This document provides an overview of nonviolence and nonviolent action. It discusses different types of nonviolence, including non-resistance, active reconciliation, moral resistance, selective nonviolence, and Gandhian nonviolence. It also examines two dimensions of nonviolent action: the tactical-strategic dimension and the pragmatic-ideological dimension. Finally, it provides examples of nonviolent action campaigns in Australia, noting that most have taken a tactical and pragmatic approach, using nonviolence as an effective means to achieve short-term goals, with differing views on issues like sabotage and secrecy.
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
What is nonviolence ?
Defining nonviolence, clarifying a few concepts, philosophy of nonviolence, stategy of nonviolent action, political nonviolence
Introduction to nonviolence
Nonviolence is a philosophy and strategy for social change that rejects violence. It has been used successfully by many prominent civil rights leaders including Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Caesar Chavez, and in campaigns for animal rights. These leaders employed nonviolent tactics such as civil disobedience, protests, and non-cooperation to enact social change and address injustice and oppression without the use of physical force or weapons. There are different forms of nonviolence including philosophical, pragmatic, and extending nonviolence to animal rights by rejecting the consumption of animal flesh.
Mohandas Gandhi spread the concept of nonviolence or ahimsa through his movements and writings. Nonviolence is the practice of avoiding harm to oneself and others, and refers to abstaining from violence based on moral or spiritual principles. Gandhi viewed nonviolence as truth and a way of life. There are various types of nonviolence, including non-resistance, active reconciliation, and moral resistance. Gandhi saw nonviolence as more than a strategy, but as a way to attain truth through love and right action.
Feminist theorizing and feminism in political sociologyAndrew Siguan
This document provides an overview of feminist theorizing on political sociology, specifically addressing feminist theory, and feminist theorizing on the state, gender, and citizenship. It discusses how feminist theory shifts the analytic lens away from the male viewpoint, and outlines three broad categories of feminist theorizing on the state - Marxist, liberal, and radical. It also examines postmodern feminist perspectives on destabilizing gender categories, and how critical race and gender theories seek intersectional analyses. Feminist theorizing on citizenship is discussed in relation to civic republicanism, participatory democracy, and T.H. Marshall's concept of social citizenship.
Feminist theory aims to define and advance political, economic, personal, and social rights for women. It seeks to establish equal opportunities for women in areas like education and employment. The history of modern western feminist movements is divided into three waves - the first wave focused on women's suffrage in the late 19th/early 20th century, the second wave promoted legal and social equality starting in the 1960s, and the third wave began in the 1990s as a reaction to perceived failures of the second wave. There are three basic forms of feminism - liberal feminism focuses on individual choice and action, socialist feminism addresses both public and private oppression, and radical feminism seeks to abolish patriarchy through challenging social norms
The document discusses feminism from multiple perspectives. It provides a brief overview of the three waves of feminism, outlines several feminist ideologies such as liberal feminism and radical feminism, and discusses some key debates within feminism around issues like the sex industry, pornography, and prostitution. It also examines reactions to feminism from both supporters and critics. Additionally, it reviews the globalization of feminism and provides statistics on the status of women worldwide.
Satyagraha is a philosophy of non-violent civil disobedience developed by Gandhi. It is based on the concepts of truth, non-violence, and self-suffering. The goal is to achieve truth through non-violent means even in the face of violence or oppression. Truth is a relative concept defined as resolutions that fulfill human needs for freedom and integrity. Non-violent actions are used to test differing views of truth, and may lead to suffering being imposed on practitioners by opponents, to which practitioners refuse to retaliate and instead invite more suffering upon themselves.
The document summarizes key aspects and events of second-wave feminism from the 1960s to 1990s. It discusses the rise of major organizations like NOW and issues they campaigned for such as birth control, equal pay, and ending discrimination. Influential texts and authors during this period are also outlined, such as Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, Judy Brady's satirical "I Want a Wife," and Paul Theroux's piece "Being a Man" which pushed back on traditional gender roles. The artwork of Judy Chicago is also summarized, particularly her large-scale feminist piece The Dinner Party.
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
What is nonviolence ?
Defining nonviolence, clarifying a few concepts, philosophy of nonviolence, stategy of nonviolent action, political nonviolence
Introduction to nonviolence
Nonviolence is a philosophy and strategy for social change that rejects violence. It has been used successfully by many prominent civil rights leaders including Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Caesar Chavez, and in campaigns for animal rights. These leaders employed nonviolent tactics such as civil disobedience, protests, and non-cooperation to enact social change and address injustice and oppression without the use of physical force or weapons. There are different forms of nonviolence including philosophical, pragmatic, and extending nonviolence to animal rights by rejecting the consumption of animal flesh.
Mohandas Gandhi spread the concept of nonviolence or ahimsa through his movements and writings. Nonviolence is the practice of avoiding harm to oneself and others, and refers to abstaining from violence based on moral or spiritual principles. Gandhi viewed nonviolence as truth and a way of life. There are various types of nonviolence, including non-resistance, active reconciliation, and moral resistance. Gandhi saw nonviolence as more than a strategy, but as a way to attain truth through love and right action.
Feminist theorizing and feminism in political sociologyAndrew Siguan
This document provides an overview of feminist theorizing on political sociology, specifically addressing feminist theory, and feminist theorizing on the state, gender, and citizenship. It discusses how feminist theory shifts the analytic lens away from the male viewpoint, and outlines three broad categories of feminist theorizing on the state - Marxist, liberal, and radical. It also examines postmodern feminist perspectives on destabilizing gender categories, and how critical race and gender theories seek intersectional analyses. Feminist theorizing on citizenship is discussed in relation to civic republicanism, participatory democracy, and T.H. Marshall's concept of social citizenship.
Feminist theory aims to define and advance political, economic, personal, and social rights for women. It seeks to establish equal opportunities for women in areas like education and employment. The history of modern western feminist movements is divided into three waves - the first wave focused on women's suffrage in the late 19th/early 20th century, the second wave promoted legal and social equality starting in the 1960s, and the third wave began in the 1990s as a reaction to perceived failures of the second wave. There are three basic forms of feminism - liberal feminism focuses on individual choice and action, socialist feminism addresses both public and private oppression, and radical feminism seeks to abolish patriarchy through challenging social norms
The document discusses feminism from multiple perspectives. It provides a brief overview of the three waves of feminism, outlines several feminist ideologies such as liberal feminism and radical feminism, and discusses some key debates within feminism around issues like the sex industry, pornography, and prostitution. It also examines reactions to feminism from both supporters and critics. Additionally, it reviews the globalization of feminism and provides statistics on the status of women worldwide.
Satyagraha is a philosophy of non-violent civil disobedience developed by Gandhi. It is based on the concepts of truth, non-violence, and self-suffering. The goal is to achieve truth through non-violent means even in the face of violence or oppression. Truth is a relative concept defined as resolutions that fulfill human needs for freedom and integrity. Non-violent actions are used to test differing views of truth, and may lead to suffering being imposed on practitioners by opponents, to which practitioners refuse to retaliate and instead invite more suffering upon themselves.
The document summarizes key aspects and events of second-wave feminism from the 1960s to 1990s. It discusses the rise of major organizations like NOW and issues they campaigned for such as birth control, equal pay, and ending discrimination. Influential texts and authors during this period are also outlined, such as Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, Judy Brady's satirical "I Want a Wife," and Paul Theroux's piece "Being a Man" which pushed back on traditional gender roles. The artwork of Judy Chicago is also summarized, particularly her large-scale feminist piece The Dinner Party.
Feminism aims to achieve equality between the sexes and address additional layers of discrimination women face. There are several kinds of feminism including liberal feminism, which works within existing structures; radical feminism, which views women's oppression as fundamental; Marxist/socialist feminism, which sees capitalism as the root cause; cultural feminism, which focuses on building women's culture; and eco-feminism, which draws parallels between society's treatment of women and the environment. The document provides brief overviews of each type of feminism.
The topic of my slide is about democracy. This slide-show can provide knowledge about:
1) What is Democracy?
2) Definition of Democracy
3) Meaning of Democracy
4) Nature of Democracy
5) Merits of Democracy
6) Demerits of Democracy
7) Democracy as a form of Government
Feminism refers broadly to the doctrine advocating equal social, political, and other rights for women as men. It describes both a philosophy and a cultural/political movement. In its narrow political sense, feminism is the struggle to achieve institutional and economic equality between the sexes. In the late 19th century, women had fewer rights and opportunities than men. They were excluded from many professions and politics. Progress was made in the late 19th century through better education and some legal reforms, but the right to vote in all elections, or suffrage, was still denied to women. This led to the emergence of suffrage movements advocating for women's right to vote.
This document discusses different types of feminism including liberal feminism, Marxist feminism, radical feminism, analytic feminism, and conservative feminism. It provides brief descriptions of each type, noting their key beliefs and perspectives. The document also discusses the history of feminism in waves, feminist criticism, and feminist perspectives on peace, before concluding that while men and women may have different attitudes, the underlying structures that cause them vary, and that ultimately men and women should be seen as equal.
Civil societies play an important role in sustainable development through advocacy, education, monitoring, and service delivery at national and local levels. They represent citizens' interests outside of families, businesses, and government. Civil societies include non-profits, community groups, trade unions, and advocacy organizations. They have advantages over governments like more flexibility and community involvement, but also face challenges of limited funding and lack of transparency at times. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are a key part of civil societies and can set policy agendas, influence outcomes of government negotiations, and help implement solutions through on-the-ground work. In India, NGOs work on issues like community services, education, religion, sports, and agriculture.
The document discusses the history and key concepts of feminist social theory. It describes the three waves of feminism - the first focused on women's suffrage, the second on gender inequality, and the third on issues like sexuality and globalization. The origins of feminism can be traced back to the 17th century in France. Major figures and events that advanced feminism include Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women in 1792 and the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848. There are differing perspectives within feminist theory, including radical, Marxist, liberal, and difference approaches.
Marxist feminist theory analyzes how capitalism contributes to women's oppression and exploitation. It views women's unpaid domestic labor as subsidizing capitalism by allowing companies to avoid paying for labor costs. Marxist feminism also examines how gender roles that assign women to domestic work and lower-paying jobs weaken workers' ability to organize for better conditions. While Marxism provided an early framework, feminist theorists have also critiqued areas it did not fully address, such as the social reproduction of the workforce and systems of male domination. Current Marxist feminist theory continues to examine the relationship between women's labor, property ownership, and facilitating women's work-life balance under changing social and economic conditions.
Second wave feminism occurred in the 1960s-1970s and focused on improving women's rights in the workplace such as equal pay, employment opportunities, and freedom from sexual harassment. It also aimed to increase reproductive rights and challenge traditional gender roles that restricted women to domestic duties. Protests and lobbying achieved some successes like equal pay laws, but discrimination persisted and the movement continued pushing for full legal equality and choice over women's lives.
Feminism is defined as advocating for social, political, and economic rights for women equal to those of men. There have been several waves of feminism throughout history fighting for these rights. The first wave in the late 19th century focused on issues like property rights and suffrage. The second wave from the 1960s-1980s examined the social construction of gender roles and how they oppress women. Third wave feminism from the early 1990s responded to some perceived failures of the second wave to consider differences among women. There are various branches of feminist thought that have developed over time with different approaches to analyzing and addressing the oppression of women.
M.K. Gandhi was an influential Indian independence leader born in 1869 in Porbandar, Gujarat. He practiced non-violent civil disobedience to achieve independence for India from British rule. Some of Gandhi's key teachings included practicing non-violence or ahimsa, even when facing oppression or injustice. He challenged the use of violence for political and social change. Gandhi's legacy continues to inspire non-violent movements globally through his example of confronting inequality and brutality through peaceful and ethical means. The document urges readers to consider how to apply Gandhi's principles of non-violence and social justice in contemporary issues.
