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PT (WORKERS PARTY) AND THE DEMORALIZATION OF THE LEFT IN
BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
Left and Right are a common way of classifying political positions, ideological, or
political parties. These terms have arisen with the advent of the French Revolution.
During the reign of Louis XVI, the members of the Third Estate, which showed people
who were not part of the clergy (First State) or of the nobility (Second Estate), sat on
the left of the king while the clergy and the nobility sat on the right. The most radical
those usually were against the king's decisions were known as the left while the
favorable to decisions were right. At this stage, the right was represented by
conservatives and the center by liberals. The left, which had not yet assumed its own
identity, was inserted between the Liberals as its most radical sector.
Bobbio says that a fundamental difference between left and right is that the first is
uncompromising advocate of equality and the right not. The left believes that most of
inequality is social and, as such, eliminable and the right and finds believes that most of
them are natural and therefore ineliminable [Bobbio, Norberto. Direita e esquerda.
(Right and left). .São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 1995]. The confrontation between the
right and the left hit the heights around the world with the advent of the Russian
Revolution in 1917, the constitution of the bloc of socialist countries in Eastern Europe
and the national liberation struggle that led to the decolonization occurred in several
countries of the capitalist periphery after the 2nd World War, the Chinese Revolution in
1949, the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and the Vietnam War. The victories by leftist
movements around the world have created the feeling that a new world, socialist, even
with different nuances in each country would be in gestation.
Changing the world through the State was the paradigm that prevailed among the
political parties of the left from the eighteenth century to the 1990s of the twentieth
century. The thesis of the political parties of the left that grounded these conceptions is
simple: conquer the State which until then was an instrument of the bourgeoisie and
transforms it into an instrument of the working class through the Reform or Social
Revolution. The thesis to consider the state as a radiating center of the change was a
resounding failure in all parts of the world, both in countries that have tried to build
socialism, as in peripheral countries that have adopted a nationalist stance in promoting
its development.
There was a gigantic historic failure. Both approaches, the reformist and revolutionary
failed in the project to change peacefully or radically the society. With the end of the
Soviet Union and the socialist system in the 1990s, the major left parties in all countries
of the world have abandoned not only the revolutionary theories, but also the reformist
aimed at achieving social change. Many left-wing parties in the world have become
parties of the ruling order. Many became neoliberals, including Brazil. In Brazil, the
project to carry out social change was replaced by another, purely and simply, of the
conquest of power to take advantage of the gains of power as occurred with the
governments of PT from Lula to Dilma Rousseff, both moved and dominated by
corruption.
In addition to the systemic corruption that dominates all spheres of power in Brazil, the
PT governments have left a tragic legacy to Brazil with the economic and social
ruination and the disintegration of political institutions in the country. The economic
2
and social ruination of PT governments, above all, Dilma Rousseff government
translates into stagnant economy, inflation uncontrolled, rapid growth of public debt
that will reach 80% of GDP in 2018, the mass unemployment (10 million currently
unemployed), the widespread business failure (51.4% micro and small enterprises,
22.2% of medium-sized companies and 26.4% of large companies currently), the de-
industrialization, the extreme precariousness of public education and health services, the
logistics bottleneck and failure of public sector in Brazil. Even the Bolsa Família
program of income transfer, one of the trophies displayed by PT to combat social
inequality, is threatened with depletion of resources. In turn, the political disintegration
of Brazil results from the demoralization of its political institutions, given we have a
presidential coalition system moved by corruption that proves to be unable to resolve
the serious political crisis of the country at the time, and the main leaders the National
Congress and many lawmakers are responding to corruption. Representative democracy
in Brazil shows clear signs of exhaustion.
This whole situation is generator of social convulsion that already dominates the
country and put in confrontation the political forces interested in permanence of Dilma
Rousseff as President of the Republic and PT in power and those who struggle for the
removal of the current power holders. Brazil is already experiencing anarchy described
by Ralf Dahrendorf in his book called A Lei e a Ordem (The Law and Order) (Editora
Instituto Liberal, 1997), written in 1985, because the demands of the majority of society
for removal of Dilma Rousseff and PT of the power, anti-corruption combat and retake
of economic and social development are not being met. The failure of the Brazilian
government and of the political institutions in general to offer effective responses to
overcome the economic, political and social crisis in which the Brazilian nation debate
is contributing to that may occur disrespect to social norms and the increase in political
violence in Brazil.
