This document summarizes a research paper on the politics of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan (JI), a major Islamic political party, in the era of neoliberal globalization. It discusses how JI has responded to opportunities created by economic liberalization and the expansion of private media and markets. The research analyzes JI's public statements and its 1997 electoral manifesto to show that, unlike stereotypes suggest, JI does not seek a "radical revolution" or a return to the "Stone Age" and has embraced a variety of issues beyond strict religious topics. It finds JI participating pragmatically in the political process rather than aiming to impose a totalitarian Islamic state.
This document outlines and defines several major political ideologies of the 20th and 21st centuries including capitalism, communism, and democracy. It provides brief descriptions of each ideology sourced from Wikipedia and other references, often including an image to represent the ideology. The document aims to concisely define major ideologies through short summaries and related images.
Ibn Khaldun was a 14th century Tunisian philosopher and historian who is considered a founder of sociology. He emphasized empirical evidence over normative theories and identified tribal solidarity ("asabiyya") as the driving force behind the rise and fall of civilizations. His major work, Muqaddimah, analyzed the psychological, economic, environmental and social factors that contribute to the development of human societies. He viewed society as a living organism and studied how social change occurs in cyclical patterns over generations. Ibn Khaldun is regarded as the father of sociology due to his pioneering research on social dynamics, the concept of asabiyya, and his scientific methodology in studying history and society.
This document provides an overview of comparative methods in social sciences. It discusses key concepts like units of observation, comparative sociology as a sub-discipline, and approaches to comparative research. Comparative research aims to test hypotheses about relationships between variables across space and time. Nations, states, countries, and societies are common units of analysis. Approaches can examine relationships at macro and micro levels within and across countries. The document also reviews traditions in comparative sociology from Marx, Weber, and Durkheim.
Comparative Methods In Social Sciences, Lecture 1jdubrow2000
This document discusses comparative methods in social sciences and comparative sociology. It defines comparative methods as comparing "something" through space and/or time. Comparative sociology addresses problems inherent in cross-national and/or historical studies. Key topics covered include defining units of observation like nations, states, countries and societies; different approaches to comparative research; and traditions in comparative sociology from thinkers like Marx, Weber and Durkheim.
Pl7505 Brief intro to critical theory and critical security studiesHelenDexter
This document introduces critical security studies and two key theoretical approaches: the Welsh School and critical theory. It discusses how critical security studies takes a critical stance by questioning the assumptions of traditional security studies, such as accepting the state as the referent object and viewing war as inevitable. The Welsh School links emancipation and security, defining security as the absence of threats to freely choosing how to live, and emancipation as freeing people from constraints. Critical theory examines the social and political roots of knowledge.
This document provides an overview of a comparative politics course on Hong Kong programs. It includes:
1) Details of the course such as title, dates, instructor contact information, and topics to be covered in the first two lectures.
2) Summaries of the key concepts and approaches that will be discussed, including functionalism, structuralism, and the historical approach taken by the course.
3) An outline of the general theoretical framework that will guide comparisons between countries, focusing on how domestic politics are shaped by global context, interests, identities, and institutions.
This document summarizes a research paper that analyzes discourses of perfection portrayed in a Pakistani morning television show. It explores how these discourses shape women's subjectivities and promote neoliberal ideals. The researchers conduct a Foucauldian discourse analysis of a program featuring interviews with three successful working women. They find the show encourages women to be the "perfect woman" by creating a work-life balance, having a successful career, and serving as a role model. This functions as a technology of neoliberal governmentality by disciplining women and making them more productive subjects.
This document outlines and defines several major political ideologies of the 20th and 21st centuries including capitalism, communism, and democracy. It provides brief descriptions of each ideology sourced from Wikipedia and other references, often including an image to represent the ideology. The document aims to concisely define major ideologies through short summaries and related images.
Ibn Khaldun was a 14th century Tunisian philosopher and historian who is considered a founder of sociology. He emphasized empirical evidence over normative theories and identified tribal solidarity ("asabiyya") as the driving force behind the rise and fall of civilizations. His major work, Muqaddimah, analyzed the psychological, economic, environmental and social factors that contribute to the development of human societies. He viewed society as a living organism and studied how social change occurs in cyclical patterns over generations. Ibn Khaldun is regarded as the father of sociology due to his pioneering research on social dynamics, the concept of asabiyya, and his scientific methodology in studying history and society.
This document provides an overview of comparative methods in social sciences. It discusses key concepts like units of observation, comparative sociology as a sub-discipline, and approaches to comparative research. Comparative research aims to test hypotheses about relationships between variables across space and time. Nations, states, countries, and societies are common units of analysis. Approaches can examine relationships at macro and micro levels within and across countries. The document also reviews traditions in comparative sociology from Marx, Weber, and Durkheim.
Comparative Methods In Social Sciences, Lecture 1jdubrow2000
This document discusses comparative methods in social sciences and comparative sociology. It defines comparative methods as comparing "something" through space and/or time. Comparative sociology addresses problems inherent in cross-national and/or historical studies. Key topics covered include defining units of observation like nations, states, countries and societies; different approaches to comparative research; and traditions in comparative sociology from thinkers like Marx, Weber and Durkheim.
Pl7505 Brief intro to critical theory and critical security studiesHelenDexter
This document introduces critical security studies and two key theoretical approaches: the Welsh School and critical theory. It discusses how critical security studies takes a critical stance by questioning the assumptions of traditional security studies, such as accepting the state as the referent object and viewing war as inevitable. The Welsh School links emancipation and security, defining security as the absence of threats to freely choosing how to live, and emancipation as freeing people from constraints. Critical theory examines the social and political roots of knowledge.
This document provides an overview of a comparative politics course on Hong Kong programs. It includes:
1) Details of the course such as title, dates, instructor contact information, and topics to be covered in the first two lectures.
2) Summaries of the key concepts and approaches that will be discussed, including functionalism, structuralism, and the historical approach taken by the course.
3) An outline of the general theoretical framework that will guide comparisons between countries, focusing on how domestic politics are shaped by global context, interests, identities, and institutions.
This document summarizes a research paper that analyzes discourses of perfection portrayed in a Pakistani morning television show. It explores how these discourses shape women's subjectivities and promote neoliberal ideals. The researchers conduct a Foucauldian discourse analysis of a program featuring interviews with three successful working women. They find the show encourages women to be the "perfect woman" by creating a work-life balance, having a successful career, and serving as a role model. This functions as a technology of neoliberal governmentality by disciplining women and making them more productive subjects.
The document traces the evolution of organization theories from classical to integrative approaches. It discusses early theorists like Taylor who promoted scientific management and Gulick who developed the POSDCORB framework. It then outlines criticisms by Simon, Waldo and Appleby and the introduction of new concepts like cooptation by Selznick. The document also discusses contributions by other key figures like Follett, Mayo, Barnard, Maslow and their development of theories around human relations, organizational behavior, motivation and management.
Political Fields and Rligios Movemnets. The Exclusionsof Ahmadiyya Community ...muzaffertahir9
This document summarizes a paper that examines the shifting policies of the Pakistani state toward the Ahmadiyya community, a heterodox Muslim sect. It argues that the state's rejection of demands to declare Ahmadis non-Muslim in 1953, but acceptance of the same demand in 1974, was due to changes in the political field in Pakistan. Specifically, the increasing dominance of political discourse referencing Islam, the shift toward electoral politics, and the reframing of the anti-Ahmadi religious movement's issue as a national question pertaining to democratic norms transformed the political field and led to the exclusion of Ahmadis. The document provides background on the Ahmadiyya community and outlines how it will analyze the two time periods through the lenses
The document discusses models for understanding and comparing political ideologies. It proposes a three-dimensional model called LEO Space that maps ideologies based on their attachment to or rejection of the principles of Liberty, Equality, and Order. In this model, most mainstream ideologies fall in the moderate region that balances these three principles, while more radical ideologies are defined by their disproportionate attachment or rejection of one or more of the principles. The LEO Space model aims to more accurately describe ideologies and their relationships compared to the traditional left-right political spectrum or Nolan Chart models.
Critical theories emerged to question and challenge mainstream international relations theories. These alternative approaches differ in their ontology, epistemology, and methodology. Two examples of critical theories discussed are feminism and constructivism. Feminism examines how gender is constructed and impacts power relations. It highlights the exclusion and invisibility of women in mainstream international politics scholarship.
Farish Ahmad Noor is a Malaysian historian who is currently a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. The document discusses his background and academic credentials. It then summarizes his research interests, which include the politics of history writing and marginalized aspects of Malaysian history. It provides an excerpt from one of his writings that revisits the Taj-us Salatin, a 1603 text by Buchara al-Jauhari that discusses the duties and responsibilities of rulers from an Islamic perspective, highlighting checks and balances on a ruler's power. Noor argues this work established parameters for good governance in Islamic terms and emphasized the role of advisors in ensuring a just ruler.
This document defines and compares different political ideologies including conservatism, liberalism, feminism, environmentalism, anarchism, socialism, communism, and fascism. Conservatism desires to maintain the existing social order and is skeptical of human nature. Liberalism values individual freedom and human rationality. Modern liberalism looks to the state to advance individual welfare. Feminism and environmentalism promote related social issues. Anarchism opposes all authority while socialism advocates collective ownership. Communism's end goal is a classless, stateless society based on need. Fascism emphasizes the supremacy of the state and race.
Unit 5 Comparative methods and ApproachesYash Agarwal
The passage provides an overview of the political economy approach to studying comparative politics. It discusses how the concept of political economy has evolved over time from Aristotle to modern theorists. Political economy refers to understanding economics and politics as interconnected rather than separate domains, and how this relationship manifests itself. The passage outlines some of the major theories that have utilized the political economy approach, including modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems analysis. It provides context on how political economy emerged as a framework for examining relationships between countries and explaining social and political phenomena.
Theory frankfurt school and critical theoryJohn Bradford
The document discusses the Frankfurt School of critical theory and its key figures. It summarizes their views on how advertising and propaganda manipulate public behavior by appealing to emotions rather than facts. Figures like Freud, Reich, Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, Habermas are discussed. They analyzed how Enlightenment ideals of reason and liberation were subverted and humans dominated. Habermas aimed to rationally evaluate norms and legitimize social decisions through open communication to bridge the fact-value divide.
