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The Political Economy of Aid for
Power Sector Reform
NEIL MCCULLOCH
JOHN WARD
ESME SINDOU
Background
Aid is political … … and achieving a developmental objective
requires a deep understanding of the politics
Power sector reform is particularly “political”
1. It is a natural monopoly (due
to economies of scale)
2. It is a key part of the
developmental narrative of
many countries
3. It provides a centralised, easy
and large opportunity for both
rent extraction and patronage
The questions and the answers
The Questions
1. How have donors taken politics into account in designing and implementing
power sector reform programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia?
2. What can be done to improve the way in which power sector projects are
implemented?
The Answers
1. Remarkably little
2. A lot … but it would require changes in the way in which donors operate and
projects are designed
Approach
1. Literature Review
◦ What does the literature tell us about how donors have managed the politics of power sector reform?
2. Review of Project Documentation
◦ Collected project documentation from the major donors to the sector in Tanzania and Orissa
3. Interviews with senior donor officials
◦ Focussed on officials with knowledge of power sector reforms in Tanzania and Orissa.
Literature Review
Donors have played a major role as architects of reform in the power sector in developing
countries (Bacon and Besant-Jones, 2002; Wamukonya, 2003; Dornan, 2014)
Until the early 2000s, donors pushed the “standard model” of reform (corporatisation,
commercialisation, legislation, regulation, restructuring, privatisation and competition) – there
was a belief that “one size fits all”. (Gratwick and Eberhard 2008; Joskow, 2006; Littlechild, 2006;
Hunt, 2002)
There were a variety of motives for the approach donors took – ideological, technical,
commercial (Bacon, 1995; Thompson and Bazilian, 2014)
The standard model has yielded rather limited results, often because it failed to take account
of the underlying political constraints (Eberhard, 2004; Dubash and Rajan, 2001)
Donors have attempted to move away from “cookbook” solutions (Besant-Jones, 2006; Levy
2007; Fritz et al. 2014) – but have struggled to change their approach (Naqvi, 2016)
The Tanzania story
Dominated by TANESCO – a state-owned utility. It has
struggled financially for years resulting in low
investment and very poor quality service
Donor driven reforms in 1990s applied the standard
model – but never successfully implemented
Management contract tried from 2002-2006, but was
terminated
EWURA created in 2001/2005; REA in 2005; Electricity
Act in 2008 encourages private participation
Emergency Power Producer contracts in 2011 led to a
corruption scandal and very high costs
BRN in 2013 – and now 2015 Roadmap
Difficult relationship with key donors
Key lessons from our interviews
Analysing the underlying politics of change in a country is valuable – but only if used
Very few donors conducted any kind of political economy analysis prior to the initiation of their programmes.
Even when this was done, it was a separate exercise with little bearing on the substance of the proposed project.
Flexibility is important – but it is difficult
Much has been made of flexible and adaptive approaches to project management. But making contracts flexible
is complex; and allowing a slower and more experimental approach runs against the need for “results”
Dialogue, trust and personal relationships are of critical importance for reform
But rotation of staff and the burden of process compliance reduces the ability to build trust.
Mental models matter
Many international consultants still apply the “standard model” because they are unaware of, or find it harder to
deal with the “messy” hybrid models that have evolved.
There may be an opportunity to build domestic demand for reform
Donors place very little effort on building a broader coalition for reform with civil society and the private sector
Ideas for future research
1. Explore how power sector reform options link to the underlying political settlement
There is extensive literature on political settlements now – but very little work has explored its
(major) implications for power sector reform work
2. Assess how donors incorporate PEA into programming in the power sector
Understanding why it is so difficult for donors to incorporate political economy analysis into
programming in the power sector
3. Case studies of successful power sector reforms
Examine the approach was taken in each case: what was the influence of external factors and actors?;
how did the government build support for reform?; what obstacles were faced and how did they
overcome them?
4. Survey what people think about power sector reform
Implement a survey experiment to test how ideas about reform shift with new information. This
could provide policy recommendations about the messages most likely to build support for reform.