This document discusses the role of electronic media in creating awareness about women. It provides biographies of several famous women in media, such as Oprah Winfrey, Ellen DeGeneres, and Roseanne Barr. It also outlines how Pakistani media is working to promote women's rights through positive portrayals in drama and encouraging women to speak up. Famous Pakistani women in media, like Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy and Rabia Garib, are influencing society by empowering girls and creating educational programming.
This document provides an introduction and overview of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's political thought and influence. It discusses his critique of the Enlightenment and civil society, rejection of reason in favor of sentiment, and development of the concept of the general will and popular sovereignty to justify democratic governance. The summary discusses Rousseau's life experiences that influenced his thought, his analysis of the corruption of humanity with the emergence of private property and inequality in civil society, and his view of the noble savage living freely in the state of nature prior to the emergence of modern corrupt society.
Social movements are group actions focused on political or social issues in order to create or resist social change. They involve networks of individuals and organizations engaged in political or cultural conflicts based on shared identities. There are various definitions but they generally involve sustained interactions between ordinary people and those in power to make collective claims. Social movements employ tactics like protests, demonstrations, and petitions. They have historically emerged alongside broad economic and political changes. Key processes that facilitated their growth include urbanization, industrialization, education, and new communication technologies. Social movements can be classified based on their goals, methods, targets, and whether they aim to reform or radically transform society. Theories have attempted to explain their emergence and development. In India, new social movements emerged
According to conflict theory, society is made up of groups that compete for limited resources. The document discusses key aspects of conflict theory including Marx's view of the worker-owner relationship under capitalism and the idea of class consciousness and struggle. It also summarizes Marx's view of historical stages involving modes of production and class structures from primitive communism to full communism.
Marxist feminism is a subtype of feminist ideology that focuses on dismantling capitalism as a way to liberate women. It believes that economic inequality, dependence, and unhealthy social relations between men and women stem from women's oppression under capitalism. Marxist feminism was developed by Engels and points out that capitalism plays a role in oppressing women, as Marxism sees individuals oppressed by dominant power structures.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a 19th century Indian social reformer who worked to abolish social evils like sati and child marriage and establish greater rights for women and oppressed castes. He founded the Brahmo Samaj in 1828 to promote social, religious, and educational reforms through teachings of monotheism, opposition to idolatry and rituals, and promotion of rational inquiry. Some of his major reforms included campaigning for women's rights including right to property and remarriage for widows, abolishing the practice of sati and polygamy, and opposing the caste system and advocating for equality among all people.
Feminists seek to challenge unequal power structures and gender roles in society. They argue that society is patriarchal, meaning it is dominated by male rule and power. The media plays a key role in shaping dominant ideas about appropriate gender roles and stereotypes. Traditional stereotypes present femininity as caring, nurturing, emotional and passive, while masculinity is depicted as tough, rational, and active. However, some argue newer stereotypes have simply replaced old ones without truly empowering women. Feminist movements have aimed to challenge these stereotypes and fight for women's social, political, and legal equality.
This document discusses terrorism, including definitions, types, causes, methods, and prevention. It defines terrorism as the unlawful use of violence or threats to intimidate for political goals. The types discussed are national, international, state, bio, cyber, eco, nuclear, and narco terrorism. Causes mentioned include injustice, politicians, poverty, illiteracy, media influence, and religion. Methods listed are firearms, explosives, chemicals, biology, and nuclear weapons. Prevention is broken down into primary (education), secondary (surveillance, protection) and tertiary (early detection, rescue, support) levels.
Terrorism is an historical as well as a universal phenomenon; has been practiced by every type of organisation, religious or non-religious, right-wing or left-wing.Consequently, the reasons for the terrorist activity and the identity of those who carry out these acts are always subject to the context, time and place.Unfortunately, there is no consensus on its accurate definition. More than one hundred definitions in the field; one country’s terrorists are other country’s freedom fighters. Rather than seeking the causes of terrorism itself, a better approach is to determine the conditions that make terror possible or likely.Stopping violence is rarely simple or easy. Only time and commitment by a majority of the parties involved can resolve a conflict. Keeping in view the multidimensional nature of terrorism, we must adopt a long term holistic and comprehensive approach for its eradication.
This presentation is an attempt to encompass the various issues related to this complex phemenon and presents a plan of action to control this menace
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
The duty to educate to nonviolence; law and rule; authority; transgression; education for a constructive resolution of conflicts; mediation.
The document discusses the negative effects of materialism and excessive desire for possessions. It notes that while owning things can provide momentary happiness, it often leads to issues like pressure, depression, and low well-being. True happiness comes from understanding that worldly pleasures are fleeting and changing one's attitude to focus more on relationships, experiences, service, and ethics rather than status or goods. Breaking free of materialism is about gaining perspective on life's real goals rather than avoiding possessions entirely.
Feminism aims to achieve equality between the sexes and address additional layers of discrimination women face. There are several kinds of feminism including liberal feminism, which works within existing structures; radical feminism, which views women's oppression as fundamental; Marxist/socialist feminism, which sees capitalism as the root cause; cultural feminism, which focuses on building women's culture; and eco-feminism, which draws parallels between society's treatment of women and the environment. The document provides brief overviews of each type of feminism.
The topic of my slide is about democracy. This slide-show can provide knowledge about:
1) What is Democracy?
2) Definition of Democracy
3) Meaning of Democracy
4) Nature of Democracy
5) Merits of Democracy
6) Demerits of Democracy
7) Democracy as a form of Government
Feminism refers broadly to the doctrine advocating equal social, political, and other rights for women as men. It describes both a philosophy and a cultural/political movement. In its narrow political sense, feminism is the struggle to achieve institutional and economic equality between the sexes. In the late 19th century, women had fewer rights and opportunities than men. They were excluded from many professions and politics. Progress was made in the late 19th century through better education and some legal reforms, but the right to vote in all elections, or suffrage, was still denied to women. This led to the emergence of suffrage movements advocating for women's right to vote.
This document discusses different types of feminism including liberal feminism, Marxist feminism, radical feminism, analytic feminism, and conservative feminism. It provides brief descriptions of each type, noting their key beliefs and perspectives. The document also discusses the history of feminism in waves, feminist criticism, and feminist perspectives on peace, before concluding that while men and women may have different attitudes, the underlying structures that cause them vary, and that ultimately men and women should be seen as equal.
Civil societies play an important role in sustainable development through advocacy, education, monitoring, and service delivery at national and local levels. They represent citizens' interests outside of families, businesses, and government. Civil societies include non-profits, community groups, trade unions, and advocacy organizations. They have advantages over governments like more flexibility and community involvement, but also face challenges of limited funding and lack of transparency at times. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are a key part of civil societies and can set policy agendas, influence outcomes of government negotiations, and help implement solutions through on-the-ground work. In India, NGOs work on issues like community services, education, religion, sports, and agriculture.
The document discusses the history and key concepts of feminist social theory. It describes the three waves of feminism - the first focused on women's suffrage, the second on gender inequality, and the third on issues like sexuality and globalization. The origins of feminism can be traced back to the 17th century in France. Major figures and events that advanced feminism include Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women in 1792 and the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848. There are differing perspectives within feminist theory, including radical, Marxist, liberal, and difference approaches.
Marxist feminist theory analyzes how capitalism contributes to women's oppression and exploitation. It views women's unpaid domestic labor as subsidizing capitalism by allowing companies to avoid paying for labor costs. Marxist feminism also examines how gender roles that assign women to domestic work and lower-paying jobs weaken workers' ability to organize for better conditions. While Marxism provided an early framework, feminist theorists have also critiqued areas it did not fully address, such as the social reproduction of the workforce and systems of male domination. Current Marxist feminist theory continues to examine the relationship between women's labor, property ownership, and facilitating women's work-life balance under changing social and economic conditions.
Second wave feminism occurred in the 1960s-1970s and focused on improving women's rights in the workplace such as equal pay, employment opportunities, and freedom from sexual harassment. It also aimed to increase reproductive rights and challenge traditional gender roles that restricted women to domestic duties. Protests and lobbying achieved some successes like equal pay laws, but discrimination persisted and the movement continued pushing for full legal equality and choice over women's lives.
Feminism is defined as advocating for social, political, and economic rights for women equal to those of men. There have been several waves of feminism throughout history fighting for these rights. The first wave in the late 19th century focused on issues like property rights and suffrage. The second wave from the 1960s-1980s examined the social construction of gender roles and how they oppress women. Third wave feminism from the early 1990s responded to some perceived failures of the second wave to consider differences among women. There are various branches of feminist thought that have developed over time with different approaches to analyzing and addressing the oppression of women.
M.K. Gandhi was an influential Indian independence leader born in 1869 in Porbandar, Gujarat. He practiced non-violent civil disobedience to achieve independence for India from British rule. Some of Gandhi's key teachings included practicing non-violence or ahimsa, even when facing oppression or injustice. He challenged the use of violence for political and social change. Gandhi's legacy continues to inspire non-violent movements globally through his example of confronting inequality and brutality through peaceful and ethical means. The document urges readers to consider how to apply Gandhi's principles of non-violence and social justice in contemporary issues.
This document discusses the role of electronic media in creating awareness about women. It provides biographies of several famous women in media, such as Oprah Winfrey, Ellen DeGeneres, and Roseanne Barr. It also outlines how Pakistani media is working to promote women's rights through positive portrayals in drama and encouraging women to speak up. Famous Pakistani women in media, like Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy and Rabia Garib, are influencing society by empowering girls and creating educational programming.
This document provides an introduction and overview of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's political thought and influence. It discusses his critique of the Enlightenment and civil society, rejection of reason in favor of sentiment, and development of the concept of the general will and popular sovereignty to justify democratic governance. The summary discusses Rousseau's life experiences that influenced his thought, his analysis of the corruption of humanity with the emergence of private property and inequality in civil society, and his view of the noble savage living freely in the state of nature prior to the emergence of modern corrupt society.
Social movements are group actions focused on political or social issues in order to create or resist social change. They involve networks of individuals and organizations engaged in political or cultural conflicts based on shared identities. There are various definitions but they generally involve sustained interactions between ordinary people and those in power to make collective claims. Social movements employ tactics like protests, demonstrations, and petitions. They have historically emerged alongside broad economic and political changes. Key processes that facilitated their growth include urbanization, industrialization, education, and new communication technologies. Social movements can be classified based on their goals, methods, targets, and whether they aim to reform or radically transform society. Theories have attempted to explain their emergence and development. In India, new social movements emerged
According to conflict theory, society is made up of groups that compete for limited resources. The document discusses key aspects of conflict theory including Marx's view of the worker-owner relationship under capitalism and the idea of class consciousness and struggle. It also summarizes Marx's view of historical stages involving modes of production and class structures from primitive communism to full communism.
Marxist feminism is a subtype of feminist ideology that focuses on dismantling capitalism as a way to liberate women. It believes that economic inequality, dependence, and unhealthy social relations between men and women stem from women's oppression under capitalism. Marxist feminism was developed by Engels and points out that capitalism plays a role in oppressing women, as Marxism sees individuals oppressed by dominant power structures.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a 19th century Indian social reformer who worked to abolish social evils like sati and child marriage and establish greater rights for women and oppressed castes. He founded the Brahmo Samaj in 1828 to promote social, religious, and educational reforms through teachings of monotheism, opposition to idolatry and rituals, and promotion of rational inquiry. Some of his major reforms included campaigning for women's rights including right to property and remarriage for widows, abolishing the practice of sati and polygamy, and opposing the caste system and advocating for equality among all people.