South Korea, Mercantlism, and Global HierarchyMax Herzog
This document provides a summary and analysis of Ha-Joon Chang's view of South Korea's economic development in relation to theories of neoliberalism and the global capitalist hierarchy. It argues that while Chang sees South Korea's use of mercantilist policies as resisting coercive neoliberal imperatives, an examination of regional history and geopolitics reveals Korea's rise was engineered by imperial and hegemonic forces and did not undermine the global hierarchy. The document defines ideological and practical neoliberalism, with the former justifying the status quo through a false narrative of history and the latter reinforcing hierarchy through political and structural means controlled by a global elite.
This document discusses modernization and social change, providing definitions and characteristics of each. It addresses that modernization is a multifaceted process involving changes across all areas of human life that began with the industrial revolution. Social change refers to variations in social relationships, interactions, and organizations over time. While modernization and social change impact societies globally, achieving consensus on shared human values can guide modernization in a way that respects both developed and developing communities.
The document summarizes a book titled "Democracy in Muslim Societies: The Asian Experience" which examines democratization in six Asian countries with Muslim majorities: Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia and Malaysia. It finds that there is no fundamental incompatibility between Islam and democracy in these societies. Each country studied has followed a different path to democracy due to their unique histories and development. While democratic institutions are still developing, the book reveals the diversity of political experiences in Muslim Asia and that no single democracy model can be applied universally.
The document discusses different approaches in social sciences, including institutionalism. It describes institutionalism as a subject matter, method, and theory. As a subject matter, it focuses on the study of political institutions. As a method, it is descriptive, inductive, formal-legal, and comparative in examining institutions historically. As a theory, it makes claims about the causes and consequences of institutions and supports democratic values.
Almond, Almond’s Developmental Approach to Political SystemMahrukh Cheema
The document summarizes Gabriel Almond's structural functional approach to political science. It outlines Almond's view of a political system and the key concepts in his approach, including political structure, culture, and the functions of a system. Almond believed that political development occurs as systems differentiate structurally and cultures become more secular and rational. His approach provided a framework for comparing systems but was criticized for being ideologically conservative and not fully accounting for non-Western contexts.
The usefulness of Marxism and Critical Theory to International RelationsOwen Bell
Marxism focuses on how economic relationships explain state behavior and views capitalism as exploitative, traditionally through class exploitation. However, the decline of the Soviet Union reduced Marxist thinking until the 2008 financial crisis provoked a resurgence. Marxism in international relations sees class exploitation occurring internationally and imperialism as a means for developed countries' elites to exploit resources. Gramscianism reformulated Marxism to emphasize elites' cultural hegemony and control of civil society. Critical theory argues ideology, not economics or culture, best explains state behavior. Both Marxism and critical theory offer unique perspectives on exploitation that realism and liberalism lack. However, they are also seen as overly utopian and not offering practical solutions for national security
Pinning down Power in Ukraine Crisis: West versus RussiaBright Mhango
In February 2014, the people of Ukraine managed to topple their government by way of prolonged protest which was in part a call for the Eastern European nation to move closer to Europe and away from Russia.
The deposed Russian-backed President of Ukraine Victor Yanukovych sparked the wrath of the Ukrainians by refusing to sign a ‘trade agreement’ that would have brought Ukraine closer to the EU. Instead he preferred closer ties with Russia which is sort of creating its own ‘EU’ called the Customs Union.
This paper posits that Ukraine has been a battleground for power both between the West and Russia (external power) and that of the state versus the citizens (Internal).
The paper will try to lay bare the various power struggles that were and are at play in the Ukrainian crisis and conclude that with the West looking like having won, the power play has only begun as Russia will not allow a nation so close to it and vital to its prestige get aligned with the West, its arch-enemy.
Before the Ukraine case can be tackled, it is essential to discuss the notion of power as it occurs in the discipline of International Relations. It will also feature a summary of two prescribed course readings on Power.
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fi...ezra lioyd
This document contains summaries of several papers presented at a conference on political Islam and Salafism. The papers address topics such as Abu Hanifa's views on the Umayyad dynasty, the dangers of Takfiri movements, strategies for countering Takfiri movements, Sayyid Qutb's views on Takfir (excommunication), violations of women's rights by Takfiri movements, and active Takfiri movements in Pakistan and strategies to counter them. The papers utilize analytical and descriptive research methods and aim to analyze various thinkers' perspectives on Takfiri movements and strategies to promote unity among Islamic schools of thought and counter the influence of Takfiri ideology.
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fi...malisahmad
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fields, opportunities and challenges
Author
Mahmud Fallah (graduated from Qum Seminary and Ph.D student in political sciences)
David Easton's Concept of Decline of Political TheoryRima Doot
David Easton argued that political theory was in decline for several reasons:
1) Historicism - Theorists were too focused on history and past events rather than analyzing current issues and how to address problems. They lacked a positive or creative outlook.
2) Moral relativism - Theorists took a relativistic view and did not attempt to determine absolute truths. They accepted prevailing ideas without critique.
3) Hyper-factualism - Theories were based too heavily on facts without a strong theoretical foundation. Theorists focused only on easily researchable problems rather than developing new perspectives.
4) Positivism - New political ideologies in the 19th-20th century took the
Post-Islamist Intellectual Trends in Pakistan: Javed Ahmad Ghamidi and His Di...HusnulAmin5
Eurocentric and essentialist approaches are applied to make sense of the complex
Muslim societies. These approaches reduce complex social processes to certain
immutable, fixed and unchanging traits. With such reductive theoretical lens, such
readings of Islam, presuppose an inherent rigidity in the nature of Islamic text. When
Muslim societies and its social trajectories are understood in the light of such
immutable texts, as a logical conclusion, Islam turns out to be incompatible with
modern values of liberty and democracy. Islam and Muslim societies are constructed
as entities essentially distinct from Europe and the West. Even if a transition from
authoritarian form of political order to a more democratic one is intended, it will
have to be a secularized form of Islamic democracy wherein the separation of religion
and state is ensured. However, in the recent past, a growing number of academic
enquiries have challenged the validity of such reductive and essentialist approaches
toward understanding Muslim societies and its societal trajectories. Multiple
intellectual voices and social trends have been identified that construct harmonious
relationship between Islam and democracy, and in more general terms, between Islam
and modernity. Some scholars argue that reformation of religious thought followed by
the articulation of an “Islamic Theory of Secularism” may pave the way for
democratization in Muslim societies. As intermediaries, between the Divine text and
the general public, the role of scholars, institutions and social movements is thus
crucial in creating bonds of complicity (or otherwise) between Islam and democracy.
As an empirical example, this research explores and highlights the emergence of an
intellectual community in Pakistan led by a religious scholar Javed Ahmad Ghamidi.
The genesis, intellectual biography and unprecedented popularity gained by Ghamidi
and his close associates, also reveal mutation, discontinuity and change from their
previous religious position. The present paper aims to achieve two humble purposes: to
discuss the emergence of a post-Islamist intellectual trend with specific focus on
Ghamidi, and to provide a descriptive analysis of Ghamidi’s post-Islamist turn, and
the way he and his interpretive community construct a harmonious relationship
Liberalism's core political values of individualism, individual freedoms, and primacy of individual rights emerged in response to religious conflicts in Europe. However, these values are based on the flawed premise of individualism, which views humans as isolated from their social contexts. This has led to increasing social problems in liberal societies as evidenced by research. Liberal values do not promote social cohesion and have been linked to rising rates of issues like crime and family breakdown. An alternative is needed that recognizes the social nature of humans and aims to foster strong, well-functioning communities.
The document traces the evolution of organization theories from classical to integrative approaches. It discusses early theorists like Taylor who promoted scientific management and Gulick who developed the POSDCORB framework. It then outlines criticisms by Simon, Waldo and Appleby and the introduction of new concepts like cooptation by Selznick. The document also discusses contributions by other key figures like Follett, Mayo, Barnard, Maslow and their development of theories around human relations, organizational behavior, motivation and management.
Political Fields and Rligios Movemnets. The Exclusionsof Ahmadiyya Community ...muzaffertahir9
This document summarizes a paper that examines the shifting policies of the Pakistani state toward the Ahmadiyya community, a heterodox Muslim sect. It argues that the state's rejection of demands to declare Ahmadis non-Muslim in 1953, but acceptance of the same demand in 1974, was due to changes in the political field in Pakistan. Specifically, the increasing dominance of political discourse referencing Islam, the shift toward electoral politics, and the reframing of the anti-Ahmadi religious movement's issue as a national question pertaining to democratic norms transformed the political field and led to the exclusion of Ahmadis. The document provides background on the Ahmadiyya community and outlines how it will analyze the two time periods through the lenses
The document discusses models for understanding and comparing political ideologies. It proposes a three-dimensional model called LEO Space that maps ideologies based on their attachment to or rejection of the principles of Liberty, Equality, and Order. In this model, most mainstream ideologies fall in the moderate region that balances these three principles, while more radical ideologies are defined by their disproportionate attachment or rejection of one or more of the principles. The LEO Space model aims to more accurately describe ideologies and their relationships compared to the traditional left-right political spectrum or Nolan Chart models.
Critical theories emerged to question and challenge mainstream international relations theories. These alternative approaches differ in their ontology, epistemology, and methodology. Two examples of critical theories discussed are feminism and constructivism. Feminism examines how gender is constructed and impacts power relations. It highlights the exclusion and invisibility of women in mainstream international politics scholarship.
Farish Ahmad Noor is a Malaysian historian who is currently a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. The document discusses his background and academic credentials. It then summarizes his research interests, which include the politics of history writing and marginalized aspects of Malaysian history. It provides an excerpt from one of his writings that revisits the Taj-us Salatin, a 1603 text by Buchara al-Jauhari that discusses the duties and responsibilities of rulers from an Islamic perspective, highlighting checks and balances on a ruler's power. Noor argues this work established parameters for good governance in Islamic terms and emphasized the role of advisors in ensuring a just ruler.
