Realism has antecedents prior to the 20th century. The document discusses classical realist thinkers like Thucydides, Machiavelli, and Hobbes who laid the foundations for realist ideas about power politics, security, and the anarchic nature of the international system in their works in 5th century BC, 16th century, and 17th century respectively. While realism was formalized as a theory of international relations in the 20th century by thinkers like Carr, Niebuhr, and Morgenthau, the core realist concepts predate the 20th century and have clear roots in the works of earlier classical realist writers.
One of the key questions in international relations and foreign policy is the question of how you examine state behavior. This is the level of analysis problem. Scholars see several levels of analysis through which state behavior can be examined.
This presentation is made by Samin VossoughiRad. American University for Humanities- Tbilisi campus
The security Dilemma is the them of the presentation and it has been explained exactly why states goes to war
One of the key questions in international relations and foreign policy is the question of how you examine state behavior. This is the level of analysis problem. Scholars see several levels of analysis through which state behavior can be examined.
This presentation is made by Samin VossoughiRad. American University for Humanities- Tbilisi campus
The security Dilemma is the them of the presentation and it has been explained exactly why states goes to war
International relations represent the study of foreign affairs and global issues among states including the roles of the states, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non- governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs). It is both an academic and public policy field, and can be either positive or normative as it seeks both to analyze as well as formulate the foreign policy of particular states. It is often considered as the branch of political science.
Apart from political science, IR draws upon such diverse fields as economics, history, law, philosophy, geography, sociology, anthropology, psychology and cultural studies. It involves diverse range of issues including but not limited to: globalization, state sovereignty, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global finance, terrorism, organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism and human rights.
Security is the deepest and most abiding issue in politics. At its heart is the question: How can people live a decent and worthwhile existence, free from threats, intimidation and violence?' The search for security is therefore linked to the pursuit of order; and for the establishment of relative peace and stability amongst individuals and groups with different needs and interests. These concerns are commonly thought to resolved in the domestic realm by the existence of a sovereign state, a body capable of imposing its will on all the groups and institutions within its borders. Nevertheless, domestic security raises important issues, particularly about the roles of the institutions of the 'coercive state'; the police and the military. However, the issue of security is often considered to be especially pressing in international politics because the international realm, unlike the domestic realm, is anarchical, and therefore threatening and unstable by its nature. There has been fierce theoretical debate about whether this implies that international conflict and war are inevitable features of world affairs, and about the extent to which states are able to keep war at bay through cooperation. These debates have become increasingly pressing due to the advent of new challenges to international security, such as the rise of transnational terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Finally, growing interest in the concept of 'human security' has shifted attention from the security of the state to the security of the individual, and, in the process, widened the notion of security to include, for instance, economic security, food security and personal security.
Realists advance a power politics model of world affairs in which security is primarily understood in terms of 'national security' and war is kept in check by the balance of power. The liberal belief in interdependence and balance in world affairs inclines them to place their faith in 'collective security', while critical theorists have either emphasized the extent to which state interactions are mediated by beliefs, values and assumptions, or exposed masculinist biases in the conventional realist paradigm.
Relations among states take place in the absence of a world government. For realists, this means that the international system is anarchical. International relations are best understood by focusing on the distribution of power among states. Despite their formal legal equality, the uneven distribution of power means that the arena of international relations is a form of ‘power politics’. Power is hard to measure; its distribution among states changes over time and there is no consensus among states about how it should be distributed. International relations is therefore a realm of necessity (states must seek power to survive in a competitive environment) and continuity over time. When realists contemplate change in the international system, they focus on changes in the balance of power among states, and tend to discount the possibility of fundamental change in the dynamics of the system itself.
The following key thinkers all subscribe to these basic assumptions in their explorations of the following questions:
(1) What are the main sources of stability and instability in the international system?
(2) What is the actual and preferred balance of power among states?
(3) How should the great powers behave toward one another and toward weaker states?
(4) What are the sources and dynamics of contemporary changes in the balance of power?
Despite some shared assumptions about the nature of international relations, realists are not all of one voice in answering these questions, and it would be wrong to believe that shared assumptions lead to similar conclusions among them. In fact, there is sharp disagreement over the relative merits of particular balances of power (unipolarity, bipolarity and multipolarity). There is also much debate over the causal relationship between states and the international pressures upon them, and the relative importance of different kinds of power in contemporary international relations.