Feminists seek to challenge unequal power structures and gender roles in society. They argue that society is patriarchal, meaning it is dominated by male rule and power. The media plays a key role in shaping dominant ideas about appropriate gender roles and stereotypes. Traditional stereotypes present femininity as caring, nurturing, emotional and passive, while masculinity is depicted as tough, rational, and active. However, some argue newer stereotypes have simply replaced old ones without truly empowering women. Feminist movements have aimed to challenge these stereotypes and fight for women's social, political, and legal equality.
This document discusses terrorism, including definitions, types, causes, methods, and prevention. It defines terrorism as the unlawful use of violence or threats to intimidate for political goals. The types discussed are national, international, state, bio, cyber, eco, nuclear, and narco terrorism. Causes mentioned include injustice, politicians, poverty, illiteracy, media influence, and religion. Methods listed are firearms, explosives, chemicals, biology, and nuclear weapons. Prevention is broken down into primary (education), secondary (surveillance, protection) and tertiary (early detection, rescue, support) levels.
Terrorism is an historical as well as a universal phenomenon; has been practiced by every type of organisation, religious or non-religious, right-wing or left-wing.Consequently, the reasons for the terrorist activity and the identity of those who carry out these acts are always subject to the context, time and place.Unfortunately, there is no consensus on its accurate definition. More than one hundred definitions in the field; one country’s terrorists are other country’s freedom fighters. Rather than seeking the causes of terrorism itself, a better approach is to determine the conditions that make terror possible or likely.Stopping violence is rarely simple or easy. Only time and commitment by a majority of the parties involved can resolve a conflict. Keeping in view the multidimensional nature of terrorism, we must adopt a long term holistic and comprehensive approach for its eradication.
This presentation is an attempt to encompass the various issues related to this complex phemenon and presents a plan of action to control this menace
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
The duty to educate to nonviolence; law and rule; authority; transgression; education for a constructive resolution of conflicts; mediation.
The document discusses the negative effects of materialism and excessive desire for possessions. It notes that while owning things can provide momentary happiness, it often leads to issues like pressure, depression, and low well-being. True happiness comes from understanding that worldly pleasures are fleeting and changing one's attitude to focus more on relationships, experiences, service, and ethics rather than status or goods. Breaking free of materialism is about gaining perspective on life's real goals rather than avoiding possessions entirely.
Gandhi - Pioneer of Active Nonviolent ResistanceNiranjan Shah
An engineering executive in Chicago, Illinois, Niranjan Shah has dedicated more than four decades to Globetrotters Engineering Corporation. In his spare time, Niranjan Shah enjoys reading works by Mahatma Gandhi.
Slideshows about nonviolence and nonviolent resolution of conflicts, economic alternatives, ecology, social change, spirituality : www.irnc.org , Slideshows in english
Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance.
The author describes conducting an experiment where they practiced nonviolence for a day to see the effects. Through efforts to understand their triggers for violence and sharing feelings with friends, the author was able to stay calm. As a result of behaving nonviolently, the author felt accepted by others, important, happy, and satisfied. Friends and family who were used to the author's violent behavior changed in their treatment and expressed love. The benefits of acceptance and importance outweighed any costs to the author. Going forward, the author plans to continue practicing nonviolence and influence others by rewarding nonviolent behavior and warning of consequences for violence.
Selections from World Scripture on the righteous people, teachers, and ordinary people of courage, principle, and conscience who are called to be the internal leaders of society
This document outlines the aims, scheme of assessment, and conclusion for a secondary school biology syllabus in India. It aims to develop students' understanding of biological concepts and appreciation for life. The examination will consist of 4 papers testing knowledge, skills, and practical work. Paper I involves structured questions, Paper II involves essays and data analysis, Paper III evaluates practical skills, and Paper IV involves an experiment. Students must submit practical reports that will be graded out of 10 marks. The summary concludes by describing the interconnected nature of biology and how the syllabus aims to increase biological understanding.
Psalm 107 praises God for his goodness and mercy in delivering people from distress, as seen in four examples of people crying out to God in the wilderness, darkness, affliction, and storms at sea, and God rescuing them each time. The psalmist repeatedly urges those delivered to give thanks to God and declare his wonderful works, and concludes by encouraging readers to heed God's lovingkindness and imitate his goodness in their own lives.
The document summarizes Bertrand Russell's views on how to raise children to be happy adults. It advocates for giving children freedom during play and education, while also providing security through routine and parental affection. Russell argues that children should spend their days with other children in large play areas or outdoors. They should face minimal restrictions and pressure in their education. If raised in this way, with freedom and security, children will grow up to be happy, cooperative adults who find meaning and satisfaction in their work rather than see life as a competition.
This document outlines workplace violence prevention policies and procedures. It defines workplace and domestic violence and outlines applicable legislation. It describes training requirements for different employee roles. Risk assessments are conducted annually and measures implemented to mitigate risks. Investigation procedures are outlined for violent incidents, ensuring confidentiality and support for victims. Disclosure of information is allowed as needed to protect employees from risks of violence from individuals with a history of violent behavior.
Goodness has had many definitions throughout history but can be understood as doing good and avoiding evil. Plato described the "Form of the Good" which allows one to understand other forms and provides truth and knowledge. The Form of the Good is in the intelligible realm and gives power to know to the knower, though it is difficult to clearly explain. Aristotle saw the highest good as happiness achieved through living according to reason. Opposite to goodness is evil, which some see as an aberration resulting from human imperfection, while others argue it is learned from tyrannical social structures.
Aldous Huxley argues that non-violence is the only way to achieve world peace. He discusses how Gandhi successfully used non-violent resistance in South Africa and India to defeat discrimination and injustice. Huxley believes that through cooperation, power sharing, and treating individuals and groups with kindness and understanding rather than violence, societies can overcome conflicts and problems like war, inequality, and lack of social justice. Training people in non-violence and having leaders who inspire non-violent action can help change social structures and power dynamics to be more inclusive and peaceful.
Goodness is a fruit of the Spirit that is defined as uprightness of heart and life characterized by unselfish acts that benefit others. It involves sharing one's material wealth, time, talents, and strength of heart with others through acts like giving to the poor, serving one's community, and even rebuking those in error when needed. Goodness cannot be manufactured but is a gift from God developed in Christians as they are filled with the Holy Spirit and do good works that glorify Him.
Materialism has negative effects on individuals and society such as increased psychological problems for children, more crime and corruption, and greater poverty and pollution. It can also lead to diseases of consumerism, harm the economy and spirituality, negatively impact adolescents, and exacerbate global warming.
Bullying and Violence Prevention PresentationSafeAndCaring
The document discusses bullying, violence, and strategies for prevention. It defines bullying as a relationship problem involving an imbalance of power, deliberate and repeated harmful actions. Violence is defined as the actual or threatened use of power to harm others physically, psychologically or socially. The document outlines types of bullying such as physical, verbal, relational and cyberbullying. It also discusses the consequences of bullying and provides a SMART approach for victims and bystanders to address bullying situations safely and effectively. Finally, it introduces the Safe and Caring Schools program which takes a comprehensive, whole-school approach to building respect, self-esteem and preventing bullying through curriculum, teaching, and community engagement.
History, Class-VIII, Education and british rulePankaj Saikia
Before British rule, India had a network of elementary schools and religious schools that taught traditional subjects from texts like the Vedas. The British East India Company was initially not concerned with Indian education. However, the Charter Act of 1813 made the Company responsible for Indian education. They established institutions like the Calcutta Madrasa for Muslim education and the Sanskrit College for Hindu law and philosophy. Later, education became focused on those who could pay fees, and missionaries sought to convert Indians to Christianity through the schools they established. The Wood's Despatch of 1854 outlined steps to expand and regulate the education system, but primary education was still neglected. Over time, Indians and reformers increasingly advocated for Indian control of education.
The document discusses a school day focused on non-violence and peace. It explores concepts like conflicts, tolerance, respect, love, and how small actions of many people can change the world. Students are asked to classify words as nouns, verbs, or adjectives and discuss poems and songs related to peace.
Gandhi radically changed the Indian independence movement in three ways:
1) He made it a people's movement that represented all classes, not just the educated elite.
2) He universalized the scope to represent oppressed people worldwide, not just Indian independence.
3) He spiritualized politics by basing it on principles of truth and nonviolence, aiming to replace power politics with "goodness politics."
The document compares traditional curriculum to integrated curriculum. Traditional curriculum is teacher-centered, uses a factory model approach with an emphasis on memorization and isolated subjects. Integrated curriculum draws from multiple subject areas to focus on a particular topic, encouraging exploration of knowledge across disciplines. The philosophical basis for integrated curriculum comes from thinkers like Dewey, Oberholtzer, and Tyler who saw benefits to students obtaining a unified view of learning. Characteristics of integrated curriculum include being student-directed, emphasizing real-world application through projects, and combining subjects.
This document contains 3 subject lines from different organizations in China related to domain registration services, with the earliest from Department Of Registration Service in China dated February 13, 2012 and the latest from China Domain Name Registration Center dated April 18, 2013.
This document summarizes a paper presentation on the relevance of Gandhi's concept of non-violence for peaceful co-existence in a globalized world. It discusses key aspects of Gandhi's non-violent movement including the gains of non-violence, how it works as a system, the significance and methods of non-violence. It also covers criticism of non-violence and concludes that strategic non-violent conflicts have overcome dictators and that non-violence addresses peoples' aspirations for democracy and self-rule, contributing to lasting peace.
K-Wustrow is a German organization that promotes nonviolent social change through supporting social movements and nonviolent conflict transformation. It was founded in 1980 by activists working against issues like nuclear weapons, environmental destruction, and social injustice. K-Wustrow aims to end injustice through nonviolent means without violating human rights. It supports movements that focus on human rights issues and employs various nonviolent action strategies, like protests, boycotts, and civil disobedience, to raise awareness and encourage political and social change. However, K-Wustrow recognizes the complexities and dilemmas involved in supporting social movements as an outside organization.
The document discusses nonviolent action as a realistic alternative to violence in conflicts. It provides examples of nonviolent struggles throughout history against oppressive regimes, occupations, and dictatorships. The key points are:
- Nonviolent action has been successfully used across many cultures and eras as a powerful means of waging conflicts without violence.
- Examples include resistance to Nazi occupation, the US civil rights movement, anti-apartheid struggles in South Africa, and movements that overthrew dictatorships in the Philippines, Eastern Europe, and Serbia.
- For nonviolent action to be a viable alternative to violence, it needs to be able to effectively address "hard cases" like opposing oppression,
The document discusses developing a realistic alternative to war and other violence for resolving acute conflicts where fundamental issues are at stake. It argues that nonviolent action provides a substitute for violence that is a powerful means of waging conflict without relying on war. Nonviolent action has been successfully used across many cultures and centuries in a variety of conflicts against oppression, dictatorship, invasion, and other threats. When fundamental issues are involved, nonviolent action can replace violence as the means of last resort for defending principles or existence without submitting to the opponent.
This document discusses collective behavior, social movements, and social change. It begins by defining collective behavior and explaining how it can lead to social change. It then describes different types of crowd behavior, from casual to protest crowds. The document also examines theories for explaining crowd and mass behavior. Next, it outlines several theories of social movements and types of social movements. It concludes by discussing the stages social movements typically progress through.
Nonviolent resistance refers to methods of protest and civil disobedience without physical violence. It includes acts of omission like refusing to perform expected actions, and acts of commission like performing forbidden actions. Gene Sharp identified 198 methods of nonviolent action. Erica Chenoweth found nonviolent campaigns are more likely to succeed than violent revolutions, with campaigns involving over 3.5% of the population always succeeding. Nonviolent resistance works by claiming the moral high ground, exposing fractures in the opponent's support, inspiring solidarity, and turning stakeholders against each other at "pressure points".