This document defines and compares different political ideologies including conservatism, liberalism, feminism, environmentalism, anarchism, socialism, communism, and fascism. Conservatism desires to maintain the existing social order and is skeptical of human nature. Liberalism values individual freedom and human rationality. Modern liberalism looks to the state to advance individual welfare. Feminism and environmentalism promote related social issues. Anarchism opposes all authority while socialism advocates collective ownership. Communism's end goal is a classless, stateless society based on need. Fascism emphasizes the supremacy of the state and race.
Unit 5 Comparative methods and ApproachesYash Agarwal
The passage provides an overview of the political economy approach to studying comparative politics. It discusses how the concept of political economy has evolved over time from Aristotle to modern theorists. Political economy refers to understanding economics and politics as interconnected rather than separate domains, and how this relationship manifests itself. The passage outlines some of the major theories that have utilized the political economy approach, including modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems analysis. It provides context on how political economy emerged as a framework for examining relationships between countries and explaining social and political phenomena.
Theory frankfurt school and critical theoryJohn Bradford
The document discusses the Frankfurt School of critical theory and its key figures. It summarizes their views on how advertising and propaganda manipulate public behavior by appealing to emotions rather than facts. Figures like Freud, Reich, Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, Habermas are discussed. They analyzed how Enlightenment ideals of reason and liberation were subverted and humans dominated. Habermas aimed to rationally evaluate norms and legitimize social decisions through open communication to bridge the fact-value divide.
South Korea, Mercantlism, and Global HierarchyMax Herzog
This document provides a summary and analysis of Ha-Joon Chang's view of South Korea's economic development in relation to theories of neoliberalism and the global capitalist hierarchy. It argues that while Chang sees South Korea's use of mercantilist policies as resisting coercive neoliberal imperatives, an examination of regional history and geopolitics reveals Korea's rise was engineered by imperial and hegemonic forces and did not undermine the global hierarchy. The document defines ideological and practical neoliberalism, with the former justifying the status quo through a false narrative of history and the latter reinforcing hierarchy through political and structural means controlled by a global elite.
This document discusses modernization and social change, providing definitions and characteristics of each. It addresses that modernization is a multifaceted process involving changes across all areas of human life that began with the industrial revolution. Social change refers to variations in social relationships, interactions, and organizations over time. While modernization and social change impact societies globally, achieving consensus on shared human values can guide modernization in a way that respects both developed and developing communities.
The document summarizes a book titled "Democracy in Muslim Societies: The Asian Experience" which examines democratization in six Asian countries with Muslim majorities: Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia and Malaysia. It finds that there is no fundamental incompatibility between Islam and democracy in these societies. Each country studied has followed a different path to democracy due to their unique histories and development. While democratic institutions are still developing, the book reveals the diversity of political experiences in Muslim Asia and that no single democracy model can be applied universally.
The document discusses different approaches in social sciences, including institutionalism. It describes institutionalism as a subject matter, method, and theory. As a subject matter, it focuses on the study of political institutions. As a method, it is descriptive, inductive, formal-legal, and comparative in examining institutions historically. As a theory, it makes claims about the causes and consequences of institutions and supports democratic values.
Almond, Almond’s Developmental Approach to Political SystemMahrukh Cheema
The document summarizes Gabriel Almond's structural functional approach to political science. It outlines Almond's view of a political system and the key concepts in his approach, including political structure, culture, and the functions of a system. Almond believed that political development occurs as systems differentiate structurally and cultures become more secular and rational. His approach provided a framework for comparing systems but was criticized for being ideologically conservative and not fully accounting for non-Western contexts.
The usefulness of Marxism and Critical Theory to International RelationsOwen Bell
Marxism focuses on how economic relationships explain state behavior and views capitalism as exploitative, traditionally through class exploitation. However, the decline of the Soviet Union reduced Marxist thinking until the 2008 financial crisis provoked a resurgence. Marxism in international relations sees class exploitation occurring internationally and imperialism as a means for developed countries' elites to exploit resources. Gramscianism reformulated Marxism to emphasize elites' cultural hegemony and control of civil society. Critical theory argues ideology, not economics or culture, best explains state behavior. Both Marxism and critical theory offer unique perspectives on exploitation that realism and liberalism lack. However, they are also seen as overly utopian and not offering practical solutions for national security
Pinning down Power in Ukraine Crisis: West versus RussiaBright Mhango
In February 2014, the people of Ukraine managed to topple their government by way of prolonged protest which was in part a call for the Eastern European nation to move closer to Europe and away from Russia.
The deposed Russian-backed President of Ukraine Victor Yanukovych sparked the wrath of the Ukrainians by refusing to sign a ‘trade agreement’ that would have brought Ukraine closer to the EU. Instead he preferred closer ties with Russia which is sort of creating its own ‘EU’ called the Customs Union.
This paper posits that Ukraine has been a battleground for power both between the West and Russia (external power) and that of the state versus the citizens (Internal).
The paper will try to lay bare the various power struggles that were and are at play in the Ukrainian crisis and conclude that with the West looking like having won, the power play has only begun as Russia will not allow a nation so close to it and vital to its prestige get aligned with the West, its arch-enemy.
Before the Ukraine case can be tackled, it is essential to discuss the notion of power as it occurs in the discipline of International Relations. It will also feature a summary of two prescribed course readings on Power.
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fi...ezra lioyd
This document contains summaries of several papers presented at a conference on political Islam and Salafism. The papers address topics such as Abu Hanifa's views on the Umayyad dynasty, the dangers of Takfiri movements, strategies for countering Takfiri movements, Sayyid Qutb's views on Takfir (excommunication), violations of women's rights by Takfiri movements, and active Takfiri movements in Pakistan and strategies to counter them. The papers utilize analytical and descriptive research methods and aim to analyze various thinkers' perspectives on Takfiri movements and strategies to promote unity among Islamic schools of thought and counter the influence of Takfiri ideology.
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fi...malisahmad
Political Islam and its discrimination with Salafism in contemporary ages: fields, opportunities and challenges
Author
Mahmud Fallah (graduated from Qum Seminary and Ph.D student in political sciences)
David Easton's Concept of Decline of Political TheoryRima Doot
David Easton argued that political theory was in decline for several reasons:
1) Historicism - Theorists were too focused on history and past events rather than analyzing current issues and how to address problems. They lacked a positive or creative outlook.
2) Moral relativism - Theorists took a relativistic view and did not attempt to determine absolute truths. They accepted prevailing ideas without critique.
3) Hyper-factualism - Theories were based too heavily on facts without a strong theoretical foundation. Theorists focused only on easily researchable problems rather than developing new perspectives.
4) Positivism - New political ideologies in the 19th-20th century took the
Post-Islamist Intellectual Trends in Pakistan: Javed Ahmad Ghamidi and His Di...HusnulAmin5
Eurocentric and essentialist approaches are applied to make sense of the complex
Muslim societies. These approaches reduce complex social processes to certain
immutable, fixed and unchanging traits. With such reductive theoretical lens, such
readings of Islam, presuppose an inherent rigidity in the nature of Islamic text. When
Muslim societies and its social trajectories are understood in the light of such
immutable texts, as a logical conclusion, Islam turns out to be incompatible with
modern values of liberty and democracy. Islam and Muslim societies are constructed
as entities essentially distinct from Europe and the West. Even if a transition from
authoritarian form of political order to a more democratic one is intended, it will
have to be a secularized form of Islamic democracy wherein the separation of religion
and state is ensured. However, in the recent past, a growing number of academic
enquiries have challenged the validity of such reductive and essentialist approaches
toward understanding Muslim societies and its societal trajectories. Multiple
intellectual voices and social trends have been identified that construct harmonious
relationship between Islam and democracy, and in more general terms, between Islam
and modernity. Some scholars argue that reformation of religious thought followed by
the articulation of an “Islamic Theory of Secularism” may pave the way for
democratization in Muslim societies. As intermediaries, between the Divine text and
the general public, the role of scholars, institutions and social movements is thus
crucial in creating bonds of complicity (or otherwise) between Islam and democracy.
As an empirical example, this research explores and highlights the emergence of an
intellectual community in Pakistan led by a religious scholar Javed Ahmad Ghamidi.
The genesis, intellectual biography and unprecedented popularity gained by Ghamidi
and his close associates, also reveal mutation, discontinuity and change from their
previous religious position. The present paper aims to achieve two humble purposes: to
discuss the emergence of a post-Islamist intellectual trend with specific focus on
Ghamidi, and to provide a descriptive analysis of Ghamidi’s post-Islamist turn, and
the way he and his interpretive community construct a harmonious relationship
Liberalism's core political values of individualism, individual freedoms, and primacy of individual rights emerged in response to religious conflicts in Europe. However, these values are based on the flawed premise of individualism, which views humans as isolated from their social contexts. This has led to increasing social problems in liberal societies as evidenced by research. Liberal values do not promote social cohesion and have been linked to rising rates of issues like crime and family breakdown. An alternative is needed that recognizes the social nature of humans and aims to foster strong, well-functioning communities.
Rethinking islamist politics, culture, the state and islamism by salwa ismailtopbottom1
This document provides an overview and summary of the book "Rethinking Islamist Politics" by Salwa Ismail. Some key points:
- The book aims to provide an account of Islamist activism by examining the socio-political contexts and "infrastructures of action" rather than invoking Islam as a unitary entity.
- It focuses on both macro-level factors like state structures, but also micro-level processes like how Islamist activists mobilize at the neighborhood level and engage with communities.
- The book examines the heterogeneity of Islamist movements and how their discourses generate meanings in relation to historical contexts rather than referring to sacred texts alone.
- The author argues against generalizations about the
This document discusses the role of contemporary Islamic movements towards social and political changes of modernity. It summarizes that contemporary Islamic movements emerged in response to Western colonialism and domination, the negative effects of modernization, and the failure of secular ideologies. The movements aim to reestablish an authentic Islamic society based on the Quran and hadith. Notable 19th-20th century Islamic thinkers like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, and Muhammad Rashid Rida advocated Islamic reform and responding to modern challenges through ijtihad (independent reasoning). Their ideas influenced later Islamic revivalist movements.