International relations represent the study of foreign affairs and global issues among states including the roles of the states, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non- governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs). It is both an academic and public policy field, and can be either positive or normative as it seeks both to analyze as well as formulate the foreign policy of particular states. It is often considered as the branch of political science.
Apart from political science, IR draws upon such diverse fields as economics, history, law, philosophy, geography, sociology, anthropology, psychology and cultural studies. It involves diverse range of issues including but not limited to: globalization, state sovereignty, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global finance, terrorism, organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism and human rights.
Security is the deepest and most abiding issue in politics. At its heart is the question: How can people live a decent and worthwhile existence, free from threats, intimidation and violence?' The search for security is therefore linked to the pursuit of order; and for the establishment of relative peace and stability amongst individuals and groups with different needs and interests. These concerns are commonly thought to resolved in the domestic realm by the existence of a sovereign state, a body capable of imposing its will on all the groups and institutions within its borders. Nevertheless, domestic security raises important issues, particularly about the roles of the institutions of the 'coercive state'; the police and the military. However, the issue of security is often considered to be especially pressing in international politics because the international realm, unlike the domestic realm, is anarchical, and therefore threatening and unstable by its nature. There has been fierce theoretical debate about whether this implies that international conflict and war are inevitable features of world affairs, and about the extent to which states are able to keep war at bay through cooperation. These debates have become increasingly pressing due to the advent of new challenges to international security, such as the rise of transnational terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Finally, growing interest in the concept of 'human security' has shifted attention from the security of the state to the security of the individual, and, in the process, widened the notion of security to include, for instance, economic security, food security and personal security.
Realists advance a power politics model of world affairs in which security is primarily understood in terms of 'national security' and war is kept in check by the balance of power. The liberal belief in interdependence and balance in world affairs inclines them to place their faith in 'collective security', while critical theorists have either emphasized the extent to which state interactions are mediated by beliefs, values and assumptions, or exposed masculinist biases in the conventional realist paradigm.
Relations among states take place in the absence of a world government. For realists, this means that the international system is anarchical. International relations are best understood by focusing on the distribution of power among states. Despite their formal legal equality, the uneven distribution of power means that the arena of international relations is a form of ‘power politics’. Power is hard to measure; its distribution among states changes over time and there is no consensus among states about how it should be distributed. International relations is therefore a realm of necessity (states must seek power to survive in a competitive environment) and continuity over time. When realists contemplate change in the international system, they focus on changes in the balance of power among states, and tend to discount the possibility of fundamental change in the dynamics of the system itself.
The following key thinkers all subscribe to these basic assumptions in their explorations of the following questions:
(1) What are the main sources of stability and instability in the international system?
(2) What is the actual and preferred balance of power among states?
(3) How should the great powers behave toward one another and toward weaker states?
(4) What are the sources and dynamics of contemporary changes in the balance of power?
Despite some shared assumptions about the nature of international relations, realists are not all of one voice in answering these questions, and it would be wrong to believe that shared assumptions lead to similar conclusions among them. In fact, there is sharp disagreement over the relative merits of particular balances of power (unipolarity, bipolarity and multipolarity). There is also much debate over the causal relationship between states and the international pressures upon them, and the relative importance of different kinds of power in contemporary international relations.
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2. Research Question
“Forget the so-called roots of realism; realism
is a twentieth century doctrine with no
relevant antecedents”. Discuss.
3. Main Argument
Realism is not the twentieth century doctrine, It has
already existed. However, it has been used as a theory in
the discipline of IR only after the first world war. It had
played an important role to explain war and power
politics.
The foundation stone of political realism was led In the
431BC by a Greek Historian Thucydides, with the
writing of his famous Book ‘The History of
Peloponnesian War 'in which he gave the idea of power
politics, anarchy, security and survival that are the core
assumptions of realism.
4. In sixteenth century,Nicolo Machiavelli wrote his Famous Book
‘The Prince’ in which he revised the ideas of Thucydides.
In seventeenth century Thomas Hobbes worked on political
realism with the concept of security dilemma.
International relations became the academic discipline in 1919th
in Great Britain.