Georg Simmel and David Lockwood made important contributions to conflict theory. Simmel proposed that conflict has sociological significance as it produces or modifies communities of interest and organizations. He argued that conflict itself resolves tensions between opposing elements and aims for a type of unity, even if through the annihilation of one side. Lockwood studied conflict dimensions and types. He distinguished between typologies that classify conflicts and dimensions that can apply to all conflicts and influence their dynamics. Both theorists recognized conflict as an inherent and sometimes productive part of social relationships rather than something purely negative.
Asymmetric warfare group report psychological and sociological concepts of r...PublicLeaker
This document provides a summary of theories and concepts related to radicalization from psychology and sociology literature. It is intended as a general reference for military personnel. The document first discusses definitions and concepts around radicalization. It then outlines 16 theories that have been proposed to explain radicalization, such as relative deprivation theory and social identity theory. Next, it discusses 12 mechanisms through which radicalization can occur, at the individual, group and mass level, and provides examples. It also briefly discusses deradicalization programs. The document aims to bridge social science research and operational concerns by highlighting observable behaviors for each mechanism.
Asymmetric warfare group report psychological and sociological concepts of r...PublicLeaks
This document provides a summary of theories and concepts from psychology and sociology that are relevant to understanding the process of radicalization. It examines 16 theories that have been proposed to explain radicalization, such as relative deprivation theory, social network theory, and identity theory. It also analyzes 12 mechanisms through which radicalization can occur, such as mass radicalization through conflict with an outgroup or individual radicalization through personal grievance. For each mechanism, an example is given from the real world. Risk factors for radicalization and programs for deradicalization are also discussed. The purpose is to provide military personnel with an overview of the current understanding from social sciences around why and how radicalization happens.
By way of introduction, I’d like to draw your attention to some of t.docxclairbycraft
By way of introduction, I’d like to draw your attention to some of the thematic threads that have structured the course. As you might have noticed, the case studies in this class have primarily centered on what I’ve at various times called “disruptive” social movements (as compared to “traditional” movements). I’ve used this terminology a few times in your weekly assignments but I wanted to explain and define the concept more clearly. Traditional movements may purport to seek significant changes but rarely pose an existential threat to the existing political order, either in terms of their methods or their objectives. Conversely, disruptive movements are inherently threatening, and impervious to co-optation by the power structure. To be clear though, “disruptive” is not a technical term or an established sociological concept -- it’s just a designation I’m using for the sake of convenience to distinguish movements that aim to disrupt the existing social order from those that are largely compatible with the status quo. I’ve attached a study guide which charts the ways “disruptive” movements differ from their more conventional counterparts in much more detail. (This has also been posted to Blackboard for some time as a standalone study guide. It’s the same thing, if you’re wondering).
Traditional Social Movements
Disruptive Social Movements
Style of Organization
formal bureaucratic
informal networks semi-spontaneous crowds/mobs
Public Presentation
media-oriented campaigns open meetings
communiques anonymity secretiveness
State Response
(partial) accommodation cooptation
concessions
infiltration criminalizaton repression
Tactics
petitions
lobbying demonstrations civil disobendience
property destruction arson
sabotage
Leadership
highly structured, top-down
horizontal, democratic, “leaderless”
Messaging
charismatic spokespersons talking points
press conferences
uniform signs and chants
action is its own message form over content unintelligible
Ideological Perspective
reformist
narrowly issue-focused
revolutionary anti-capitalist
Attitude toward Law Enforcement
obedient
willing to negotiate
defiant confrontational
Longevity
seeks permanence
may employ paid staffers
short-lived avoids durability
Targets
particular companies, politicians, or state agencies
global capitalism governements society
Press Coverage
rarely receives notice
sensationalistic but sometimes extensive
Participants
cross section of society low participation threshold
hard-core activists willing to take risks
Measure of Effectiveness
passage of specific laws or policies raise public consciousness powerful interests concede to demands
extent of social disruption
avoid serious punishment powerful interests feel threatened
Scale
“power in numbers”
strives to become “mass movement”
tight cell-based structure need for intimacy eschews mass appeal
Appeal
ordinary citizens
win hearts and minds
indifferent to public image typically u.
This document discusses the principles and concepts of critical social work, including:
1) Critical thinking involves scrutinizing assumptions and forming opinions through reasoned analysis, questioning social norms and distinguishing propaganda from truth.
2) Developing critical consciousness involves self-reflection on how one's views and practices have been shaped by social dynamics and power relations related to social group membership.
3) Helping is inherently political as it involves power relationships, so critical social work aims to use knowledge to empower oppressed groups and work towards social justice rather than reinforce the status quo.
4) Critical theory aims to uncover the social forces that maintain inequality and domination so this knowledge can inform political action for emancipation.
This document discusses how global jihadist groups have tactically adopted terrorism as an insurgent tactic. It argues that the US needs to redefine these groups as radical Islamic insurgencies using terrorist tactics, rather than solely terrorist groups. The document examines the differences between insurgency and terrorism, and how groups have adopted terrorist tactics for their coercive effects. It recommends that the US improve its understanding of why groups adopt different tactics and view them as strategic choices based on factors like resources and environment, rather than fixed labels, to better counter future insurgent threats.
FreedomWorks is a small-government advocacy group led by former House Majority Leader Dick Armey that is trying to organize conservative activists and harness growing discontent with Democratic policies. It has lent support and organizational resources to tea party protests and town hall demonstrations opposing healthcare reform and other issues. While building its own membership, FreedomWorks is also trying to avoid appearing like it is trying to control the loosely organized conservative movement. Some observers worry large protests risk alienating moderates, while FreedomWorks aims to ride the wave of activism without being seen as its leader.
This document discusses collective behavior and different types of crowds. It defines collective behavior as behavior that is relatively spontaneous and unstructured, involving a large number of people. Different types of crowds are described, including casual crowds, conventional crowds, expressive crowds, acting crowds, protest crowds, mobs, and riots. Convergence theory and emergent-norm theory are discussed as approaches to understanding crowd behavior. Mass action and social movements are also mentioned as forms of collective behavior.
This document contains lecture notes for a political science course on political violence. It defines key terms related to political violence like revolution, terrorism, and contentious politics. It also categorizes different types of revolutions as social, political, anti-colonial, or "Third World" and discusses theories that attempt to explain the causes of political violence, such as relative deprivation, resource mobilization, and rational choice. The document provides outlines and discussion questions on these topics.
International Journal of Intercultural Relations30 (2006) 57.docxnormanibarber20063
International Journal of Intercultural Relations
30 (2006) 579–603
The role of culture and personality in choice of
conflict management strategy$
Ritu Kaushal!, Catherine T. Kwantes
aUniversity of Windsor, Windsor, Ont., Canada
Received 12 October 2005; received in revised form 17 January 2006; accepted 20 January 2006
Abstract
Globalization has led to an increased emphasis on cultural diversity and its influences
on personal, social, and organizational practices. As the world becomes a smaller place, the
potential for conflict in our daily interactions is increasing. Research investigating the
influence of culture on conflict management and resolution behaviors has demonstrated that
individualism and collectivism do indeed influence a person’s style of conflict resolution
behavior. However, these findings have not been linked to the related constructs of vertical and
horizontal individualism and collectivism [as defined by Triandis, H.C. (1994) Culture and social
behavior. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill] which introduce the concept of accepting authority
within a focus on the self versus the group. A strong parallel exists between the vertical and
horizontal dimensions of individualism and collectivism and power distance. The salience of
this power variable may differ from one culture to the next, and influences not only the nature
of the conflict process itself, but also the conflict resolution strategies adopted. In addition,
studies exploring the influence of various dispositional measures such as self-monitoring and
emotional intelligence have linked them to both cultural variables and styles of conflict resolu-
tion. Although each finding that links a single personality or cultural variable with a particular
style of conflict resolution is indeed useful, it is also limiting. This study explored the relationships
among culture, power, personality, and styles of conflict resolution. Relevance of the findings and
ARTICLE IN PRESS
www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel
0147-1767/$ - see front matter r 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2006.01.001
$An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Fourth Biennial Conference of the International
Academy for Intercultural Research, Kent, OH, USA.
!Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 519 253 3000; fax: +1 519 973 7021.
E-mail address: [email protected] (R. Kaushal).
www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel
their implications with respect to conflict management and resolution issues across cultures are
discussed.
r 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Conflict; Conflict style; Conflict strategy; Conflict management; Conflict resolution; Culture, diversity;
Cultural values; Cultural beliefs; Cultural cognitions; Personality; Individual differences; Self-monitoring;
Emotional intelligence
1. Introduction
Greater globalization has led to increased attention being paid to cultural diversity and
its influences on personal, social, and organizational practices. As .
SPECIAL ISSUE ON POLITICAL VIOLENCEResearch on Social Move.docxsusanschei
SPECIAL ISSUE ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE
Research on Social Movements and Political Violence
Donatella della Porta
Published online: 15 July 2008
# Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008
Abstract Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been
episodic, and studies of different forms of political violence have followed different
approaches, with “breakdown” theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism,
social movement theories sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and
area study specialists focusing on ethnic and religious forms. Some of the studies on extreme
forms of political violence that have emerged within the social movement tradition have
nevertheless been able to trace processes of conflict escalation through the detailed exam-
ination of historical cases. This article assesses some of the knowledge acquired in previous
research approaching issues of political violence from the social movement perspective, as
well as the challenges coming from new waves of debate on terrorist and counterterrorist
action and discourses. In doing this, the article reviews contributions coming from research
looking at violence as escalation of action repertoires within protest cycles; political
opportunity and the state in escalation processes; resource mobilization and violent
organizations; narratives of violence; and militant constructions of external reality.
Keywords Political violence . Social movements
Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been episodic, with
some peaks in periods of high visibility of terrorist attacks, but little accumulation of results.
There are several reasons for this. First, some of the research has been considered to be more
oriented towards developing antiterrorist policies than to a social science understanding of the
phenomenon. In fact, “many who have written about terrorism have been directly or indirectly
involved in the business of counterterrorism, and their vision has been narrowed and distorted
by the search for effective responses to terrorism…. [S]ocial movement scholars, with very few
exceptions, have said little about terrorism” (Goodwin 2004, p. 259). Second, studies of
different forms of political violence have followed different approaches, with “breakdown”
theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism, social movement theories
sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and area study specialists focusing
on ethnic and religious forms. Third, and most fundamentally, there has been a tendency to reify
Qual Sociol (2008) 31:221–230
DOI 10.1007/s11133-008-9109-x
D. della Porta (*)
Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute,
Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini 9, 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole Firenze, Italy
e-mail: [email protected]
definitions of terrorism on the basis of political actors’ decisions to use violence (Tilly 200.
SPECIAL ISSUE ON POLITICAL VIOLENCEResearch on Social Move.docx
Nonviolence
1. Nonviolence: An Introduction
Thomas Weber and Robert J. Burrowes
Contents
1. Introduction2. Reasons for Nonviolence3. Types of Nonviolence4. What is
Nonviolent Action?T1. Types of NonviolenceT2. The Major Dimensions5.
Nonviolent Action in Australia6. Are Means Separate from Ends?7. Ideological
Nonviolence8. Structural Analysis - Understanding Hidden Violence9. The
Dynamics of Nonviolence10. Nonviolence and Human Unity11. ConclusionA1.
Further ReadingPrinter Friendly Version
1. Introduction
"People try nonviolence for a week, and when it 'doesn't work' they go
back to violence, which hasn't worked for centuries."
-Theodore Roszak
In recent years there has been a dramatic increase in the number of people
around the world who have taken part in nonviolent political action. It is
clear, however, that there is considerable debate about the precise meaning of
nonviolence. For some, nonviolent action is an expedient technique for
dealing with conflict or bringing about social change; for others, nonviolence
is a moral imperative or even a way of life.