The document discusses how the rise of Islamism has influenced Christian-Muslim relations. It explores the theoretical foundations of political Islam through terms like fundamentalism, political Islam, and Islamism. It then examines how Islamism has historically impacted Christians living under Muslim rule through policies like jizya and restrictions on religious freedom. The document also considers modern Muslim and Christian perceptions of each other and how these have been shaped by the continued prevalence of Islamist movements.
The document discusses several topics related to Islamic political sociology:
1. Political sociology examines how power operates across different levels of analysis, from individuals to states. Islamic political sociology also considers the social causes and consequences of power distribution within societies based on Quranic principles.
2. There is debate around the relationship between political Islam and democracy. While some argue that certain interpretations are inherently anti-democratic, others note diversity in Islamist movements and their willingness to engage in democratic processes.
3. The rise of political Islam is influenced by social and generational frustrations from a lack of opportunities. Large youth populations and educated classes faced limited prospects, inflaming tensions addressed by Islamist discourse.
Liberalism & its Effect on Society an Introduction by Hamza Andreas TzortzisAbdullah Bin Ahmad
1. Liberalism emerged in response to specific historical circumstances in Europe, namely religious conflicts between Catholicism and Protestantism. The theorists who developed Liberalism's core values of individualism and rights did so as a temporary solution rather than through rigorous philosophical inquiry.
2. Liberalism's foundation of individualism has been criticized as philosophically flawed because it views humans as isolated from their social contexts and obligations, which does not align with reality.
3. Modern Western societies that embrace Liberal values are exhibiting increasing social problems, indicating Liberalism's values may be contributing to social breakdown rather than cohesion. Research shows the values a society propagates can influence its members' behaviors.
The document summarizes and compares the arguments of Bernard Lewis and Esposito and Voll on the relationship between Islam and democracy. Lewis argues that Islam inhibits freedoms and is incompatible with democracy in practice. Esposito and Voll claim Islam is theoretically compatible with democracy based on concepts like shura, but they fail to address issues in implementing it in reality. While both agree separating religion and state is key, the document concludes this is difficult to achieve in Muslim-majority countries given Islam's influence. So the relationship between Islam and democracy remains obscure and unclear in practice.
This document provides an overview of elite theory, beginning with its origins in the late 19th/early 20th century Italian School led by Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Roberto Michels. It examines how their work established the idea that societies are divided between a small, organized ruling minority and a disorganized majority. It then discusses how elite theory was applied in the US, notably by C. Wright Mills who argued America had an integrated power elite across political, economic, and military institutions. The document also summarizes debates between pluralist and elitist approaches to power structures.
Why We Must fear of Islam in The United states and Europe More Than other Re...Navid Khiabani
This document summarizes key points from a book about why the West fears Islam. It discusses how debates around Islamic signs in public spaces have grown more controversial. There is a perceived fundamental incompatibility between Islam and Western values seen in issues like the burqa versus the bikini. Liberalism and secularism are used to question recognizing Muslim minority rights. Feminist groups have also opposed any principles seen as undermining gender equality. As a result, states have pursued policies aimed at transforming Muslim identities and behaviors to conform to liberal norms. However, surveys show Muslims do not see being Muslim and a citizen as incompatible. Achieving symbolic integration of Muslims may require changing dominant liberal and secular narratives.
what-is-Political-Islam in contemporary middle eastNaveedKhaskheli1
Political Islam refers to associations, parties, and governments that aim to transform states and societies according to Islamic principles. Some Islamist groups work within democratic systems, like parties in Turkey, while others seek to overthrow existing states and impose transnational Islamic rule, like ISIS. Scholars note that most Islamists are not extremists but rather support mainstream movements that pursue gradual reforms through existing political structures. Opinions polls also show that many Muslims support democratic systems of government alongside implementation of some Islamic laws and values.
All Quiet On The Western Front The Loss Of Radical Islamic Feminism At The ...Sean Flores
This document summarizes a paper that argues Islamic feminism has lost its radical roots and become co-opted by the concept of "European Islam". Key points:
1) Islamic feminism originally expressed a universal form that supported women's liberation, but has shifted to a particularist expression focused on assimilation into Western norms.
2) The concept of "European Islam" seeks to distance itself from political Islam and expressions of Islam from immigrant communities, instead positioning European Islam as indigenous.
3) Islamic feminism has been appropriated by proponents of European Islam in a way that undermines the goal of women's liberation, by denying Muslim women the right to define their own terms of liberation.
Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digiti.docxtarifarmarie
Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Review of International Political
Economy.
http://www.jstor.org
Social Movements for Global Capitalism: The Transnational Capitalist Class in Action
Author(s): Leslie Sklair
Source: Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 4, No. 3, The Direction of Contemporary
Capitalism (Autumn, 1997), pp. 514-538
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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Reviewv of International Political Economy 4:3 Autumn 1997: 514-538
Social movements for global
capitalism: the transnational capitalist
class in action
Leslie Sklair
London School of Economics and Poilitical Science
ABSTRACT
The thesis that 'Capitalism does not just happen' is argued with reference
to Gramsci, hegemony and the critique of state centrism. This involves a
critique of the assumption that ruling classes rule effortlessly, and raises
the issue: Does globalization increase the pressures on ruling classes to
deliver? Global system theory is outlined in terms of transnational
practices in the economic, political, and culture and ideology spheres
and the characteristic institutional forms of these, the transnational
corporation, transnational capitalist class and the culture-ideology of
consumerism. The transnational capitalist class is organized in four over-
lapping fractions: TNC executives, globalizing bureaucrats, politicians and
professionals, consumerist elites (merchants and media). Social movements
for global capitalism and elite social movement organizations (ESMOs) are
analysed. Each of the four fractions of the TCC has its own distinctive
organizations, some of which take on social movement-like characteristics.
KEYWORDS
Globalization; capitalism; class; Gramsci; social movements; TNC.
I CAPITALISM DOES NOT JUST HAPPEN
The focus of social movement research, old and new, has always and
quite properly been on anti-establishment, deviant and revolutionary
movements o.
Research paper ISLAMOPHOBIA AND MEDIA STUDIES SINCE 9/11Hameel Khan
This document outlines a research paper on the semiotic analysis of a movie to examine the portrayal of Islam and Muslims in Western media. It includes an introduction discussing the role of media in shaping opinions and stereotypes. The objectives are to analyze images and dialogue in the movie to identify any intended impacts and underlying ideologies. The literature review discusses theories like Marxism that view media content as being controlled by economic elites to promote their interests. It also examines the concept of Islamophobia and its roots in history. The research will analyze the movie Argo to study how Western media propagates negative stereotypes about Muslims.
Constructivist Political EconomyRawi Abdelal, Mark Blyth, .docxmaxinesmith73660
Constructivist Political Economy
Rawi Abdelal, Mark Blyth, and Craig Parsons
January 14, 2005
13,330 words, including footnotes
Chapter One: The Case for a Constructivist International Political Economy
Introduction: Constructivism – Where to Find it, and Where Not
Social constructivism focuses on the social facts of the world. These social facts
exist only because everyone agrees that they exist. Social facts are very real, and they are
the product of intersubjectively (that is, collectively) held beliefs that cannot be reduced
to a series or summation of subjective, individual beliefs. Social facts differ
fundamentally from material facts, the reality that exists irrespective of collective beliefs
about its existence, but they nonetheless have causal properties.. As John Ruggie
observes, “collectivities of individuals within states hold intersubjective understandings
that affect their behavior,” just as do “collectivities of states.”
Although what we think of as “the world economy” is composed of both material
and social facts, the field of international political economy (IPE) within political science
has tended until recently to focus almost exclusively on the material facts of the
economy. Materialist scholars have attempted to map individual, firm, and government
preferences over outcomes onto these material facts, thereby privileging the rational,
goal-oriented pursuit of policies as the central causal mechanism in accounts of economic
policy making. In IPE, the combination of materialism and rationalism has become the
dominant, even orthodox, view of the world economy.
IPE has been remarkably impervious to inroads from sociological approaches to
economic policy making. The intersubjective beliefs that give the world meaning are
absent in almost all IPE scholarship. Indeed, IPE is increasingly the last bastion for the
materialists and rationalists, who have had increasingly to share the intellectual terrain
with the constructivists on virtually all other topics. Constructivists have made
contributions that are recognized as fundamentally important to economics and sociology,
as well as to every other sub-field in political science. Similarly, economic sociology has
produced a vibrant research program that has influenced policy and management
scholarship as well. As Frank Dobbin observes,
“Sociologists began to explain economic behavior in terms of the same four social
mechanisms they had observed shaping all of social behavior. These mechanisms entered
the common lexicon under the terms institution, network, power, and cognition.
Sociology’s core insight is that individuals behave according to scripts that are tied to
social roles. Those scripts are called conventions at the collective level and cognitive
schemas at the individual level.”
Similarly, cultural, ideational, and institutionalist theorists have made similar
claims in comparative politics for .
Political philosophy - Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy.pdfRonaldTaggaoa1
Political philosophy examines how societies should structure their political institutions, economic systems, and social practices. It analyzes concepts like freedom, justice, and authority to critically evaluate existing arrangements and propose alternatives. Political philosophy addresses both perennial questions and issues prevalent in its historical context. While some philosophers aim to justify prevailing structures, others envision ideal societies. There is debate around whether political philosophies universally apply or reflect local values and human nature.
This document summarizes the origins and history of Islamist political parties. It begins by noting that the very idea of Islamist parties was originally seen as paradoxical, as early Islamist thinkers rejected pluralism and parties. It then discusses the Muslim Brotherhood, founded in 1928, which was the original organized expression of Islamism and rejected the notion of an Islamist party. The Brotherhood saw itself as a transnational "movement" rather than a party bound to any single nation-state. While today there are many Islamist parties, the document argues that this history is still relevant to understanding their nature and relationship to democracy. It questions whether they can fully break from their ideological roots.
A comparison of Islam versus "Islamism" that explains why one is not synonymous with the other, coupled with an examination of the resurgence of Islamophobia.
