiesfoundthatjuvenileswhowere youngerexperiencedsignificantlyhigherlevelsof
anxietycomparedtoolderjuveniles(see alsoCesaroni&Peterson-Badali,2010).
Youngerinmatesalsodifferinhowtheyview the processof incarcerationandothers
aroundthem.For instance,Wooldredge,Griffin,andPratt(2001) reporteda significant
interactionbetweenage andprisoncrowdingregardingprisonmisconducts:the positive
associationbetweenprisoncrowdingandmisconductwasmostpronouncedforyoungerinmates.
While thismaybe a reflectionof the inabilityof correctional staff toexertdirectcontrol on
inmate behavior,itmayalsobe due to the fact that youngerinmatesare confrontedby adifferent
setof problemsuponenteringthe prisonsystem—manyof whichare relatedtointeractionswith
otherinmates.AsMacKenzie (1987) noted,youngerinmateshave tocome to termswith
homosexual advances,territorial disputes,andotherthreats,whichmaynotbe as problematicfor
older,more experiencedinmates.Forexample,Pare andLogan(2011) examinedthe effectsof
[1/13, 3:48 AM] ���:mental illnessoninmate adaptationandfoundthat,irrespective of one’sdiagnosis,older
inmates
were lesslikelytoexperience bothminorandseriousvictimization.Thus,itmaybe,as
Clemmer(1958) observed,thatsuccessfuladaptationtoprisonliferequiresone toembrace the
inmate code,whichincludes“mindingone’sownbusiness”and“remainingstoic”inall

3. situations.If youngerinmatesperceive themselvesasalivinginaparticularlyhostile
environment,thenlashingoutatotherscouldbe a deliberateorconsciousadaptation.
Withrespectto the current study,then,itcouldbe that white-collaroffenders,whoare
olderonaverage,are more mature andlessconfrontational towardotherinmates,comparedto
othergroups.Thismay lessennotonlytheirchancesof beingvictimized,butalsotheirchances
of beingwrittenupforviolatingthe rules.Tothe degree thattheyhave more life experience,
theymay have alsohad more time todevelopandhone the social andmental skillsnecessaryto
navigate the difficultiesassociatedwithincarceration.Similarly,ingeneral,“crime isayoung
man’sgame” (Witte &Tauchen,1994; see alsoGottfredson&Hirschi,1990). Thus,the older
one gets,the lessappealingitmaybe to engage incriminal activities,including variousprison
infractions.
Race
The existingliterature alsosuggeststhatinmate race isa significantindividual-level
predictorof prisonadjustment,whichmaybe anextensionof the race-crime relationship
occurringoutside the prisonwalls (Carroll,1974; DeLisi,Berg,& Hochstetler,2004; Harer &
Steffensmeier,1996; Innes,1997; Lawsonetal.,1996; Parisi,1982; Poole &Regoli,1983;

4. Wooldredge,1999).Previousexplanationsregardingracial differencesinprisonadjustmentare
basedon the assumptionthatdisadvantagedminoritygroupsare more resilienttothe prison
environmentdue totheirexperience inthe ghettosubculture,whichultimatelypreparesthemfor
[1/13, 3:49 AM] ���:the painsof incarceration(Wacquant,2001; Wright,1989). Such environments,
characterizedby
abjectpoverty,legal cynicism,andthe omnipresentprospectof victimization,require residents
to be tough andcunning,andto exercise violencewhenevernecessary—toembrace and
internalizewhatAnderson(1999) referredtoasthe “code of the street”(see alsoSampson&
Bartusch,1998). For those residentswhoendupincarcerated,the code maybe importedintothe
prisonsystem asa wayof maintainingone’sreputationorcredibility.Specifically,inmateswho
adhere tothe code may be more violent,hostile,andotherwise defianttowardprisonstaff,as
well asfellowinmates,asaway to establishadominantprisonidentity.
Wooldredge (1994),for example,foundthatnon-white inmateswere significantlymore
dangerousprisonersthanwhite inmates.Inthe same way,Harerand Steffensmeir(1996) used
data from58 all-male federal institutionstoexamine racial differencesinbothviolent(e.g.,
aggravatedassault) andnon-violent(e.g.,drugpossession) offensesforblackandwhite inmates.
Controllingforahostof individual(e.g.,age),prison environment(e.g.,crowding),and

5. communitybackground(e.g.,communitypercentage black) variables,resultsfromtheirlogistic
regressionanalysesindicatedanimportationeffect.Specifically,netof relevantcontrol
variables,blackinmateshadhigherviolentmisconductandslightlyloweralcohol/drug
misconductrates,comparedtotheirwhite counterparts—afindingthatparallelsnormative racial
differencesexistingwithinthe largersociety.Similarresultswere alsoreportedbyDeLisi,Berg,
and Hochstetler(2004),wherebyinmatesfromracial andethnicminoritygroupswere
significantlymore violentthanwhite inmates,basedontheiraccumulationof misconducttickets
for engaginginviolentbehavior.
Racial differencesamonginmates have alsobeenobservedwithrespecttotheirinternal
mental states.Forinstance,Wooldredge(1999) examinedthe experiencesandpsychological
[1/13, 3:50 AM] ���:well-beingof malesinOhiocorrectional facilitiesandfoundthat,comparedtoother
groups,
white inmateshadhigherlevelsof depression,anxiety,andstress—allof whichhave been
previouslylinkedtomaladaptivecopingmechanismsoutsideof prison,includingalcoholand
drug use (Grant etal.,2004). Thus, itcouldbe that,as a group,white-collaroffendersare
especiallydifferentfromotherinmateswithrespecttorule infractionsanddeference toauthority
due to theirracial backgrounds(Wheeleretal.,1988a).