Back to top
2. Reasons for Nonviolence
2. At first glance, violence may appear to be a superior technique for resolving
conflicts or achieving desired ends because it has obvious and tangible
strategies and weapons. Nonviolent techniques are often more difficult to
visualize and there is no shortage of moral and practical dilemmas that
sceptics are able to raise as impediments to taking nonviolence seriously.
Yet many reasons can be offered for the employment of nonviolence: it is a
'weapon' available to all, it is least likely to alienate opponents and third
parties, it breaks the cycle of violence and counter-violence. it leaves open
the possibility of conversion, it ensures that the media focus on the issue at
hand rather than some tangential act of violence and it is the surest way of
achieving public sympathy. Further, it is more likely to produce a
constructive rather than a destructive outcome, it is a method of conflict
resolution that may aim to arrive at the truth of a given situation (rather than
mere victory for one side) and it is the only method of struggle that is
consistent with the teachings of the major religions.
In addition there are reasons for the employment of nonviolence that go
beyond the conviction that is a useful, or even the only 'correct' method of
conflict resolution. Nonviolence can also he the basis for a way of life: it is
consistent with a belief in the underlying unity of humankind and it is the
only method of action, interpersonal or political, that does not block that path
to what has often been called 'self-realization'.
Back to top
3. Types of Nonviolence
'Nonviolence' is an umbrella term for describing a range of methods for
dealing with conflict which share the common principle that physical
violence, at least against other people, is not used. Gene Sharp, the best
known writer on nonviolent action, has compiled the most comprehensive
typology of nonviolence; a summary is given in Table 1.
While this typology illustrates the various approaches to nonviolence, the
criteria which underpin them are still not clear. These criteria may be
identified by examining the two major dimensions of nonviolent action.
The first dimension (the tactical-strategic) indicates the depth of analysis, the
ultimate aim and the operational time-frame which activists use. The second
dimension (the pragmatic-ideological) indicates the nature of the
commitment to nonviolence and the approach to conflict which activists
utilize: this includes the importance attached to the relationship between
means and ends and the attitude towards the opponent.
3. Tactical exponents of nonviolent action use short to medium term campaigns
in order to achieve a particular goal within an existing social framework;
their aim is reform. Strategic exponents of nonviolent action are guided by a
structural analysis of social relationships and are mainly concerned about the
fundamental transformation of society; particular campaigns are thus
conducted within the context of a long-term revolutionary strategy.
Pragmatic exponents use nonviolent action because they believe it to be the
most effective method available in the circumstances. They view conflict as a
relationship between antagonists with incompatible interests; their goal is to
defeat the opponent. Ideological exponents choose nonviolent action for
ethical reasons and believe in the unity of means and ends. They view the
opponent as a partner in the struggle to satisfy the needs of all. More
fundamentally, they may view nonviolence as a way of life.
To summarize, the criteria which underpin the two dimensions of nonviolent
action are itemised in Table 2.
By reference to their standing in relation to the criteria itemized in Table 2, it
is possible to identify the orientation of individual activists and particular
campaigns. For example, virtually all campaigns which have been conducted
in Australia (such as the Franklin River campaign) fall into the tactical-
pragmatic category. Most campaigns with a Christian perspective (such as the
Montgomery bus boycott organized by Martin Luther King Jr.) are examples
of the tactical-ideological category. The Palestinian Intifada probably the best
recent example of the strategic-pragmatic category. And many of Gandhi's
campaigns (including the Salt Satyagraha) were clearly in the strategic-
ideological category.
The commitment of individual activists and the nature of particular
campaigns can also be illustrated graphically according to the strength of
their standing in relation to each of the criteria identified on the matrix in
4. Figure 1. They may be located in any quadrant on the matrix, near to or far
from a particular axis, and at various distances from the origin.
This article will now examine the use of tactical and pragmatic nonviolence
and consider the important relationship between means and ends. We will
then examine various Christian justifications for nonviolent action as well as
Gandhi's conception of it; these traditions provide much of the theoretical
basis for ideological (or creed-based) nonviolent activism. This article will
then discuss the structural analysis important to an understanding of the
strategic use of nonviolent action. It will conclude with an examination of the
dynamics of ideological nonviolence and an analysis of the most fundamental
reason for adherence to it, that is, as the basis for a way of life.
Back to top
3. What is Nonviolent Action?
Nonviolent action is a technique by which people who reject passivity
and submission, and who see struggle as essential, can wage their conflict
without violence. Nonviolent action is not an attempt to avoid or ignore
conflict. It is one response to the problem of how to act effectively in
politics, especially how to wield powers effectively.
(Sharp, 1973, p. 64)
It consists of acts of protest and persuasion, noncooperation and nonviolent
intervention designed to undermine the sources of power of the opponent in
order to bring about change.
Nonviolent protest and persuasion is a class of methods which are 'mainly
symbolic acts of peaceful opposition or of attempted persuasion, extending
beyond verbal expressions'. These methods include marches, vigils, pickets,
the use of posters, street theatre, painting and protest meetings.
Noncooperation - the most common form of nonviolent action - involves the
deliberate withdrawal of cooperation with the person, activity, institution or
regime with which the activists have become engaged in conflict. These
methods include the provision of sanctuary (social); strikes, boycotts and war
tax resistance (economic) and boycotts of legislative bodies and elections
(political). Political noncooperation also includes acts of civil disobedience -
the 'deliberate, open and peaceful violation of particular laws, decrees,
regulations ... and the like which are believed to be illegitimate for some
reason'.
5. Nonviolent intervention is a class of methods involving the disruption or
destruction of established behavior patterns, policies, relationships or
institutions which are considered objectionable, or the creation of new
behaviour patterns, policies, relationships or institutions which are preferred.
The disruption class of methods includes nonviolent occupations or
blockades, fasting, seeking imprisonment and overloading facilities (such as
courts and prisons). The creation class of methods includes establishing
alternative political, economic and social institutions such as non-hierarchical
cooperatives, markets, ethical investment groups, alternative schools, energy
exchange cooperatives as well as parallel media, communications and
transport networks. This last class of methods is what the Gandhian literature
refers to as the constructive program. (Sharp, 1973, pp. 109-445).
Back to top
Table 1. Types of Nonviolence
Non-resistant’s reject all physical violence on principle and concentrate on maintain
Non-resistance
the attitude of the Amish and Mennonite sects of Christians.
A Faith-based rejection of coercion and a belief in active goodwill and reconciliatio
Active Reconciliation
by Quakers and other religious activist groups.
Moral resisters actively resist evil with peaceful and moral means such as educatio
Moral Resistance
been the basis of much of Western pacifism.
Selective Nonviolence The refusal to participate in particular wars or kinds of war, e.g. nuclear war.
Nonviolent tactics are employed because the means for an effective violent camp
Passive Resistance
likely to succeed; e.g. most strikes, boycotts and national non-cooperation movement
Peaceful resisters believe that nonviolent methods are more effective; e.g. some of G
Peaceful Resistance
this category because many of his followers did not fully internalize what he taught.
Nonviolent Direct Practitioners may view nonviolence as a moral principle or practical method. The
Action conversion. An example is provided by the Greenham Common actions.
Gandhian Nonviolence Satyagraha aims to attain the truth tnrough love and right action; it demands the elim
6. (Satyagraha) self and from the social, political and economic environment. Gandhi's Salt Satyagrah
Revolutionaries believe in the need for basic individual and social change and re
Nonviolent Revolution
existing society as structural, e.g. the campaigns of Jayaprakash Narayan and Vinoba
(Sharp, 1971, pp. 29-54)
Back to top
Table 2. The Major Dimensions
The Tactical-Strategic Dimension
Criterion Tactical Nonviolence Strategic Nonv
Analysis of Social Framework Conservative Structural
Aim Reform Revolution
Operational Timeframe Short/Medium Term Long Term
The Pragmatic-Ideological Dimension
Criterion Pragmatic Nonviolence Ideological No
Nature of Commitment Most Effective Ethically Best
Means and Ends Separate Indivisible
Approach to Conflice Incompatible Interests Shared Interes
Approach to Opponent Competitive Cooperative
Back to top
5. Nonviolent Action in Australia: Tactical And Pragmatic
7. When groups engage in political action, nonviolence is often chosen as the
means for securing the ends sought. It is seen as an effective means of
coercing concessions from the opponent. Pragmatic nonviolence is more
concerned with the potential of individuals to realise their own power, in
order to alter power relationships. than with concerns about the arrival at
'truth'. Nonviolent action may be chosen because no other 'weapons' or levers
of power are available, or because it is deemed to be the most effective means
in the circumstances, even if other weapons are available.
In Australia, as elsewhere, even minor disturbances at demonstrations tend to
become the focus of the attention of the news media, often to the exclusion of
any meaningful discussion about the original reasons for the protest.
Therefore, it is argued, the surest way to garner public support for the real
issues is to remain nonviolent, especially in the face of State repression.
The Franklin River Campaign
The most notable campaign in recent years which utilized nonviolent action
in the tactical-pragmatic sense was the Franklin River campaign. The
decision to conduct nonviolent actions at various locations adjacent to the
proposed Gordon River dam site and in the major cities of Australia reflected
the realization by the (then) Tasmanian Wilderness Society that lobbying the
Tasmanian and Federal Governments was not proving effective. It was
decided to use various nonviolent actions, and most notably the blockade on
the Gordon River (of which the Franklin is a tributary), in order to raise
awareness of the issue and to put more pressure on the federal parliamentary
parties in the run-up to the federal election in 1983. In effect, nonviolent
action was seen as the most effective means of coercing concessions from the
Government.
In this campaign there were many different perspectives on the meamng of
nonviolent action (among activists located at the base camps and up river)
reflecting the usual diversity of views regarding such issues as secrecy and
sabotage. Despite these differences there was a broad understanding that the
purpose of the campaign was to pressure the parliamentary parties to 'save the
Frankin'. Campaign direction and activist effort was focused on this short-
term goal. Even so, it should be noted, some longer term issues were raised
by such factors as the emergent community appreciation of wilderness, and,
in the context of the blockade itself, the utility of mass arrest as a nonviolent
tactic. In the end, the dam was stopped following the election of a new
government and a High Court decision.
8. Other Campaigns
Other campaigns, both before and after the Franklin, have also utilized a
tactical-pragmatic approach to nonviolent action. The well known campaigns
of recent years include the anti-Vietnam war movement; the civil liberties
struggle in Queensland; the women's ANZAC Day actions; various forest
campaigns such as those to save the Daintree, the forests of New South
Wales and East Gippsland; the uranium actions in South Australia and the
Northern Territory; the Animal Liberation duck rescue teams; the campaigns
against the US bases (Pine Gap, North West Cape and Nurrungar); the 'Don't
Celebrate 1988' campaign in the year of Australia's white bicentenary; the
campaigns against visiting nuclear warships and various campaigns by
workers for improved conditions. In addition however, there have been many
nonviolent actions conducted throughout Australia's history by Kooris
(Aborigines), women, workers, students and local community action groups.
In each of these campaigns, the choice of nonviolent action has usually been
a direct response to the failure of more conventional means, such as lobbying.
Sabotage, Secrecy, and Relations with the Police
Some pragmatic exponents of nonviolent action consider it counterproductive
to be bound by particular principles; this is most clearly evident in the
divergent attitudes towards sabotage, secrecy and relations with the police.
Some groups limit their nonviolence to other humans, believing
that sabotage or the destruction of equipment is justifiable. This may be the
case, for instance, when there is a great desire to bring an issue to public
notice. At the Nurrungar actions in 1989. for example, many activists were
willing to cut fences, some were willing to damage the main installation and
some were willing to damage police property.