Islamic State the Product of a Bridging Between Regional Competitions and Isl...QUESTJOURNAL
ABSTRACT: The Islamic state that was formed in 2006 in territories outside the control of two war-torn countries, with the capture of the city of Mosul in 2014 was world famous and be of interest to all news circles across the globe. This state used extremely cruel methods in relation to its prisoners of war, which is not a venue to discuss in this paper, came more than ever to fill the headlines of newspapers and online media. After a period of relative silence news, now with fighting to retake the city of Mosul, the "Islamic state" is once again under the focus of the news circles. This paper intends to review primarily on the formation of the "Islamic State" and introduce a summary of the main factors involved in forming this state with a slightly different perspective than the views have been described earlier.
This slide is special for master students (MIBS & MIFB) in UUM. Also useful for readers who are interested in the topic of contemporary Islamic banking.
বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক সমীক্ষা ২০২৪ [Bangladesh Economic Review 2024 Bangla.pdf] কম্পিউটার , ট্যাব ও স্মার্ট ফোন ভার্সন সহ সম্পূর্ণ বাংলা ই-বুক বা pdf বই " সুচিপত্র ...বুকমার্ক মেনু 🔖 ও হাইপার লিংক মেনু 📝👆 যুক্ত ..
আমাদের সবার জন্য খুব খুব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ একটি বই ..বিসিএস, ব্যাংক, ইউনিভার্সিটি ভর্তি ও যে কোন প্রতিযোগিতা মূলক পরীক্ষার জন্য এর খুব ইম্পরট্যান্ট একটি বিষয় ...তাছাড়া বাংলাদেশের সাম্প্রতিক যে কোন ডাটা বা তথ্য এই বইতে পাবেন ...
তাই একজন নাগরিক হিসাবে এই তথ্য গুলো আপনার জানা প্রয়োজন ...।
বিসিএস ও ব্যাংক এর লিখিত পরীক্ষা ...+এছাড়া মাধ্যমিক ও উচ্চমাধ্যমিকের স্টুডেন্টদের জন্য অনেক কাজে আসবে ...
This presentation was provided by Steph Pollock of The American Psychological Association’s Journals Program, and Damita Snow, of The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), for the initial session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session One: 'Setting Expectations: a DEIA Primer,' was held June 6, 2024.
This presentation includes basic of PCOS their pathology and treatment and also Ayurveda correlation of PCOS and Ayurvedic line of treatment mentioned in classics.
How to Add Chatter in the odoo 17 ERP ModuleCeline George
In Odoo, the chatter is like a chat tool that helps you work together on records. You can leave notes and track things, making it easier to talk with your team and partners. Inside chatter, all communication history, activity, and changes will be displayed.
How to Fix the Import Error in the Odoo 17Celine George
An import error occurs when a program fails to import a module or library, disrupting its execution. In languages like Python, this issue arises when the specified module cannot be found or accessed, hindering the program's functionality. Resolving import errors is crucial for maintaining smooth software operation and uninterrupted development processes.
A review of the growth of the Israel Genealogy Research Association Database Collection for the last 12 months. Our collection is now passed the 3 million mark and still growing. See which archives have contributed the most. See the different types of records we have, and which years have had records added. You can also see what we have for the future.
it describes the bony anatomy including the femoral head , acetabulum, labrum . also discusses the capsule , ligaments . muscle that act on the hip joint and the range of motion are outlined. factors affecting hip joint stability and weight transmission through the joint are summarized.
Executive Directors Chat Leveraging AI for Diversity, Equity, and InclusionTechSoup
Let’s explore the intersection of technology and equity in the final session of our DEI series. Discover how AI tools, like ChatGPT, can be used to support and enhance your nonprofit's DEI initiatives. Participants will gain insights into practical AI applications and get tips for leveraging technology to advance their DEI goals.
ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, and GDPR: Best Practices for Implementation and...PECB
Denis is a dynamic and results-driven Chief Information Officer (CIO) with a distinguished career spanning information systems analysis and technical project management. With a proven track record of spearheading the design and delivery of cutting-edge Information Management solutions, he has consistently elevated business operations, streamlined reporting functions, and maximized process efficiency.
Certified as an ISO/IEC 27001: Information Security Management Systems (ISMS) Lead Implementer, Data Protection Officer, and Cyber Risks Analyst, Denis brings a heightened focus on data security, privacy, and cyber resilience to every endeavor.
His expertise extends across a diverse spectrum of reporting, database, and web development applications, underpinned by an exceptional grasp of data storage and virtualization technologies. His proficiency in application testing, database administration, and data cleansing ensures seamless execution of complex projects.
What sets Denis apart is his comprehensive understanding of Business and Systems Analysis technologies, honed through involvement in all phases of the Software Development Lifecycle (SDLC). From meticulous requirements gathering to precise analysis, innovative design, rigorous development, thorough testing, and successful implementation, he has consistently delivered exceptional results.
Throughout his career, he has taken on multifaceted roles, from leading technical project management teams to owning solutions that drive operational excellence. His conscientious and proactive approach is unwavering, whether he is working independently or collaboratively within a team. His ability to connect with colleagues on a personal level underscores his commitment to fostering a harmonious and productive workplace environment.
Date: May 29, 2024
Tags: Information Security, ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, Artificial Intelligence, GDPR
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1. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 15
July 2014
507
The Islamist Politics in the Era of Neoliberal Globalization
The Case of Jamaat-E-Islami Pakistan
Husnul Amin
Post-doc Research Fellow, Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and Societies
Department of Politics, Faculty of Social Sciences, International Islamic University Islamabad
Email: husnulamin@hotmail.com
Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n15p507
Abstract
The essentialist theoretical approaches assume Islamic movements, if got access to state power, will lead their respective
societies to a kind of totalitarian state, a condition resulting into complete destruction of the existing social, political and cultural
traditions and replacing them with new political institutions. Such an imagination of the Islamic movements is further ignited by
the Islamic movements’ self-portrayal as the harbingers of “total” change and “radical revolution” that is normally termed as
Islamic revolution. In a political sociology setting, this research focuses on an empirical example of one of the oldest Islamic
movements in the Mulsim world, the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan—a religious political party founded in 1941 by Sayed A. A
Mawdudi. Using multiple sources of information, this paper drags the discussion beyond essentialist assumptions of Stone Age
and Islamists’ claims of bringing about radical revolution. It does so by focusing on news content data collected from two major
Pakistani newspapers published in Urdu language as well as the content analysis of 1997 electoral manifesto of the Jamaat-e-
Islami. The data set consists of time period 1988-2006. However, the post 2006 developments are also added to the analysis.
This research makes contribution to the existing body of academic scholarship on the subject both methodologically and
substantially. Whereas most of the hitherto conducted researches deal either with the history, ideology, electoral politics or
Jamaat-e-Islami’s connection with global jihad. This research departs from the conventional treatment both methodologically
and theoretically. Using simple descriptive statistics, this paper makes a humble attempt to measure the diverse responses of
the Jamaat leaders to issues of national and global importance. It shows that how statements of its leaders and the manifesto
content reflect on variety of issues that might not fit into the theoretical assumptions, stereotypical categories and textual
readings by essentialists and reductionists. By bringing political practice in the analysis, the data confirms that unlike
Islamophobic provocations, the mainstream political Islamists are not dragging Pakistan into a “Stone Age”. Likewise, the fears
of a radical revolution, if the Islamists take control of the state, have no firm grounds.
1. Introduction
The concepts of political Islam and Islamism are employed here as a phenomenon inspired by S.A.A. Mawdudi’s (1903-
1979) ideology of Islamic revival through the establishment of an Islamic state. This specification narrows the focus in the
given context of the study and does not assume that prevalence of Islamism or Mawdudi’s influence is confined only to
Pakistan. Another important distinction is between institutional and militant Islamism. In contrast to the latter, the former is
a category that primarily opts for democratic means. Conceptually, it will be difficult to disentangle the Jamaat-e-Islami’s
(henceforth JI and the Jamaat will be used interchangeably) tacit and latent connections, moral approvals for and
sympathies with various militant organizations across the Muslim world. However, within the boundaries of Pakistan, the
JI has largely employed social, political and electoral means in its political struggle.
In his study Islamism and Islam, renowned German scholar Bassam Tibi (2012) draws a clear though simplistic
distinction between “Islam” and “Islamism.” the former as religion and the latter as totalitarian ideology which is supposed
to establish a state based on sharia. According to Tibi, “it is a great mistake to view Islamism as liberation theology
characterized by an ‘attempt to repair.’” On the contrary, Tibi argues, Islamism proffers an “agenda of cultural-totalitarian
purification” and as there can be no “democratic totalitarianism,” there cannot be a “democratic Islamism” (ibid, p.186).
After drawing such sharp distinction, Tibi does not find himself in a position to trust Islamists that they will forego violence
and will wholeheartedly accept a pluralistic order within a democratic system. In his bold assertion based on Arendt’s
concept of “totalitarianism,” Tibi ascribes totalitarianism to Islamism (though not Islam). For this we need to unpack
Arendt’s conceptualization of totalitarianism. In an explanatory article on Hannah Arendt’s theory of totalitarianism,
Anthony Court unpacks her key passage on the subject as:
…. Arendt’s conception of society reduced to ‘One Man’ or a single, undifferentiated Mankind as a condition of a
2. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 15
July 2014
508
‘perfect totalitarian government’. We may note here that totalitarianism thus conceived constitutes the very antithesis of
the political in Arendt’s sense of men acting and speaking together in a public realm of politics. Secondly, Arendt
contends that only in such a perfect totalitarian system would terror, which she views as the ‘essence’ of totalitarianism,
suffice to sustain totalitarian rule. Hence, in all imperfect totalitarian dictatorships, terror in its dual function as the
‘essence of government and principle, not of action, but of motion’ …. is an insufficient condition of totalitarian rule. For,
insofar as totalitarianism has not completely eliminated all forms of spontaneous human action, freedom, or the inherent
human capacity to ‘make a new beginning’, exists as an ever-present potential within society …. Totalitarian movements
must therefore strive to eliminate this capacity for political action, and any form of spontaneous human relations. (Court,
2012)
Tibi is not alone in his essentialist leanings and reification of Islamic essence that gives impetus to representation
of Muslims as distinct category. This and such other essentialist readings of Islam reduces complex social processes to
certain unchanging traits, inherent fixity, thus making it incompatible with modernity. The inability of Muslims to be
congruent with requirements of modern age testify to the fact that something has gone “wrong with Islam” (Lewis, 2002).