In twentieth century , E.H Carr, Reinhold Niebuhr and Hans
J.Morgenthau gave it the name of classical Realism.
5. Thucydides (460-406BC)
The History of the Peloponnesian War (431-404BC)
The Peloponnesian war was fought between the Peloponnesian
league (led by Sparta) and between the Delian League (Led by
Athens)
Human condition is a natural condition of insecurity and conflict.
Thucydides saw the inevitable competition and conflict between
ancient Greek city-states, Athens and Sparta.
The political animals are highly unequal in their powers and
capabilities to dominate others and defend themselves.
Thucydides emphasize the anarchy of international system, that’s
why ancient Greek states fought war between them.
The relations of ancient Greek City states are the logic of power
politics.
Security and survival are primary objectives of states.
War is the final arbitrator between states conflict.
6. Nocolo Machiavelli(1469-1527)
The prince was published in 1532 after death of Machiavelli.
Machiavelli was the first political realist.
The supreme political value is the security and survival of state.
History is a sequence of cause and effect.
Theory does not create practice, but practice theory.
Politics are not a function of ethics, but ethics are politics.
Machiavelli recognized the importance of morality, but thought
that there could be no effective morality where there was no
effective authority.
Morality is the product of power.
The ruler has responsibility of rational interest of state.
Strong military is the main ingredient for power.
Politics is a struggle for power.
7. Hobbes (1588-1679)
The leviathan was published in 1651.
Men and women are living under the natural
condition of fear and anarchy. They are worry about
their survival and security.
Sovereign state is inevitable for their security and
survival.
There is a permanent state of war between
sovereign states.
There is political will for power.
States are rational for their self-interest.
8. Basic Values of Three Classical Realists
Thucydides Machiavelli Hobbes
Political Fate Political Agility Political Will
Necessity and Security Opportunity and Security Security Dilemma
Political Survival Political Survival Political Survival
Safety Civic Virtue Peace and Felicity
9. E.H Carr (1892-1982)
The twenty years crisis was published in 1939.
States are the key players in international system.
The international system is anarchy.
The struggle for power is the key objective for states.
Military, economic and political powers are necessary
ingredients for power.
Security and survival are the key objectives for states.
States are rational for their self-interests.
The politics has a primacy over ethics.
Politics are not the function of ethics, but ethics of politics.
Morality is the product of power.
History is a sequence of cause and effect, whose course can
be analyzed and understood.
10. Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971)
The moral Man and Immoral Society was published
in 1932
The struggle for power is the nature of human.
Individuals have morals, but societies have lack of
this capacity.
Military and economic are most important features
of power.
The will of power is the cause of international
anarchy.
The society is in a perpetual status in war.
Human ignorance and selfishness are the factors of
conflict between society.
11. Hans J. Morgenthau (1904-1980)
The first edition was published in 1948
The international system is anarchic.
States are the key player in international system.
States are rational for their self interest.
International system is the system of power politics.
Men and women are by nature political animals.
Politics is a struggle for power over men.
States are worry about their security and survival.
In Morgenthau's classical realism there are two types of
moralities. One is private morality and other is public
morality.
12. Six principles of Morgenthau Classical Realism
Politics is rooted in an permanent and unchanging human nature which is
basically self-centered, self- regarding and self-interested.
Politics is an autonomous sphere of action, and cannot therefore be reduced to
morals.
Self-interest is a basic fact of human condition.
The ethics of international relations is a political or situational ethics which is
very different from private morality. A political leader does not have the same
freedom to do the right thing that a private citizen has.
Realists are opposed to the idea that particular nations can impose their
ideologies on other nations and can employ their power in crusades to do that.
Realists oppose that because they see it as a dangerous activity that threatens
international peace and security.
Statecraft is a sober and uninspiring activity that involves a profound
awareness of human limitations and human imperfections. That pessimistic
knowledge of human beings as they are and not as we might them to be is a
difficult truth that lies at the heart of international politics.
13. Conclusion
Realism is not the twentieth century doctrine.
Classical realism has a relevant antecedents that
cannot be ignored.
Before twentieth century it was political realism.
In twentieth century it became a dominant theory of
international relations.
Classical realism shares the ideas of ancient Greek
historians and other great politicians.