Many activists argue that there is no time left to be overly concerned about
principles in the battle to save what is left of a ravaged environment. A
practice known as 'monkeywrenching' (deliberate acts of sabotage directed
against machines and tools) has emerged as a response to this belief. There is
heated debate within nonviolence circles about the legitimacy of this form of
action. Those adhering to nonviolence out of ideological commitment rule it
out, while others may consider spiking trees, cutting powerlines and
damaging logging machinery as legitimate, as merely 'self-defence of the
wild'. During the campaign to save the South East Forests of New South
Wales, some activists deliberately damaged bulldozers and other logging
9. equipment particularly during those periods in 1989-1990 when there were
few activists available for 'forest actions'.
For many activists, secrecy is a valuable tool and they may design actions
which rely on secrecy for success. During the Franklin campaign in 1982-
1983, secrecy made it possible for activists to 'surprise' timber workers in
relatively inaccessible parts of the forest in order to delay their work. During
the Daintree campaign in 1983-1984, some activists were able to bury
themselves neck-deep prior to the arrival of workers and the police; this
provided strong media images and demonstrated high levels of commitment.
Other campaigns have renounced secrecy either wholly or in part. For the six
months from 26 January to 20 July 1972 Kooris defiantly maintained an
Aboriginal Tent Embassy on the lawn opposite Parliament House in
Canberra. During the womens actions at Pine Gap in November 1983. all
planning was done in large group meetings next to the base. During the mass
actions in the South East Forests in 1989, most details were given to the
police. And during the East Gippsland National Estate forest campaign in
early 1990, the police were fully informed. In these cases, actions were
designed which did not rely on secrecy for their success and which put
considerable emphasis on involving all activists in decision making and, in
the last case particularly, on building relationships with individual police.
This approach entails the belief that open defiance and a compelling
invitation to dialogue are neceesary components of any solution to shared
problems.
Many activists, however, are unconcerned about their relationship with the
police; they simply regard them as the State's most immediate agents of
repression. This view was strongly held by some activists at Nurrungar and at
various forest, uranium and nuclear warship actions conducted during the
past decade. For some activists, public confrontation with the police is an
important part of the action. At Nurrungar, this culminated in the use of army
troops against the activists, which, in turn, resulted in public disquiet and
heavy media coverage of the army presence.
In contrast, other activists with a tactical committment to nonviolence have
deliberately cultivated their relationship with the police (for various reasons)
and considered this to be a valuable aspect of their campaign. The various
Animal Liberation duck rescue teams and the East Gippsland campaign in
1990 are clear examples of this approach.
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10. 6. Are Means Separate from Ends?
Some political activists believe that the ends achieved will justify any means.
They dismiss the nonviolence of those who place a strong emphasis on the
purity of means as merely 'symbolic' while defining their own actions as
'real'. In the words of Pelton, what they attempt to do is to "proclaim that all
"means-and-end-moralists" are strangers to the world of action and are
passive non-doers" (Pelton, 1974, p. 252). Not only is this not the case, it also
ignores some of the important philosophical issues involved in any
consideration of the relative importance of means to ends.
Some activists recognise that nonviolence may well prove to be the best
means for achieving the ends sought. Others see nonviolence in certain
contexts as simply a method of last resort. American social activist Saul
Alinsky, has even gone so far as to claim the following:
If Gandhi had had weapons ... and the people to use
them this means would not have been so unreservedly
rejected as the world would like to think ... If he
had had guns he might well have used them in an
armed revolution against the Bntish which would
have been in keeping with the traditions of
revolutions for freedom through force. Gandhi did
not have the guns and if he had had the guns he
would not have had the people to use the guns.
(Alinsky, 1972, pp. 39, 38)
Alinsky sums up his dismissal of ideological nonviolence by noting that
"Means and ends are so qualitatively interrelated that the true question has
never been the proverbial one, "Does the End justify the Means?" but always
11. has been "Does this particular end justify this particular means?"" (Alinsky,
1972, p. 47).
But Alinsky overlooked the fact that the ends Gandhi sought were far more
ambitious than merely freeing India from British domination and potentially
exchanging white exploiters for indigenous ones. Gandhi's aim was to bring
about a peaceful and just society, a new India and a new Indian.<
Along with Aldous Huxley, who claimed that "Good ends ... can only be
achieved by the employment of appropriate means", and that "The end cannot
justify the means, for the simple reason that the means employed determine
the nature of the ends produced" (Huxley, 1938, p.9), Gandhi maintained that
"The means may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree: and there is just the
same inviolable connection between the means and the end as there is
between the seed and the tree" (Gandhi, 1961, p. 10). He added that "They
say "Means are after all means." I would say, "means are after all
everything." As the means so the ends. There is no wall of separation
between means and ends" (Young India, 17 July, 1924), and, "if one takes
care of the means, the end will take care of itself" (Harijan, 11 February,
1939).
Huxley notes that the almost universal desire to believe in short cuts to
Utopia makes us less than dispassionate when looking at means "which we
know quite certainly to be abominable". Quoting Thomas a Kempis' famous
line, "All men desire peace. but very few desire those things which make for
peace", he adds that "the thing that makes for peace above all others is the
systematic practice in all human relationships of nonviolence" (Huxley, 1938,
p. 138). It is the primary means to this important end. Echoing Gandhi,
Huxley asserts:
If violence is answered by violence, the result is
a physical struggle. Now, a physical struggle
inevitably arouses in the minds of those directly
and even indirectly concerned in it emotions of
hatred, fear, rage and resentment. In the heat of
conflict all scruples are thrown to the winds, and
all the habits of forbearance and humaneness,
slowly and laboriously formed during generations of
civilised living, are forgotten. Nothing matters
any more except victory. And when at last victory
comes to one or other of the parties, this final
12. outcome of physical struggle bears no necessary
relation to the rights and wrongs of the case: nor
in most cases, does it provide any lasting
settlement to the dispute.
(Huxley, 1938. p. 139)
Huxley suggests that the golden rule to be kept in mind when ends, and the
means to achieve them, are chosen is to ask whether the result will be merely
the attainment of some immediate goal, or to transform the society to which
they are applied "into a just, peaceable, morally and intellectually progressive
community of non-attached and responsible men and women" (Huxley, 1938,
p. 32).
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7. Ideological Nonviolence
For many adherents of nonviolence, the rationale for it being the preferred
method of political activism rests on more than a pragmatic assessment that it
works better than other methods. It is good not only because it 'works' but
also because it is 'right'. These activists tend to see the aim of nonviolence as
persuasion and conversion of opponents, rather than coercion.
Most Western believers in nonviolence as a creed belong to one of two
groups: firstly, members of nonviolent Christian sects or individuals who
have come to the conviction that nonviolence is the only method of disputing
that is consistent with the teachings of The Bible. and secondly, those who
have been influenced by the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.
(a) Christian Views of Nonviolence.
(Nonviolence International Note: Read as Faith Based)
Christians generally accept the proposition that 'God is love'. This leads to the
logical corollary that the main enemy is hatred itself. Relying particulary on
New Testament texts, such as the sayings of Jesus that "Whoever shall say [to
his brother] , Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell-fire" (Matthew 5:22) and
"anyone who hates his brother is a murderer" (1 John 3:15), Christians have
interpreted the terms 'brother' and 'neighbour' (following the parable of the
Good Samaritan) at their widest. And this means loving opponents and even
enemies:
Care as much about each other as about
yourselves...
Never pay back evil for evil...
If your enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give
13. him drink...
Do not let evil conquer you, but use good to defeat
evil.
(Romans 12:16-21)
While the exhortations of Jesus to nonviolence are legion, the way of putting
this nonviolence into practice has been interpreted in different ways.
Throughout history Christians have had to make a decision whether it was
their duty to shun an evil world or to act to change it.
Of those that have chosen an active engagement, many of the most notable
peace activists have belonged to the Society of Friends -the Quakers. Quakers
believe that there is something of God in every person and that in the face of
evil, as Christians, they are called upon to act in a way that is most likely to
reach 'that of God' in the other and so change an evil mind into a right mind.
And this is not something that can be achieved by violence.
Catholic monk Thomas Merton is probably the best known of the recent
ideological Christian nonviolence theorists. While his nonviolence closely
resembles that of Gandhi, the focus of his writings was the evils of war and
particularly the Vietnam war and nuclear armaments. Although he lamented
the lack of active protest among Catholics, he warned of the dangers inherent
in a philosophy that aims to proclaim the truth and to help the adversary
realise it. The temptation to self-righteousness and an unwillingness o see the
other's point of view had to be guarded against, as did direct action that was
'oriented to the of the rightness, the determination and the conviction of the
protesters, and not to the injustice of the law' that was being protested
against. And of course if, in breaking a law during protest, the punishment
provided is not accepted the Christian nonviolent resister becomes 'a mere
revolutionary' (Merton, 1980, p. xxxvi).
Varieties of Christian Campaigns
During the Vietnam anti-war movement in the United States, Christians, even
priests and nuns, took part in many campaigns of direct action. Probably the
best known of these activists were Merton's friends, the Jesuit priests Daniel
and Philip Berrigan. The Berrigans were imprisoned for acts of civil
disobedience such as raids on draft board offices and the destruction of draft
records, and eventually for trespassing in a weapons factory and damaging
nuclear missile nose-cones with hammers. They maintained that their
destruction of property was nonviolent as long as the destroyed property
belonged to a class that 'has no right to exist'.
14. While Merton may have had some doubt as to the inclusion of such actions
under the rubric of ideological nonviolence (see definition above), he may
have been at least tacitly supportive as long as the Berrigans were willing to
accept and endure punishment as part of their witness. In this case however a
further dispute arose as to whether 'going underground' to continue educating
people (the course of action chosen by the priests), rather than immediately
accepting the punishment of the State, is still within the bounds of
nonviolence.
One of this century's most celebrated nonviolent activists has been Martin
Luther King Jr. The Alabama pastor achieved world prominence following
his organisation of the Montgomery bus boycott in the mid-1950s. Inspired
by the example of Rosa Parks, Blacks, who were obliged to give up their
seats to white passengers, started boycotting the bus system entirely. Under
King's instructions to sustain 'Christian love'. the Blacks maintained
nonviolent discipline in the face of terrorism from white extremists. Within a
year the bus system had been desegregated.
King declared that 'The nonviolent resister not only refuses to shoot his
opponent but he also refuses to hate him. At the center of nonviolence stands
the principle of love' (King, 1958, pp. 103-104); and he warned that
the 'tactics of nonviolence without the spirit of nonviolence may become a
new kind of violence' Yet, nonviolent tactics were important. Reflecting on
matters in jail following his arrest during the Birmingham desegregation
campaign, King responded to religious leaders of Alabama with a tone of
despair. They had told him that 'When rights are consistently denied, a cause
should be pressed in the courts and in negotiations among local leaders, and
not in the streets'. King, showing disillusionment with white moderates,
answered in his acclaimed Letter From Birmingham City Jail that 'history is
15. the long and tragic story of the fact that privileged groups seldom give up
their privileges voluntarily', hence the need for direct action.
(b)Satyagraha - The Nonviolence of Mahatma Gandhi
Satyagraha, Gandhi explained, is 'literally holding onto Truth and it means,
therefore, Truth-force. Truth is soul or spirit. It is therefore known as soul
force' (Young India, 23 March 1921). The technique of nonviolent struggle
that Gandhi evolved in South Africa to gain rights for Indians was originally
described by the English phrase 'passive resistance'. Gandhi, however felt that
the term 'was too narrowly constructed, that it was supposed to be a weapon
of the weak, that it could be characterized by hatred and that it could manifest
itself as violence' (Gandhi, 1966, p. 266). These attributes were not applicable
to his method of direct action and so he coined the new word 'satyagraha'
(sat: truth,agraha:: firmness).