The Orientalists, the conventional authorities on Islam, “have been accused of being essentialist and insensitive to the
change, negotiation, development, and diversity that characterizes lived Islam” (Anjum, 2007). This approach to
understanding Islam and Muslim societies is weaved in the modernization theory of scholars such as Bernard Lewis,
Bassam Tibi, Sivan and Daniel Pipes. Another key feature of the essentialist scholars is their attempt to reduce complex
social, historical and cultural processes into oppositional dichotomies: that is, traditional versus modern, religious versus
secular, old versus new. However, in Esposito’s account, few Islamic movements and activists in the Muslim world
specifically the Middle East will fit in this stereotypical account. “Many of the leaders of Islamic organizations are
graduates of major universities from faculties of medicine, science, and engineering” (for further details see, Kramer,
2003; Ahmad, 1991). Lewis’s accusation of Islamic fundamentalists’ abrogation to all “imported norms” is also not
supported by the ground realities. On the contrary, “[t]he widespread use of radio, television, audio and videocassettes,
computers and fax machines, has made for a more effective communication of Islam nationally and transnationally”
(Esposito, 1999). The two oldest Islamic movements (Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt founded in 1928 and the JI in
Pakistan founded in 1941) exemplify “new styles of Islamic organization”, and they never called for “return to pre-modern
conditions” (Esposito & Voll, 1996).
2. Neoliberal Globalization and New Opportunity Spaces
Globalization in this paper is defined as “time-space compression” in global economic, cultural and socio-political
relations. Neoliberalism refers to both economic theory and a policy prescription. As theoretical construct, neoliberalism
promotes a free market economy with less governmental control and regulation. The neoliberal ideology views that less
regulation and more freedom guarantees economic efficiency, growth and distributional justice (see Kotz, 2002).
There is considerable growth in academic research on Islamic political movements, mainly focusing on their grand
ideologies, organizational structures, electoral politics, and welfare networks and their multifarious responses to the
opportunities offered by globalization. Significant academic attention is paid to the attitude of Islamic movements to
globalization and cross cultural interactions (some studies refer to Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966) as the main ideologue of anti-
Western ideational framework in whose’ critique modernity is considered as jahiliyya, see for instance, Euben, 1999). Like
several other Muslim societies, in Pakistan too, in the 1980s, the process of openness, de-regulation, privatization and
liberalization paved the way for multiple economic and social forces to enter into the realm of market, media and politics
and thus to pursue multiple goals ranging from earning economic profits to enhancing social and political influence. The
privatization and de-regulation drive set in initially in the economic sector had to have far reaching implications in other
sectors of economy and society as well. Due to inflow of resources from multiple sources (aid, war-time assistance,
remittances etc.) during 80s, 90s and then after 9/11, has given birth to and then consolidation of a sizable middle class
in Pakistani society. According to Nayab (2011) the middle class has expanded to 35 percent which is about 61 million of
Pakistan’s current population. The number has increased from 34 million to over 61 million. Geographically, the provinces
of Punjab and Sindh have more than 36 percent middle class households, while Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) having 32
percent and Baluchistan 28 percent. Nayab’s weighted composite index for measuring middle classes in Pakistan is a
“combination of relative and absolute approaches.” For example, the composite index consists of educational index,
income index, housing index, lifestyle index, occupation index.
In the context of Pakistan, neoliberal globalization refers to a specific era, the last three decades, in which the
global multifaceted relations have intensified. With the dawn of neoliberal era in the 1980s and continuing to date, the
economy, politics, market and media sectors in Pakistan have witnessed tremendous change and transformation.
3. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 15
July 2014
509
Structure of the economy has largely changed from agriculture and rural to services and industrial. In the realm of market,
politics and new electronic media have generated new opportunity spaces for engagement of diverse social forces. In
1988, Pakistan initiated the neoliberal economic doctrine on the advice of International Monetary Fund (IMF). In the
1990s, it adopted the Structural Adjustment Programs and took on the policy of privatization, liberalization and
deregulation. The loan facility availed under the arrangements was attached to numerous terms and conditions such as
“removal of price control, ended subsidies, eliminate tariff protection, privatize government enterprises, forced
deregulation to minimize the role of the state in social sector including environmental standards” (for a detailed account of
structural adjustment programs and neoliberal policy, see Zaidi, 2005). Though privatization was not new but it gained
momentum during this period. This study is not concerned with the ill-effects of this process neither how it impacted the
poor sections of society.
One important growth rate could be recorded in the private television and radio channels. As opposed to a state
run TV Channel (PTV) and public sector radio stations, Pakistan is having more than 1000 radio private channels as well
as some 100 private TV channels. The number of internet users is around 33 million with a proliferation rate of less than
Egypt, Iran and Tunisia. According to a report the total number of Facebook users reaching about 8.5 million with 70 %
male and 30% female users. Likewise, the education sector has also attracted private investments and the number of
privet schools, colleges and universities has increased tremendously. One evidence suggests that only in 1999-2000 and
2007-2008, number of private schools in Pakistan increased by 69 percent as compared to 8 percent increase of
government schools (ISPS study 2010). The number of students enrolled in private schools rose to 12 million in 2007-08
which was 34 percent of the total enrolment.
The JI like other Islamic movements do not operate in a vacuum and is bound to work within shrinking and
expanding opportunity spaces. Coined by Yavuz (2003), the concept of opportunity spaces seems relevant here. It refers
to “fora of social interactions that create new possibilities for augmenting networks of shared meaning and associational
life” (Yavuz, 2003). According to Yavuz, it includes ‘civic and political forums, electronic and print media, and cyberspace
and the market’ (ibid, p.24). The expansion of opportunity spaces (democratisation, market and the new private media) in
Pakistan that created new opportunities for the Islamists. In this paper, by opportunity spaces, I imply two things: first,
global opportunities, which arose due to shrinking of state control and regulation, and which enabled transnational social
movements to diffuse institutionally; second, global networks and resources, which upkeep social movements both
ideationally and materially.
This research aims to look beyond stereotypical categories of Stone Age and radical transformation of state and
society and concentrates on the study of mainstream Islamist party the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and the ways it respond
to opportunities created by the wave of globalization in the realm of market, media and politics. After a brief overview of
the theoretical approaches and a discussion on the opportunity spaces created by the recent neoliberal globalization, the
remainder of the paper is organized into three sections. Section one provides a brief historical account of the Jamaat-e-
Islami Pakistan, lays out research questions and the research methodology. The last section provides a descriptive
analysis of the data and a brief conclusion warps up the discussion.
3. The JI and its Politics: An Historical Account
The JI represents one of the mainstream Islamic political parties in Pakistan. It holds the distinction of being founded and
led for around three decades (1941-1972) by the main Islamist ideologue—S.A.A. Mawdudi. The JI’s ideological
literature, mostly authored by Mawdudi, was translated into more than 28 languages, and in this way, it inspired and
attracted individuals across the globe towards political vision of Islam. The Jamaat has been through multiple
experiences. It remained in opposition and suffered from state repression in the 1960s and 1970s; co-opted with the
military regime in power and benefited from opportunities in the 1980s; actively participated in the political process in the
1990s; participated in elections and exercised power in 2002-2007 and again as coalition party in the KPK provincial
government. Although, it failed in realizing its political dreams, the JI was quite successful in achieving an Islamic
constitution for Pakistan (Nasr, 1994).
The JI in Pakistan and its founder Mawdudi are well known to the Western academic world. Mawdudi’s revivalist
thought spurred Islamic political revivalist trends not only in South Asia but also in the wider Muslim world. At least five JI
groups in South Asia (Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and both sides of Kashmir) subscribe wholeheartedly to
Mawdudi’s worldview of Islamic revival. His enormous influence on renowned ideologues-activists, Egyptian Sayyid Qutb,
Iranian Khomeini, Tunisian Ghanoushi, and worldwide Islamic social forces and activists appears in studies on Muslim
societies. Mawdudi’s articulations on Islamic beliefs and practices, and his blueprint for socio-economic order and
educational system, as articulated in his major works. In Pakistan, his vision of an Islamic state became a popular idiom
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and mainstream political discourse. The Jamaat emerged as the most well-disciplined and organized political party in
Pakistan, which also inspired numerous sister professional organizations and trade unions among communities of
teachers, doctors, engineers, lawyers and laborers.
A number of scholarly accounts have shown that the Jamaat has changed or is changing. Some accounts
identified the “end of ideology” and the beginning of pragmatic politics at a very early stage in the history of the Jamaat
(on the Jamaat transformation and change, see for example, Ahmad, 2009; Azmi, 2002; Moten, 2002; Nasr, 1994).
4. Research Questions and Methodology
This paper lays out one main argument. In the era of neoliberal globalization, as the opportunity spaces in the realm of
politics, economy, media and social sector expanded, the JI has diversified its responses as well as activities. The JI’s
response diversification shows that it has slowly moved away from its main project of establishing an authoritarian Islamic
state to an idea that accepts pluralism. Although due to numerous inner dynamics (party’s immediate past, lack of
charismatic leadership, intellectual deficit, Mawudid’s ideological burden, failure of the JI in negotiating its normative
framework) the JI largely failed making it a popular party winning considerable public will; yet, evidence coming from
multiple sources strongly suggests steadily growing diversification and accommodation. The data presented in this paper
is more symptomatic than an indicator of this change. This paper problematizes the Eurocentric assumption about the
linearity, homogeneity and continuity of Islamic movements. The empirical evidence provided in this study reflects the
diversity of JI’s responses both across issues and across time. Using multiple sources of information, the politics of the JI
indicates that its response has not been homogenous rather has been oscillating between rejection, negotiation and
accommodation. Why did the JI reject, then negotiate and later even accommodate globalization and its opportunities? I
argue that the JI’s response has been contingent up opportunity spaces as discussed above. The main proposition to be
tested in this paper is: the more opportunity spaces are opened up for the JI as a result of neoliberal globalization, the
more it negotiates its hard line anti-globalization stance, softens its normative framework and opens up to cross-cultural
interactions.