All these facts demonstrate the discrediting of PT and of the left forces that give him
political support. It is confirmed in practice the theory of Immanuel Wallerstein
presented in its work Utopística ou as Decisões Históricas do Século Vinte e Um
(Utopianism or the Historic Decisions of the Twenty-first Century) (Editora Vozes.
Petrópolis, 1998) that "the main element that led to the people to put away of these
parties was the disappointment, one feeling that these parties had had a historic
opportunity, which had obtained support based on a strategy of two steps to transform
the world (take state power, then transform it), and they had not fulfilled its historic
promise. This Wallerstein thesis applies entirely to contemporary Brazil. After having
failed in Brazil management by bringing it to bankruptcy and not having met the
expectations of the majority of the population, PT and its leftist parties allies are
desperately fighting for power maintenance claiming that their opponents are coup
plotters when, in fact, who is sponsor of the coup d´état is Lula supported by PT and its
left-wing parties allied with the rise of the former president to the ministry of Dilma
Rousseff that turn her into "queen of England", that is, all power would be with Lula.
Besides the economic, political and administrative failure, the left parties allies of PT
are complicit with the greatest corruption in Brazil promoted by a political party in
power.
The continuity of the situation currently experienced by Brazil is therefore
unsustainable paving the way for a catastrophic time in the country. There is only one
way to avoid the political and social upheaval in Brazil that would be the formation of a
provisional government composed of respectable public figures who would have the
3
mandate to convene a new constituent assembly to reorganize the national life, seek the
country's consensus in resolving the economic and social crisis, prevent the escalation
of violence in Brazil and hold new general elections in the country. Alternatives as the
Rousseff dismissal by Congress or her resignation and possession of vice President
Michel Temer or cassation of Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer for electoral
corruption in the TSE (Top Electoral Court) and call of new presidential elections in 90
days would not be able to solve the economic and social crisis and avoid escalation of
violence in Brazil.
* Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2015).

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Pt workers party and demoralization of the left in brazil

  • 1. 1 PT (WORKERS PARTY) AND THE DEMORALIZATION OF THE LEFT IN BRAZIL Fernando Alcoforado * Left and Right are a common way of classifying political positions, ideological, or political parties. These terms have arisen with the advent of the French Revolution. During the reign of Louis XVI, the members of the Third Estate, which showed people who were not part of the clergy (First State) or of the nobility (Second Estate), sat on the left of the king while the clergy and the nobility sat on the right. The most radical those usually were against the king's decisions were known as the left while the favorable to decisions were right. At this stage, the right was represented by conservatives and the center by liberals. The left, which had not yet assumed its own identity, was inserted between the Liberals as its most radical sector. Bobbio says that a fundamental difference between left and right is that the first is uncompromising advocate of equality and the right not. The left believes that most of inequality is social and, as such, eliminable and the right and finds believes that most of them are natural and therefore ineliminable [Bobbio, Norberto. Direita e esquerda. (Right and left). .São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 1995]. The confrontation between the right and the left hit the heights around the world with the advent of the Russian Revolution in 1917, the constitution of the bloc of socialist countries in Eastern Europe and the national liberation struggle that led to the decolonization occurred in several countries of the capitalist periphery after the 2nd World War, the Chinese Revolution in 1949, the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and the Vietnam War. The victories by leftist movements around the world have created the feeling that a new world, socialist, even with different nuances in each country would be in gestation. Changing the world through the State was the paradigm that prevailed among the political parties of the left from the eighteenth century to the 1990s of the twentieth century. The thesis of the political parties of the left that grounded these conceptions is simple: conquer the State which until then was an instrument of the bourgeoisie and transforms it into an instrument of the working class through the Reform or Social Revolution. The thesis to consider the state as a radiating center of the change was a resounding failure in all parts of the world, both in countries that have tried to build socialism, as in peripheral countries that have adopted a nationalist stance in promoting its development. There was a gigantic historic failure. Both approaches, the reformist and revolutionary failed in the project to change peacefully or radically the society. With the end of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in