Satyagraha implies working steadily towards a discovery of the truth and
converting the opponent into a friend in the process. In other words, it is not
used against anybody but is done with somebody. 'It is based on the idea that
the moral appeal to the heart or conscience is ... more effective than an appeal
based on threat or bodily pain or violence' (Gandhi, 1961, p. iii). And for
Gandhi it had to be a creed, a way of life, to be truly effective.
In satyagraha the following propositions are kept in mind:
1. The aim in group struggle is to act in a
way conducive to long-term, universal,
maximal reduction of violence.
2. The character of the means used
determines the character of the results.
16. 3. A constructive program - positive
peacebuilding work should be a part of
every campaign.
4. One should engage in positive struggle in
favour of human beings and certain values;
that is, fight antagonisms, not antagonists.
5. All human beings have long-term interests
in common.
6. Violence is invited from opponents if they
are humiliated or provoked.
7. A violent attitude on the part of would-be
satyagrahis (advocates of satyagraha) is
less likely if they have made clear to
themselves the essential elements of their
case and the purpose of the struggle.
8. The better opponents understand the
satvagrahi's position and conduct, the less
likely they are to resort to violence.
Secrecy should therefore be avoided.
9. The essential interests which opponents
have in common should be clearly
formulated and cooperation established on
that basis.
10. Personal contact with the opponent
should be sought.
11. Opponents should not be judged
harder than the self.
12. Opponents should be trusted.
13. The property of opponents should not
be destroyed.
14. An unwillingness to compromise on
non-essentials decreases the likelihood of
converting the opponent.
15. The conversion of an opponent is
furthered by personal sincerity.
17. 16. The best way to convince an
opponent of your sincerity is to make
sacrifices for the cause.
17. A position of weakness in an
opponent should not be exploited.
Satyagraha is concerned with morality
over and above 'winning'.
(Naess, 1974, pp. 60-84).
How is one to decide which of two opposing cases is nearer the truth?
According to Gandhi, the voice of conscience must be obeyed in these
circumstances. Of course this may present further problems: what one person
sees as truth may just as clearly be untruth for another. For this reason,
Gandhi warns, 'no one has the right to coerce others to act according to his
own view of truth' (Harijan, 24 November 1933); therefore, nonviolence is
the only appropriate means for arriving at the truth. If the position held by the
satyagrahi proves to be further from the truth than that of the opponent it will
only be the satvagrahi who suffers; others will not be made to suffer for the
satyagrahi's mistake.
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8. Structural Analysis - Understanding Hidden Violence
For many strategic exponents of nonviolent action the search for truth also
entails a detailed analysis designed to uncover the violence inherent in
existing structures. According to this analysis, violence is a problem at the
level of individual behaviour, at the level of group process and at the level of
political structure. It is for this reason that nonviolent analysis can be clearly
distinguished from that of liberalism and pacifism on the one hand and from
Marxism and anarchism on the other.
At the personal level, this analysis - like that of feminism - recognises the
structural violence inherent, for instance, in exclusive language and
behaviour. And while it is clear that this language and behaviour reflects the
nature of institutionalised values and political structures, it is only at the level
of individual behaviour that meaningful change to this form of structural
violence can occur. Consequently, the analysis encourages the adoption of an
alternative value set which manifests itself, inter alia, in the use of non-
exclusive language and behaviour.
18. At the process level, this analysis emphasises the structural violence inherent,
for instance, in traditional group dynamics which are usually hierarchical,
dominated by men and decided by majority vote. It is also recognised that
this process reinforces and is reinforced by personal and political structures
of violence as well. Consequently, the analysis encourages the adoption of
empowering group processes: no hierarchy, decisions by consensus,
systematic efforts to deal with gender and other power imbalances within the
group, and a genuine commitment to skill-sharing.
However, it is clear to most nonviolence theorists that violence whether
direct, structural, cultural or ecological cannot he solved simply by the
adoption of new norms regulating individual conduct or group behaviour.
Therefore, nonviolence theorists emphasise the violence inherent in
such political structures as patriarchy, capitalism and the state. However,
unlike Marxists. who advocate the capture of state power by the proletariat
through force, or the democratic socialists who argue that socialists should
win political power by constitutional means before proceeding to replace
capitalism with socialism, nonviolence theorists usually share the anarchist
aversion to state power in any form. According to Gandhi, the state is deeply
rooted in force and violence, in fact this is the essential nature of the state. It
'represents violence in a concentrated or organised form' (see Modern
Review, October 1935, p. 415).
Therefore, nonviolence theorists are more interested in a comprehensive
strategy of resistance and disruption, coupled with the creation of a vast
network of cooperative organisations which will ultimately supplant capitalist
control of the production process and functionally undermine patriarchy and
state power.
Opponents; Not Enemies.
How this is done and the attitude to the opponent is centrally important
however, and accounts for one further element in the structural analysis of
nonviolence theory: the clear distinction made between political structures
and their functionaries. For instance, agents of capitalism and the state may
work to protect vested interests, but they are also human beings who share
the wider struggle for liberation and self-realisation. It is for this reason that
opponents, third parties and state functionaries (such as the police) are treated
with respect. At the ideological level, the commitment is to resolutely resist
particular facets of the opponents' behavior; but to do so in a way which
affirms the integrity of the opponents and their capacity for growth and in a
19. way challenges them to examine their values and beliefs. At the strategic
level, the aim is to undermine the role of state functionaries and to encourage
their defection. There are obvious advantages to be gained from this
approach. In the words of Gandhi: 'My non-cooperation is with methods and
systems, never with men' (Young India, 12 September 1929).
In essence then, instead of interpreting the conflict of interests inherent in
capitalism, for example, as one between capitalists and workers, nonviolence
theorists interpret the conflict as one between the structure of capitalism and
the people within it. Having identified workers as the most exploited class,
nonviolent strategists would endeavour to mobilise and organise workers
(together with solidarity activists) in order to resist worker exploitation in a
way which maxirnises the possibility of also liberating (rather than killing or
marginalising) the oppressors. There is no doubt that this approach suggests a
very different understanding of the process of revolution.
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9. The Dynamics of Nonviolence
At the level of practice. nonviolent activists consider political oppression and
economic exploitation to be the direct result of the 'acquiescence' of the
oppressed and exploited. Therefore, nonviolence aims to empower the
disempowered by providing them with an accessible 'weapon' with which to
alter the power relationship. In addition, it allows for the possibility that
power relationships may be sidestepped altogether.
Success through nonviolent action can be achieved in three main ways.
Firstly, accommodation may result when the opponent has not experienced a
change of heart but has conceded some or all points in order to gain peace or
to cut losses. Secondly, nonviolent coercion may result when the opponent
wants to continue the struggle but cannot do so because they have lost the
20. sources of power and means of control. Thirdly, conversion may result when
the opponent has changed inwardly to the degree that they want to make the
changes desired by the nonviolent activist (or indeed the nonviolent activist
has changed towards the views of the opponent) (Sharp, 1973, pp. 705-755).
Although preferable to coercion based on physical force or threat, the first
two types of conflict outcome imply a contest of power between the parties.
In these cases, productive outcomes (ones in which all parties are satisfied
with the result) will rarely be arrived at. Conversion, on the other hand,
operates outside the framework of the interplay between power and
powerlessness the touching of the conscience involves a totally different
dynamic.
Acceptance of Suffering.
The dynamics of ideological nonviolence is based on the acceptance of
suffering. By accepting rather than inflicting suffering, the opponent is
confronted with a situation that requires a choice rather than a reflex action.
In addition, it requires that this choice be made against someone who has
occupied the moral highground, producing a situation that Richard Gregg has
aptly termed 'moral jiu-jitsu'. A moral choice, which others otherwise may
not not have been contemplated, is demanded of the opponent:
He suddenly and unexpectedly loses the moral
support which the usual violent resistance of most
victims would render him. He plunges forward, as it
were, into a new world of values. He feels insecure
because of the novelty of the situation and his
ignorance of how to handle it. He loses his poise
and self-confidence. The victim not only lets the
attacker come, but, as it were, pulls him forward
by kindness, generosity and voluntary suffering, so
that the attacker loses his moral balance.
(Gregg, 1966, p. 41).
The voluntary acceptance of suffering is designed to purify the activist by
demonstrating the sincerity of the activist to themselves; it also demonstrates
this sincerity to others. Further, it is an appeal to the opponent and the (as yet)
uncommitted audience. In the dialectic of nonviolence both the sufferer and
the opponent are transformed: the opponent(s) by being compelled to
confront their own views on the truth of the situation which may lead to
21. conversion; and the sufferer who may be morally enriched by not
compromising fundamental principles.
Even where nonviolence does not touch the conscience of the opponent it can
still generate objective benefits in conflict situations, especially those
involving social conflict. The opponent may be converted indirectly (or
possibly coerced) by being shamed into changing their behaviour if
consistent nonviolence in the face of provocation moves public opinion to the
side of the activist. Gandhi, with surprising candour, has on occasion claimed
that the method of reaching the heart is to awaken public opinion!
Violence to persons or property has the effect of clouding the real issues
involved in the original conflict while nonviolent action when used non-
coercively invites the parties to a dialogue about the issues themselves.
Gandhian theorist Joan Bondurant explains it this way:
The objective is not to assert propositions. but to
create possibilities. In opening up new choices and
in confronting an opponent with the demand that he
make a choice, the [nonviolent activist] involves
himself in acts of 'ethical existence'. The process
forces a continuing examination of one's own
motives, an examination undertaken within the
context of relationships as they are changed
towards a new, restructured, and reintegrated
pattern.
(Bondurant, 1967, p. vii).
She continues by noting that this dialectical process is essentially creative and
inherently constructive. Its immediate object is...
a restructuring of the opposing elements to achieve
a situation which is satisfactory to both the
original opposing antagonists but in such a way as
to present an entirely new total circumstance ...
through the operation of non-violent action the
truth as judged by the fulfillment of human needs
will emerge in the in the form of a mutually
satisfactory and agreed-upon solution.
(Bondurant, 1967, p. 195).
22. The end of this process is truth, means for reaching it is nonviolence. Because
it is an axiom of satyagrapha that good ends can never grow out of bad
means, there should be no threat, coercion or punishment. Instead, the person
practicing satyagraha undergoes self-suffering in the optimistic belief that by
touching the opponent's conscience, they can be converted to seeing the truth
of the satyagrahi's position; or in the belief that a clearer vision of truth for
both parties will grow out of the dialectical process. While the adherent of
satyagraha tries to convert, they remain open to persuasion. The use of
violence indicates an already closed mind.
Ideologically motivated nonviolence aims not so much at changing the
opponent's behaviour; rather it aims to change the opponent's values which in
turn will lead to a change in behaviour. Changed behaviour without changed
value and attitudes can only b maintained through coercion, which is
inconsistent with the philosophy of ideological nonviolence. This form of
nonviolence, in short, goes beyond merely redressing the immediate
grievance that has surfaced as conflict, and aims to resolve the distrust and
friction that may be the underlying sources of the conflict; this can lead to a
clearer understanding of the self.
An Australian Example.
In Australia, one group which is attempting to utilize nonviolent struggle in
the ideological and strategic sense articulated by Gandhi is the Melbourne
Rainforest Action Group (RAG). Melbourne RAG is an activist group
dedicated to halting the destruction of the world's rain forest;
its immediate campaign goal is to halt the import of rainforest timber into
Australia.