The information generated from the news content and manifesto data will answer a set of specific descriptive
questions such as: what are the current trends and issues in the Jamaat politics in Pakistan; what issues are more
significant and what are less significant; what are the major contours of Islamist politics understood through these issues;
what is the Jamaat position on major national issues in particular developmental issues, and how can a description of
these trends and concerns enrich our understanding of the Jamaat politics in Pakistan?
Manifestoes of Islamic political parties reflect their ideology, philosophy and programme for change in Pakistan. To
what extent does the Jamaat manifesto reflect its actual intentions, how far does the political practice of the Jamaat
correspond to the ambitious goals identified in it and how many people actually read them? Asking these and other
questions does not prohibit us from exploring and understanding the content of the manifestoes and measuring policy
position. Although, manifestoes express wishful intentions of the political actors to change the destiny of the nation, they
are “authoritative statements” ratified and owned by party elites and activists alike. Reading the content of manifestoes
can serve numerous purposes: identifying change in party ideology over time; comparison across party ideology and
policy positions; determining how much weight parties attached to different policy issues, and if the party in question
grabs power, to what extent, it sticks to or deviates from its own promises made in the election platforms.
Using Comparative Manifesto Project’s (CMP) coding scheme (Budge, 2001; Volken, 2005; Laver, et al 2003), the
Jamaat position on various political, social and economic issues is measured. The aim is to obtain an overview of the JI’s
imagined Islamic state and the contours of its socio-political activism in Pakistan. For the content analysis, this section
employs two main sources: the JI election manifesto (Ashar, 2004) of 1997 and the news content of two Urdu dailies
published in Pakistan—Daily Jang (Rawalpindi) and Daily Nawa-e-Waqt (Islamabad).
As a family-owned newspaper, the Daily Jang was first published in 1941 in New Delhi and was then moved to
Karachi after partition of Colonial India in 1947. The newspaper has persistently retained its wider circulation throughout
the geographical locations of Pakistan. Akhtar mentions lack of ideological commitment of Jang “except supporting the
party in power and then drifting away to the other group” (Akhtar, 2000). Apart from publishing an English Daily (The
News), a family magazine, currently, the most popular private TV channel Geo is also owned by the Jang Group. In
contrast, the Daily Nawa-e-Waqt “speaks for the nation’s conservative Muslim constituency” (ibid, XXVI). Both Jang and
Nawa-e-Waqt have consistently accommodated new technological tools and professional ingenuities. Both have
respectively an “estimated circulation of 500,000 and 400,000 copies per day” (ibid, pp. XXVI-XXVII).
The news content spans from 1988 to 2006, the period of utmost significance in Pakistan’s political and economic
history. For instance, democracy returned to Pakistan after the sudden death of Zia-ul-Haq in an air crash in 1988. The
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struggle for Kashmir independence underwent a major shift from ballot to bullet; with the disintegration of communist
Russia and rise and fall of Taliban (1995-2001) in Afghanistan. In addition, the era of neo-liberal policies and structural
adjustment programmes in the 1990s, and an alliance of all major religious parties called Muttaheda Majlise Amal (MMA)
marked an historic victory in the 2002 general elections enabling MMA to form its own government in the KPK province
and join a coalition government in Baluchistan province.
5. Quantification and Classification
Following Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), the coding unit in the Jamaat manifesto and news statement is the
quasi-sentence defined as “an argument.” An argument is the “verbal expression of one political idea or issue.” The basic
unit is the ‘sentence’ but it can be decomposed into different arguments, if the structure of the sentence allows. For
example, if the Jamaat manifesto claims that “we will eradicate poverty and curb inflation”, it is one sentence with two
arguments—to alleviate poverty, and curb inflation. Here we can draw a rule of thumb: complex statements and texts are
decomposed into quasi-sentences for arguments as and when the sense changes, where a quasi-sentence is a “set of
words, containing one and only one, political idea (Volkens, 2005).
The following is the classification scheme (see table 1), developed by CMP. I have modified it for the Jamaat in
Pakistan and grouped the statements into eight major policy areas called policy domains, from D1 to D8. In the original
CMP scheme, there are seven policy domains (i.e. D1-D7). However, to capture the Jamaat discourse on Islamic Sharia
and Islamisation of economy and society, I have added a domain for Islamic ideology (D8). Each domain is further
divided into sub-domains or issues/themes. The positive (+) sign means that some positive statement or reference is
made about the issue in question and negative sign (-) means a negative reference.
As mentioned above, I have two sources of data—manifesto and the news content. The manifesto content is
coded under 8 domains: External Relations, Freedom and Democracy, Political System, Economy, Welfare and Quality of
Life, Fabric of Society, Social Groups and Islamic Ideology. However, in light of news content, I further modified my own
scheme used for manifesto content. For example, D4 (Economy) is treated as an aggregate category, where sub-
domains merge. Likewise, in D3, political activism represents news content; in D2, freedom and democracy for new
content absorbs all sub-domains; in D5, social activism is an additional sub-domain that captures the Jamaat welfare
activities specifically at the time of relief and emergencies, and finally, in D6, ethno-politics is an additional sub-domain to
capture the Jamaat mostly negative mention of the regional and ethnic politics in Pakistan.
The coding of news and manifesto content was done following a careful and systematic procedure. Using a
modified CMP scheme, three research assistants were hired, trained and engaged in collecting/writing down all news
statements issued by the Jamaat local, provincial and national leadership, which appeared in these newspapers—Jang or
Nawa-e-Waqt. Only the news pages were consulted and the editorial content/columns/op-ed. were left out. The research
assistants would pick a file of the Daily Jang, leaf through all the news pages, locate news statements issued by the
Jamaat leaders and will note them down into a note book along with name, date and place. In selection of newspapers, a
rule of thumb was defined by the author: that is, first, the Daily Jang Rawalpindi was searched in the shelves; if not
available, then Daily Jang Lahore or Karachi, and that if not available, then the Daily Nawa-e-Waqt was consulted. In
about a month time, all newspaper files spanning 1988-2006 were thoroughly searched for the Jamaat leaders’
statements. To check for the reliability of the research assistants’ work, the author hired two more research assistants
who randomly verified the news statements recorded and looked for the missing files. In a total duration of 45 days, the
author had a compilation of huge text in the form of news statements issued by the Jamaat leaders. Using modified CMP,
I developed a coding scheme and assigned similar numerical codes to similar statements. Following this procedure, I had
a database for the news content comprising of 2726 observations, for the Jamaat. These observations were further
categorized along the 8 main domains (see table 1).
Table 1: Domains and Sub-Domains
Domain Sub-Domains
D1 External Relations Anti-Imperialism +; Military Defence +; Peace +; Internationalism +; Pan-Islamism +; Foreign Policy
D2 Freedom and Democracy Freedom and Human Rights +; Freedom and Human Rights -; Democracy +; Constitutionalism +
D3
Political System/
Political Activism
Governmental and Administrative Efficiency +; Governmental and Administrative Efficiency -;
Corruption and Accountability; Decentralization and Provincial Autonomy +; Centralization +;
D4 Economy
Free Enterprise +; Incentives +; Market Regulation +; Protection +; Economic Planning +; General
Economic Goals +; Technology and Infrastructure +; Nationalization +; Privatization +
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D5
Welfare and Quality of
Life/Social Activism
Social Justice +; Culture +; Welfare State Expansion +; Education Expansion +; Environmental
Protection +
D6
Fabric of Society/
Ethno-politics -
Social Harmony +; Law and Order +; Anti-Feudalism and Land Reform +; Anti-Capitalism +
D7 Social Groups
Labor Groups +; Farmers +; Under-privileged and Minority Groups +; Professional Groups +; Gender
+; Youth +; Other Social Groups +
D8 Islamic Ideology/Jihad
Activism
Islamic Sharia +; Islamic Economy +; Islamic Morality +; Islamization (general)
Source: Modified from Volkens (2005)
Table 2: All Domains: Manifesto and News Content Data (1988-2006)
Domain
Manifesto News Content
Count in % Count in %
D1: External Relations 56 9.0 597 21.9
D2: Freedom and Democracy 39 6.2 136 5.0
D3: Political System/Political Activism* 100 16.0 1088 39.9
D4: Economy 109 17.4 111 4.1
D5: Welfare and Quality of Life/Social Activism* 110 17.6 242 8.9
D6: Fabric of Society/Ethno-politics* 60 9.6 135 5.0
D7: Social Groups 113 18.1 125 4.6
D8: Islamic Ideology 38 6.1 292 10.7
Total 625 100.0 2726 100.0
* Only news content
Source: Author’s own database
A similar coding method was applied to the quantification of the Jamaat manifesto (issued at 1997 elections). The author
carefully read and interpreted the manifesto content and assigned relevant codes. At the end, a total number of 625
observations were obtained that were further grouped into 8 categories, shown in table 2.
Unfortunately, Islamist parties do not update their manifestoes regularly and normally reprint older versions before
elections, which make the comparison across time difficult. The Jamaat has updated its manifesto but with no substantial
departure from the previous versions. The news data enables us to compare and contrast the issues across time as well.
The limitation is that we deal only with a time span from 1988 to 2006. The eight main policy domains and sub-domains
are in given in table 1.
6. Data Analysis
Table 2 presents an aggregated picture of the main domains. In the Jamaat manifesto, social groups received more
attention (18.08 per cent) than the rest. Four domains (D3, D4, D5 and D7) capture around 70 per cent of the total. The
share of Islamic ideology is lower than expected for an Islamist organization like the Jamaat. The news content in the
same table show political activism (39.91 per cent) followed by external relations (21.90 per cent) and Islamic ideology
(10.71 per cent) claim the majority share. However, economy and welfare and quality of life receive 4.07 per cent and
8.88 per cent respectively. The table portrays diversity and not homogeneity in the Islamist political and public discourse.
Tables 3 to 10 show a breakdown of the data presented in table 2. It is clear from table 2 that the Jamaat has paid
disproportionally more attention, in the news content data, to issues around global politics, Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Whereas, pan-Islamism dominates the manifesto content, Kashmir and Afghanistan outshines in the news content.