6. Gender
There existsaspate of researchindicatingthe significance of inmate genderinpredicting
prisonadjustment(Casey-Acevedo&Bakken,2003; Craddock,1996; Harris, 1993; Hart, 1995;
Jiang& Winfree Jr.,2006; Kruttschnitt,Gartner,& Miller,2000; Zingraff,1980). Specifically,
the literature suggeststhatpreviouslyestablishedgender-baseddifferences—suchasthose
pertainingtofamilylifeandsocial support—arebroughtintothe prison,whichfurthershapes
inmates’values,subcultures,andbehaviors(Owen,1998; Pollack,2002). Zingraff (1980), for
example,studiedtwogender-specificyouthcorrectionalfacilitiesandfoundthat,comparedto
male inmates,femalesplacedagreaterpriorityoninterpersonaltieswithinthe facilitywhich,in
turn,were linkedtolowerlevelsof prisonization.Recently,JiangandWinfreeJr.(2006) used
data fromthe U.S.CensusBureauon over14,000 respondentsacross275 state prisonsto
examine the predictorsof rule violations—suchasdrugand alcohol use—formale andfemale
inmates.Resultsfromtheirmultilevelanalysessuggestthatthe forcesbehindprisonmisconduct
are differentformenandwomen:Formale inmates,age,race,criminal history,druguse,
custodylevel,andprisonsize significantlyaffectedtheirrate of misconduct;forfemale inmates,
age,criminal history,sentence length,andmeanprisonage were significantpredictors.

7. Importantly,the authorsalsofoundthatmenand womendifferedinthe amountof social support
[1/13, 3:51 AM] ���:theyreceived:Comparedtomale inmates,female inmateshadsignificantlyhigherlevelsof
social support.JiangandWinfree interpretthisfindingassupportive of the importation
perspective,maintainingthatfemale inmatesare more relationshiporientedand,asa result,are
more likelytoparticipate ininmate-organizedclubsorsocial groups(see alsoBiggam&Power,
1997). Thus, since mostwhite-collaroffendersare males,itcouldbe thatcertainpredictors,
such as those listedabove,are more relevantforexamininghow theyadjusttoprisonlife
(Benson&Simpson,2015; Wheeleretal.,1988a).
SocioeconomicStatus
Similartothe establishedrelationshipbetweenSESandcrime inotherareas of the
discipline(Shaw&McKay,1942; Sampson& Groves,1989; Wilson,1987), studiesthathave
examineditseffectonprisoninmatesreportanalogousfindings.Wright’s(1989) studyon race
and economicmarginalityinexplainingprisonadjustmentfoundthatinmateswithhigherlevels
of education(e.g.,beyondhighschool) andinmateswhowere employedbeforetheir
incarcerationwere lesslikelytobe writtenupforassaultive anddisruptive infractions,while
Wooldredge (1999) reportedthatless-educatedinmateswere more likelytoexperience prisonrelatedstressors,
includingdepressionandanxiety.Inthe same way,Sappington(1996)

8. observedapositive relationshipbetweeneducationandperceivedcontrol overone’sprison
environment—specifically,more educationwasassociatedwiththe beliefsthat(1) one might
control one’sownbehavior;(2) one’sactionsmightaffectone’streatment;and(3) one might
enjoyoneself inprison.Shortlythereafter,Gendreau,Goggin,andLaw (1997) conducteda
meta-analysisof 39 studies,whichgenerated695 correlationswithprisonmisconducts.Their
resultssuggestthatsocial achievement—whichwasbasedonmeasuresof education,
employment,andincome—wasamoderate andsignificantpredictoracrossall studies.Inmates
[1/13, 3:52 AM] ���:whoscoredhigheronthese measureswere lesslikelytoengage inmisconduct-related
outcomes.
Regardingthe currentstudy,since white-collaroffenderstendtobe more educatedandsteadily
employed,theymaybe lesslikelytoexperience the painsof imprisonment(Benson&Simpson,
2015; Wheeleretal.,1988a).
Mental Illness
Mental illnessisastrongpredictorof negative life outcomes—bothinside andoutsideof
prisons(Blitz,Wolff,&Shi,2008). However,the prevalence of mental disordersissubstantially
higherincorrectional facilitiesthaninthe general populationandseveral studiessuggestthat,
comparedto otherinmate groups,mentallydisorderedinmateshave more difficultyadjustingto