23. The Melbourne Rainlorest Action Group is trying to use nonviolent action in in the strategic-
ideological sense. In this photo, members prepare to blockade the rainforest timber ship Kabite in
the Yarra River (Photo:The Age)
Its campaign includes the usual components of any nonviolent strategy -
research, education, negotiations and nonviolent action. The campaign has
relied on high levels of activist commitment to the ideological conception of
nonviolence - including the renunciation of secrecy and sabotage, and a
genuine endeavour to establish and build relationships with unionists, the
police and representatives of the timber industry. In addition, for many (but
not all) RAG activists, the immediate campaign goal - to halt Australia's
imports of rainforest timber through grassroots action (rather than
government decision) - is just part of a long-term strategy for social
transformation. For this reason, the group is active at the personal, process
and political levels -and is particularly committed to undermining the
structural causes of rainforest destruction.
The RAG campaign has always included the call for a community boycott of
rainforest timbers. While this is important as a nonviolent tactic (and draws
attention to the need for personal responsibility), it is clearly inadequate as a
strategy in itself because it fails to take account of the power of vested
interests which profit from rainforest destruction and the timber trade.
24. A community boycott by itself is inadequate because it is based on the
assumption that the capitalist market will readily respond to consumer
demand and seek way of supplying rainforest timber produced in an
environmentally sustainable way. This premise is in clear conflict with the
essence of capitalist economics which is based on profit maximisation.
Capitalism uses whatever mechanisms are necessary (including pricing and
advertising) in order to manipulate consumer demand to suit profit-
maximising production. It is for this reason that RAG has also consistently
sought to interfere with the trade in rainforest timber (for instance, by
blockading rainforest timber ships in the Yarra River, by negotiating union
bans and by picketing) in support of the Sarawak natives who disrupt
the production of rainforest timber (by blockading logging trucks invading
their tribal lands).
From the beginning, RAG has consistently liaised with unions. Kooris and
other groups in order to gain their support. The aim is to forge an alliance
between activists, rank and file unionists and other exploited members of the
community (based on a clear activist commitment to social justice for the
latter two groups) in order to disrupt. delegitimise and eventually halt the
import of rainforest timbers.
Members of the Melbourne RAG attempt to reload
rainforest timber onto the ship which delivered it. (Photo: The Sunday Sun).
While imported rainforest timber constitutes only a small proportion of
Australia's timber use and intervention in this part of the trade may be
successful with only limited worker support (and despite some worker
opposition), it is clear to RAG that any major restructuring of the Australian
timber industry - in order to permanently eliminate the Australian threat to
25. old-growth forests posed by industrial logging - will depend on high levels of
cooperation between activists and unionists; something clearly missing from
forest campaigns in Australia to date. In addition, restructuring depends on a
way of dealing with timber industry opponents which transcends the
polarisation generated by other campaigns in the past.
Thus, while clearly opposed to the motives and interests which underpin the
timber industry, RAG maintains a high level of courteous dialogue with its
representatives as part of its longer term goal to transform the industry. For
this reason. RAG is encouraging alternative policies which include more use
of recycled timber; an end to woodchipping of old-growth forests for export;
a return to small scale, labour-intensive sawmilling; and a shift to plantation
grown indigenous timbers.
By utilising the principles of nonviolent struggle in this way. RAG
endeavours to focus attention on the reality that rainforest destruction is a
problem shared by all.
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10. Nonviolence and Human Unity
Many nonviolence theorists see an even deeper rationale for nonviolence than
the ones to which we have already referred. The essence of the practice of
nonviolence is that it seeks to liquidate antagonisms but not the antagonists
themselves ('hate the sin but not the sinner'). This may be based on religious
injunction or on a strong sense of the unity of all life: either way, this means
that it is ethically wrong and existentially or spiritually self-defeating to treat
another with less dignity than is warranted by a shared humanity or divine
inheritance.
According to this line of thought, not only does dehumanisation pave the way
for violence, dehumanisation is violence. And those who do not believe in a
social order based on violence should not be perpetuating it by dehumanising
others. Nonviolence, therefore, precludes the concept of an enemy, of relating
to another as a thing. To borrow Martin Buber's phrases, nonviolence can be
characterised as defining a relationship, even in a conflict situation, in terms
of 'I - You' rather than 'I - It'. While the way of violence works as a
monologue, the substance of nonviolence is a dialogue: the aim is to convince
the other party (while remaining open to being convinced oneself) and to
bring them to discover another person like themself, rather that a mere
adversary.
26. In other words the struggle to overcome violence is important not only in
order to achieve justice for the world but also to end violence per se.
Violence does more than maintain structures of oppression it also prevents
the fulfillment of human potential by blocking one important prerequisite: the
honest appreciation of shared humanity.
Academic psychologist Leroy Pelton, in his examination of the psychology of
nonviolence, claims that the idea of self-suffering 'melting the heart' of the
opponent (in order to achieve a conversion) is a gross oversimplification; that
it may even 'elicit a negative reaction towards the victim' (Pelton, 1974, p.
143). Nonviolence theorists are not so unsophisticated as to be unaware of
this possibility; consequently they believe that hardship undertaken by
activists must be functional. The opponent must not be encouraged to act
against the adherent of nonviolence merely to induce martyr-like self-
suffering because the brutalisation of the adversary will diminish the
possibility of conversion. This brutalisation must be avoided so that the
opponent is not compelled to inflict punishment; they should not be tempted
to engage in behaviour that blocks their own realisation of a shared humanity
and divinity.
Some leading authorities on nonviolence (in particular Gandhi) consider
existence to be a unity; they believe that suffering and conflict are the result
of the introduction of duality (where the self is seen as a totally distinct
entity, completely separated from others) into an essentially nondualistic
situation. For them, therefore, the eschewing of violence, even at the risk of
personal loss, is a manifest declaration of the truth of non-duality. In
attempting to end violence, they argue. the nonviolent activist is really
exposing themself to no more violence than if they allowed violence to
proceed unabated. In effect the activist, through their personal risk, is
protecting themself by ending the violence and is assisting the protagonists to
achieve their human potential by helping them realise the unity of
humankind.
This connection between violence and the quest for what may be termed self-
realisation may be summed up in the following formula adapted from Arne
Naess, another analyser of Gandhian nonviolence:
27. Two Australians publicly refuse to pay their taxes.
These tax resistors refuse to finance the Australian government's military spending, and 'pay rent'
for use of Aboriginal land instead. (Photo: Koori Information Centre)
1. Self-realisation presupposes a search for
Truth.
2. In the last analysis humankind (or even all
life) is one.
3. Violence against oneself makes complete
self-realisation impossible.
4. Violence against another is violence
against the self.
5. Violence against another makes complete
self-realisation impossible.
(Naess. 1965, pp. 28-33).
According to Gandhi, the spiritual gain for the individual and humanity are
inextricably linked:
I do not believe ... that an individual may gain
spiritually and those who surround him suffer ... I
believe in the essential unity of man and, for that
matter, of all that lives. Therefore, I believe
that if one man gains spiritually, the whole world
gains with him and, if one man falls, the whole
world falls to that extent.
28. (Young India, 4 December 1924).
In claiming that person's 'highest duty in life is to serve mankind and take his
share in bettering its condition', Gandhi was making the point that the
ultimate congruence of 'self' and 'other' means that the 'highest form of
morality' is the practice of altruism. While self-suffering will be a
consequence of altruism, even selfless self-destruction will bring subjective
rewards. Gandhi was firmly convinced that to suffer wrongs was less
degrading than to inflict them; consequently even death in an altruistic cause
could provide a vehicle for self-affirmation.
According to this analysis, whether altruism is a function of sympathy and
empathy or whether it occurs out of self-interest (even where the cost is self-
destruction and the only apparent reward is a prior enhanced self-image) is
unimportant. Sympathy and empathy are tied to self-interest. The ability to
feel them shows that one is near the 'Truth'; and one comes nearer the 'Truth'
by feeling them. Altruism is an existential necessity: we do good because we
must, it is our purpose for existence.
In conclusion, the existential benefits of nonviolence accrue to both the
activist and the opponent. Nonviolence, in the way that it was conceived by
Gandhi. implies a lifestyle that is based on a conscious striving for 'Truth'.
The choice of nonviolence as a way to 'Truth' is not merely a choice for the
self; it is also a universalizable choice for all. A method of activism based on
nonviolence can be 'what is to be chosen' but one based on violence cannot,
for a world order where violence predominates or where violence is the
preferred method of resolving conflict is unsustainable. And a way of getting
through life that may actively block the possibility of self-realisation makes a
mockery of human existence.
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11. Conclusion
As a method of activism nonviolence guarantees no automatic and unfailing
success; no method of conflict resolution does. For those who are pessimistic
about the ability of nonviolence to resolve conflicts, Naess sums up Gandhi's
probable response with the words: 'Have you tried? I have, and it works'
(Naess, 1965, p. 78). Ultimately, exponents of ideological nonviolence argue,
it works because it seeks to deal with the causes, rather than the symptoms, of
conflict.
29. The rationale, then, for the use of nonviolence as the preferred method of
political activism or philosophy of life rests on the twin convictions that it
'works' instrumentally and that it is 'right' ethically.
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Appendix 1. Further Reading
Alinsky, S., 1972: Rules for Radicals: A
Primer for Realistic Radicals, New York,
Vintage.
Bishop, P. D., 1981: A Technique for
Loving: Nonviolence in Indian and
Christian Traditions, London, SCM.
Bondurant, J. V., 1967: The Gandhian
Philosophy of Conflict, Berkeley,
University of California Press.
Derning, B., (ed.) l97l: Revolution and
Equilibrium, New York, Grossman.
Foreman, Dave, (ed.) 1985: Ecodefense: A
Field Guide to Monkeywrenching, Tucson,
A Ned Ludd Book.
Gandhi, M. K., 1966: An Autobiography:
The Story of My Experiments with Truth,
London, Jonathan Cape.
Gandhi, M. K., 1961: Non-Violent
Resistance (Satyagraha), New York,
Schocken.
Gregg, R. B., 1966: The Power of Non-
Violence, New York, Schoken.
Hope, M. and Young, J., 1977: The
Struggle for Humanity: Agents for
Nonviolent Change in a Violent World,
New York, Orbis.
Huxley, A., 1938: Ends and Means: An
Enquiry into the Nature of Ideas and into
the Methods Employed for their
Realisation, London, Chatto and Windus.
30. King, M. L., Jr., 1958: Stride Toward
Freedom: The Montgomery Story, New
York, Harper and Row.
Lanza del Vasto, J. J., 1974: Warriors of
Peace: Writings on the Technique of
Nonviolence, New York, Knopf
McAllister, P., (ed.), 1982: Reweaving the
Web of Life: Feminism and Nonviolence,
Philadelphia, New Society Publishers.
McAllister, P., (ed.), 1988: You Can't Kill
the Spirit: Stories of Women and
Nonviolent Action, Philadelphia, New
Society Publishers.
Merton, T., 1980: The Nonviolent
Alternative, New York, Farrar, Straus and
Giroux.
Meyerding, J., (ed.), 1984: We Are All Part
of One Another: A Barbara Deming
Reader, Philadelphia, New Society
Publishers.
Naess, A., 1974: Gandhi and Group
Conflict, Oslo, Universitetsforlaget.
Naess, A., 1965: Gandhi and the Nuclear
Age, Totowa, N.J., Bedminster.
Pelton, L. H., 1974: The Psychology of
Non-Violence, New York, Pergamon.
Sharp, G., 1971: 'A Study of the Meaning
of Nonviolence' in G.Ramachandran and
T.K.Mahadesan, (eds.),Gandhi: His
Relevance for our Times, Berkeley, World
Without War, pp. 21-66.
Sharp, G., 1973: The Politics of Nonviolent
Action, Boston, Porter Sargent.
Tolstoy, L., 1967: Tolstoy on Civil
Disobedience and Nonviolence, New
York, Signet.
31. Weber, T., 1990: Conflict Resolution and
Gandhian Ethics, New Delhi, Gandhi
Peace Foundation.
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