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Neil McCulloch - Green Growth Diagnostics for Africa

  • 1. The Political Economy of Aid for Power Sector Reform NEIL MCCULLOCH JOHN WARD ESME SINDOU
  • 2. Background Aid is political … … and achieving a developmental objective requires a deep understanding of the politics
  • 3. Power sector reform is particularly “political” 1. It is a natural monopoly (due to economies of scale) 2. It is a key part of the developmental narrative of many countries 3. It provides a centralised, easy and large opportunity for both rent extraction and patronage
  • 4. The questions and the answers The Questions 1. How have donors taken politics into account in designing and implementing power sector reform programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia? 2. What can be done to improve the way in which power sector projects are implemented? The Answers 1. Remarkably little 2. A lot … but it would require changes in the way in which donors operate and projects are designed
  • 5. Approach 1. Literature Review ◦ What does the literature tell us about how donors have managed the politics of power sector reform? 2. Review of Project Documentation ◦ Collected project documentation from the major donors to the sector in Tanzania and Orissa 3. Interviews with senior donor officials ◦ Focussed on officials with knowledge of power sector reforms in Tanzania and Orissa.
  • 6. Literature Review Donors have played a major role as architects of reform in the power sector in developing countries (Bacon and Besant-Jones, 2002; Wamukonya, 2003; Dornan, 2014) Until the early 2000s, donors pushed the “standard model” of reform (corporatisation, commercialisation, legislation, regulation, restructuring, privatisation and competition) – there was a belief that “one size fits all”. (Gratwick and Eberhard 2008; Joskow, 2006; Littlechild, 2006; Hunt, 2002) There were a variety of motives for the approach donors took – ideological, technical, commercial (Bacon, 1995; Thompson and Bazilian, 2014) The standard model has yielded rather limited results, often because it failed to take account of the underlying political constraints (Eberhard, 2004; Dubash and Rajan, 2001) Donors have attempted to move away from “cookbook” solutions (Besant-Jones, 2006; Levy 2007; Fritz et al. 2014) – but have struggled to change their approach (Naqvi, 2016)
  • 7. The Tanzania story Dominated by TANESCO – a state-owned utility. It has struggled financially for years resulting in low investment and very poor quality service Donor driven reforms in 1990s applied the standard model – but never successfully implemented Management contract tried from 2002-2006, but was terminated EWURA created in 2001/2005; REA in 2005; Electricity Act in 2008 encourages private participation Emergency Power Producer contracts in 2011 led to a corruption scandal and very high costs BRN in 2013 – and now 2015 Roadmap Difficult relationship with key donors
  • 8. Key lessons from our interviews Analysing the underlying politics of change in a country is valuable – but only if used Very few donors conducted any kind of political economy analysis prior to the initiation of their programmes. Even when this was done, it was a separate exercise with little bearing on the substance of the proposed project. Flexibility is important – but it is difficult Much has been made of flexible and adaptive approaches to project management. But making contracts flexible is complex; and allowing a slower and more experimental approach runs against the need for “results” Dialogue, trust and personal relationships are of critical importance for reform But rotation of staff and the burden of process compliance reduces the ability to build trust. Mental models matter Many international consultants still apply the “standard model” because they are unaware of, or find it harder to deal with the “messy” hybrid models that have evolved. There may be an opportunity to build domestic demand for reform Donors place very little effort on building a broader coalition for reform with civil society and the private sector
  • 9. Ideas for future research 1. Explore how power sector reform options link to the underlying political settlement There is extensive literature on political settlements now – but very little work has explored its (major) implications for power sector reform work 2. Assess how donors incorporate PEA into programming in the power sector Understanding why it is so difficult for donors to incorporate political economy analysis into programming in the power sector 3. Case studies of successful power sector reforms Examine the approach was taken in each case: what was the influence of external factors and actors?; how did the government build support for reform?; what obstacles were faced and how did they overcome them? 4. Survey what people think about power sector reform Implement a survey experiment to test how ideas about reform shift with new information. This could provide policy recommendations about the messages most likely to build support for reform.