the 1990s, the major left parties in all countries of the world have abandoned not only the revolutionary theories, but also the reformist aimed at achieving social change. Many left-wing parties in the world have become parties of the ruling order. Many became neoliberals, including Brazil. In Brazil, the project to carry out social change was replaced by another, purely and simply, of the conquest of power to take advantage of the gains of power as occurred with the governments of PT from Lula to Dilma Rousseff, both moved and dominated by corruption. In addition to the systemic corruption that dominates all spheres of power in Brazil, the PT governments have left a tragic legacy to Brazil with the economic and social ruination and the disintegration of political institutions in the country. The economic
  • 2. 2 and social ruination of PT governments, above all, Dilma Rousseff government translates into stagnant economy, inflation uncontrolled, rapid growth of public debt that will reach 80% of GDP in 2018, the mass unemployment (10 million currently unemployed), the widespread business failure (51.4% micro and small enterprises, 22.2% of medium-sized companies and 26.4% of large companies currently), the de- industrialization, the extreme precariousness of public education and health services, the logistics bottleneck and failure of public sector in Brazil. Even the Bolsa Família program of income transfer, one of the trophies displayed by PT to combat social inequality, is threatened with depletion of resources. In turn, the political disintegration of Brazil results from the demoralization of its political institutions, given we have a presidential coalition system moved by corruption that proves to be unable to resolve the serious political crisis of the country at the time, and the main leaders the National Congress and many lawmakers are responding to corruption. Representative democracy in Brazil shows clear signs of exhaustion. This whole situation is generator of social convulsion that already dominates the country and put in confrontation the political forces interested in permanence of Dilma Rousseff as President of the Republic and PT in power and those who struggle for the removal of the current power holders. Brazil is already experiencing anarchy described by Ralf Dahrendorf in his book called A Lei e a Ordem (The Law and Order) (Editora Instituto Liberal, 1997), written in 1985, because the demands of the majority of society for removal of Dilma Rousseff and PT of the power, anti-corruption combat and retake of economic and social development are not being met. The failure of the Brazilian government and of the political institutions in general to offer effective responses to overcome the economic, political and social crisis in which the Brazilian nation debate is contributing to that may occur disrespect to social norms and the increase in political violence in Brazil. All these facts demonstrate the discrediting of PT and of the left forces that give him political support. It is confirmed in practice the theory of Immanuel Wallerstein presented in its work Utopística ou as Decisões Históricas do Século Vinte e Um (Utopianism or the Historic Decisions of the Twenty-first Century) (Editora Vozes. Petrópolis, 1998) that "the main element that led to the people to put away of these parties was the disappointment, one feeling that these parties had had a historic opportunity, which had obtained support based on a strategy of two steps to transform the world (take state power, then transform it), and they had not fulfilled its historic promise. This Wallerstein thesis applies entirely to contemporary Brazil. After having failed in Brazil management by bringing it to bankruptcy and not having met the expectations of the majority of the population, PT and its leftist parties allies are desperately fighting for power maintenance claiming that their opponents are coup plotters when, in fact, who is sponsor of the coup d´état is Lula supported by PT and its left-wing parties allied with the rise of the former president to the ministry of Dilma Rousseff that turn her into "queen of England", that is, all power would be with Lula. Besides the economic, political and administrative failure, the left parties allies of PT are complicit with the greatest corruption in Brazil promoted by a political party in power. The continuity of the situation currently experienced by Brazil is therefore unsustainable paving the way for a catastrophic time in the country. There is only one way to avoid the political and social upheaval in Brazil that would be the formation of a provisional government composed of respectable public figures who would have the
  • 3. 3 mandate to convene a new constituent assembly to reorganize the national life, seek the country's consensus in resolving the economic and social crisis, prevent the escalation of violence in Brazil and hold new general elections in the country. Alternatives as the Rousseff dismissal by Congress or her resignation and possession of vice President Michel Temer or cassation of Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer for electoral corruption in the TSE (Top Electoral Court) and call of new presidential elections in 90 days would not be able to solve the economic and social crisis and avoid escalation of violence in Brazil. * Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015).