Military and defense are salient, global peace and internationalism appears less visible in the data. As manifest from table
2, and further elaborated in table 4, freedoms, human rights and democracy do not fill the central content of Islamist
political discourse. Apart from the figure, if we look at the content of the human rights issues, more focus goes to the
violation of human rights in Kashmir and other conflict zones than abuses of human rights within the country. In table 5,
governmental and administrative efficiency received more attention (57 per cent) followed by corruption and
accountability (32 per cent), which are potentially more populist in nature; however, decentralization and provincial
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autonomy, which are more pressing in the Pakistani context are not central to the Islamists debates. As evident from
table 2 and 6 economy slips as a main component in the activism of the Jamaat. In the news content, a relative share of
4.1 per cent is far less than in the manifesto content, which is 17.4 per cent. Mawdudi’s text, the Jamaat manifesto and
the news data nearly confirm that their proposed Islamic economy would be a mixed capitalist economy with a vibrant
free enterprise and less state control.
Source: Author’s own database
Source: Author’s own database
Source: Author’s own database
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Source: Author’s own database
Source: Author’s own database
Source: Author’s own database
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Source: Author’s own database
Source: Author’s own database
Table 7 gives an idea of the overwhelming space given to the more abstract notion of social justice (37.27 per cent) in
manifesto and 59.09 per cent in the news content), welfare state expansion is the minimum in the news content.
The Jamaat political discourse also has less emphasis on the pertinent issues of feudalism and land reforms in
Pakistan (see Table 8). Mawdudi opposed the then Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan’s land reform in Punjab in the 1950s
on the basis of protecting individual’s private property rights in Islam (Nasr, 1996); for Binder, 1961, p. 211), such move
by Mawdudi was an attempt to win the support of zamindars in the Punjab that might had positive influence on the
Jamaat electoral outcomes (Binder, 1961). Similar is its stand on the issue of ethnicity. The overwhelming discourse on
Islam as the basis of ethnicity and negation of race and territory as the basis of nationalism has a negative impact on the
rights and conflicts among diverse ethnic groups. The relationship between religion and the ethnic question has two
dimensions in a country like Pakistan, where the idea of nationalism is more a “concept” than an actual nationalism; the
religious groups play a cementing/positive role in holding ethnicities together based on religious identity. However, this
very role of religion subsides and undermines the issues of rights and identities of the various ethnicities. The Jamaat
political history also reveals that over time, it has softened its position on the question of nationalism. It began with
Mawdudi’s “Islamo-transnationalism” before the partition of India, accepted national boundaries of Pakistan and India in
1947 (split the Jamaat along national lines) and showed a pragmatic concern by emphasizing on “Islamo-nationalism”
(Roy, 2004). Some recent developments reveal that if opportunities arise, the Jamaat elite’s response will be more in line
with the political realities of Pakistan than Mawdudi’s ideology. During MMA government in NWFP (2002-2007), the
Jamaat central leader and key minister is reported to have issued statements in favour of the rights and share in resource
distribution of his province.
The Jamaat political discourse also reveals an abstract conceptualisation of issues based on moral ideals and
worldviews that enables it to escape concrete solutions of specific issues. For an ideological/revolutionary movement, in
Gramscian analysis, “the discourse of political Islam seeks to unify individuals on the level of ideas and a common world
perception, not necessarily by economic status or on the basis of material deprivation” (Butko, 2004). Islamists mention
the “totality of human predicament” and the “totality of systemic failure” as the gross basis of miseries and problems.
Whereas, such gross generalisations could be helpful in understanding the overall gravity of human miseries in Pakistan,
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they are less helpful in determining specific social and economic needs of society and the strategy to overcome them.
Political conceptualization of needs must not only diagnose but also prognosticate the issues of the deprived class
coupled with identifying symptoms and remedies in the given social context (Sen, 1999). Whereas, distribution of all idle
public lands among the landless and seizing vast land illegally owned by the feudal class, as the Jamaat manifesto
declares, would seem revolutionary and populist, in practice, it is the social and political context that would determine the
pros and cons of such public actions.
Interaction with activists, shows a strong feeling of loss among ardent Jamaat members over active participation in
practical politics (elections, protests, power struggle) and the negative impact it had on its ability to contribute to social
and community development. Put simply, the Jamaat active pursuance of state power, in the eyes of its activists, has
diverted attention from issues of social welfare and development to issues of power and agitation politics. Christopher
Candland (2000) suggests in a comparative study of four religious associations including Jamaat that the “socially
transformative power of religious institutions” is not only undermined by the “governments that attempt to use religious
rhetoric to legitimate their policies” but also “religious political parties that rely upon the government to promote their
strategies for social and political reform.”
Apart from these views and discussions prevalent among the Jamaat formal and informal meetings, which are
abstract and general in nature, the time trend in figures reveal that the media has captured a growing emphasis in the
Jamaat politics on issues related to social groups, economy and social welfare (for more details see, Amin, 2010). In the
recent past, interaction with a number of provincial leaders in the provinces of Punjab and NWFP also revealed that the
awareness is growing within the Jamaat about re-organisation of its welfare organ (al-Khidmat Foundation) on
professional lines. However, deeper analysis of figures reveals abrupt spikes in the post-2002 period, when the Jamaat
as part of the MMA came in power in the province of NWFP, and thus most of the statements coded in this period were of
the Jamaat provincial ministers (see for an elaborate analysis, Amin, 2010, Appendix B1-B8).
Recent scholarship discusses the role of religion (values, beliefs, practices, institutions, spiritual leaders, faith
communities) in socio-political and economic development. Likewise, a number of researchers have studied Islamic
welfare institutions run by the Islamic movements in the Middle East, mostly by Muslim Brotherhood and its sister
organizations (Clark, 2004; Gunning, 2007). The JI’s welfare-activism in the social sector has rarely received any
academic attention. In his study conducted in 1957 (p.65), renowned historian of the Pakistan movement, Khalid B.
Sayeed cites Binder on the discipline and welfare activism of the Jamaat movement in the Pakistani province of Sindh at
the time:
[t]heir offices seem to be well organised and their accounts well kept … Their budgets are also fairly substantial,
that of the Sindh provincial Jamaat being in the range of 100,000 Pakistan rupees in 1954. Most of this sum went for the
supply of free medical care to refugees in Karachi area, for printing and paper, and for rent and salaries.
7. Conclusion
These opportunity spaces as product of neoliberal globalization thus transform neoliberalism not only into a system “but
also as a conceptual and material ground for the emergence of the” Islamic movements in Pakistan and beyond. Thus
neoliberal globalization as an opportunity space with a twofold universe for the Islamists: it provides them material (as
well as discursive) conditions to imbibe in the realm of politics, civil society, preaching, media and welfare activism, and; it
equips them to criticize, negotiate and reject aspects of neoliberal policy and discourse. Looking at the JI’s politics
through the lens of News Content data provided in this paper further strengthens this argument that the Islamic
movements’ performative action in the neoliberal space is not uncritical but to use Euben’s expression, the JI sees in
modernity “a crisis due to rupture with tradition, the dual rejection of theology and teleology inaugurated by Enlightenment
rationalism and the subsequent diminishment of meaning in authority, morality and community…” (1999).
The data set helps to empiricize another aspect of the JI politics that depicts clear departure from what an
essentialist approach would normally portray. The Western media’s depicts stereotyped images of Islamists, and the
Islamists themselves popularize themes of radical transformation of state and society. This caricature of Islamism is best
exemplified by one of Tibi’s (2009) bold assertions: “[i]n the course of de-Westernization of the Islamic world,
contemporary Islamists are leading Muslim people back into the Stone Age in the name of an Islamic epistemology” (ibid,
p.79). From our data set, the Jamaat position can be interpreted in a couple of different ways: the diversity across issues
and themes in the manifesto and news content, even without considering pragmatic political compromises reveals that
the JI does not desire a stone age and that the “demonic spirit” will not take over Pakistan if they accede to power.
Largely, a capitalist model of development with an “Islamic trickle down” spawns from the data. At the same time, the
data falls short of persuading us that the JI seeks radical transformation of existing power relations, and prevailing class-
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based social and economic arrangements. Scholars have employed Antonio Gramsci’s framework of hegemony—“a
process of domination by consent and engineered conformism”—to explain and understand Islamists’ tide everywhere
(Brohi, 2006; Tugal, 2009). Brohi takes the example of MMA (of which JI was a part in 2002 elections) that according to
her is not “counter-hegemonic”, rather it “sides with the exploitative classes and strengthen capitalism … not challenging
class divisioning in society” (ibid, pp.12-13). Ample theoretical and empirical evidence supports the claim that the JI
transformation has strategic and political connotations. Within the JI, however, an ideological-conceptual transformation
remained a distant dream. One reason might be the perpetual secession, disdain for and expulsion of scholars and
intellectuals from the JI at various times. As one of the JI’s influential elite told me in an interview that the JI’s current
politics and Mawdudi’s doctrines are not synonymous. In real practice, the JI through its perpetual interaction with the
existing capitalist system has left the Islamist ideology behind. It is now common observation that political Islamists
negotiate their principle positions according to opportunity spaces. Over time, as new avenues of engagement are
opened up for them, they gradually tend to moderate their doctrinaire positions (See for example, on the transformation of
AK party in Turkey, Cavdar, 2006). The JI is not an exception to the general trend.
Finally, the data set and the analysis in this paper do not answer to a set of critical questions pertaining to the JI’s
bad performance in electoral politics and its failure to appeal to the popular will. More research is needed to further probe
why the JI has largely failed in its electoral strategies, more in a comparative fashion with parties such as Justice and
Development Party in Turkey as well as in Tunisia (some research studies analyze the “exportability” of Turkish Islamist
model to other Muslim countries, mostly the Middle East. See for example, Taspinar, 2003).
8. Acknowledgment
This work was supported by the DRS COFUND Fellowship Program of Freie Universität Berlin and the European
Commission, project reference number: PCOFUND-GA-2010-267228. The author is also much indebted to the Berlin
Graduate School Muslim Cultures & Societies (BGSMCS) for hosting me during my research stay, March 2013 - July
2014.
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