9. prisonlife (Cooley,1992,1993; Diamondetal., 2001; Wolff,Blitz,&Shi,2007). Drawingon
data from7,221 male inmatesand564 female inmatesacross14 prisons,Blitzandcolleagues
(2008) foundthat male inmateswithmental disorderswere approximately60percentmore likely
to be victimizedoverasix-monthperiod,comparedtomale inmateswithoutthese disorders.A
similarpatternwasobservedamongfemale inmates:Those withmentaldisorderswere roughly
70 percentmore likelytobe victimizedthanthose withnodisorder.
Accordingto the importationperspective,then,the disproportionate rate atwhichinmates
withmental disordersexperience the painsof imprisonmentisafunctionof theirbehavior
towardstaff and otherinmates.For example,inmatesimportthe characteristicsassociatedwith
givendisorderintothe prisonatmosphere.Dependingonthe type of disorder,some inmates
may appearvulnerableand,assuch,may be stigmatizedandlabeledbyotherinmatesasa
suitable targettoestablishdominance,gainpowerandstatus,or to generate thrillswhile not
riskingtheirownsafety(Felson,2004).Conversely,inmateswithmentaldisordersmayengage
inprovocative behaviors—suchaslashingoutat others—thatdeviate fromprisonnormsand
[1/13, 3:52 AM] ���:elicitnegative reactionsfromfellow inmates(Bottoms,1999; Cooley,1992; Irwin&
Cressey,
1962; Silver,2002).

10. Such wasthe focusof Pare andLogan’s (2011) examinationof the relationshipbetween
mental disordersandminorandseriousviolentvictimizationinstate andfederal facilities.
Resultsfromtheirlogisticregressionanalysessuggestthatinmateswithmental disordersare not
any more likelytobe targetedasbeingvulnerable thanothergroups.However,the authorsdid
findsupportforthe notionthat certaindisordersare associatedwithmore provocativebehaviors
and increase the likelihoodof experiencinginstitutional pains.Inmateswithpersonality
disorders—includingpsychopathyandantisocial personalitydisorder—weremore likelyto
experience minorandseriousvictimization,andthese relationshipswere fullymediatedby
measuresof provocation,suchasverbal andphysical abuse towardstaff andotherinmates.
ParaphrasingPare andLogan, inmateswithpersonalitydisordersare more likelytobe victimized
because theyare alsothe oneswhoare most likelyto“throw the firstpunch.”To the extentthat
white-collaroffenders,asagroup, have higherlevelsof social capital andgreateraccesstosocial
supportand resourcesthanotheroffenders,theymayalsobe lesslikelytohave everbeen
diagnosedwithamental disorderand,assuch,mightbe lesssusceptible tovariousprison
stressors(Benson&Cullen,1988; Stadler,Benson,&Cullen,2013).
Criminal History

11. Finally,researchexiststosuggestthatpriorproblembehaviorisastrong predictorof
future problembehavior(Barnes,Beaver,&Boutwell,2011; Moffit,1993; Nagin& Paternoster,
1991; Wrightet al.,2014). Relatedly,the extenttowhichinmatessuccessfullytransitionto
prisonlife maybe a reflectionof theirpreviousexperienceswiththe criminal justice system
(DeLisi,2003; Kerley,Copes,Tewskbury,&Dabney,2011; Trulson,2007). DeLisi’s(2003)
[1/13, 3:53 AM] ���:studyof 1,005 inmatesinthe southwesternUnitedStatesfoundthat40 percentof the
prison
populationconstitutedchronicorextreme careeroffenders,evenwhileincarcerated.
Furthermore,inmatesdefined ascareercriminalsaccountedforthe majorityof violentcrimes,
including100 percentof the murders,75 percentof the rapes,80 percentof the arsons,and 50
percentof the aggravatedassaultswhile incarcerated.Similarfindingswerereportedby Trulson
(2007), whofoundthat,among otherpre-institutionalcharacteristics,state-committedinmates
withearlier,more serious,andmore extensivedelinquenthistorieswere the mostlikelyto
engage inthe most seriousformsof institutionalmisconduct.
In theirreportongang suppressionandinstitutional control,Trulson,Marquart,and
Kawucha(2006) alsonotedthat inmateswithpriorstreetgangaffiliations,despite their
underrepresentationinthe prisonpopulation,cause adisproportionate share of the problemsin

12. prisonandare a significantadministrative issue forprisonmanagers.Forexample,Tasca,
Griffin,andRodriguez(2010) drewon self-reportdatafromin-depthinterviewswith
incarceratedjuvenile malesinArizonaandNew Yorkfacilitiesandfoundthatgangmembership
significantlyinfluencedinmate assault.Specifically,inmateswithpriorstreetgangmemberships
were 2.39 timesmore likelythaninmateswhowere non-gangmemberstoassaultanother
inmate—netof deprivationmeasures,suchasthreatstophysical safetyandtime served.
Because white-collaroffenderstendtohave lessexperience withthe criminaljustice system, it
couldbe that theyare more likelytodefertothe autocraticrulesof the prisonsystemandavoida
numberof negative outcomes,suchasvictimizationorprisonmisconduct(Benson&Moore,