2. 2 of 35
Table of Contents Page
1. Introduction 5
2. Political Islam in Theory 6
2.1 ‘Fundamentalism’ 8
2.2 ‘Political Islam’ 9
2.3 ‘Islamism’ 11
2.4 Strategies Used by Islamist Movements 13
3. Implications for Christians Living Under Muslim Rule 16
3.1 The Qur’an 16
3.2 The Pact of Umar 18
3.3 The Dhimma System 20
3.4 Jizya 21
3.5 Restrictions Imposed on Non-Muslims 22
3.6 Modern Commentaries 23
4. Muslim Perceptions of Christianity 26
5. Christian Perceptions of Islam 30
6. Conclusion 34
7. Bibliography 37
1. Introduction
The resurgence of political Islam in the twenty-first century has been accompanied by the
emergence of Islamist movements seeking to implement an Islamic ideal through radical
and often militant regimes. These movements are seen as distinct from those that
3. 3 of 35
exemplify political Islam a century earlier, however at the heart of all Islamist
movements lies the same goal: to establish an Islamic state. This shared desire for a state
governed by Islam is rooted in the theoretical foundations of political Islam;
understanding the ideological basis of political Islam aids the understanding of the way in
which Islamist movements establish the Islamic ideal. It is engaging with this discourse
that acts as the starting point for this study.
A new wave of political idealism emerged in the twentieth century that redefined the
Muslim world, and which scholars have sought to conceptualise in a variety of ways.
The evolution of terminology within this field reflects the evolution of the movements
themselves, which provides an understanding of the ideological framework within which
Islamism is situated. Islam is unique in its promotion of an Islamic polity, however as a
concept that has existed since the dawn of the religion, it has become firmly established
within Muslim countries. The focus of this study moves beyond the concept of an
Islamic state in itself, and investigates the extent to which political Islam has impacted
wider issues, in this case Christian-Muslim relations.
The early influence of political Islam on Christian-Muslim relations can be seen by
addressing the historical implications for Christians living under Muslim rule. Christians
have long been the minority population within Muslim countries, and their presence often
opposed the principles set out by the Islamic state. To prevent the success of this
opposition and enable Christians and Muslims to co-exist within the state, Christians
were restricted by the obligation of jizya, limitations on religious freedom, and the
implementation of shari’a law. These historical prescriptions have undoubtedly played a
role in shaping Christian-Muslim relations, the impact of which is still present today.
The modern period has witnessed the sustained prevalence of Islamist movements in the
Middle East, as well as their appearance in Western countries. The West has become a
significant environment within which Christian-Muslim relations have developed. In
order to fully comprehend the nature of the relationship between Christians and Muslims,
their distinct characteristics must be recognised. Muslim perceptions of Christianity and
Christian perceptions of Islam are influenced by different factors, however they converge
with regards to political Islam. The task of understanding the nature of Christian-
4. 4 of 35
Muslim relations in the modern period is incomplete unless it follows the development of
these relations alongside the evolution of Islamism. Considering the way in which
political Islam has affected Christian-Muslim relations throughout history provides a
better understanding of the correlation today.
2. Political Islam in Theory
In order to fully comprehend the nature of political Islam it is crucial to engage with the
theoretical implications of the issue. Political Islamic movements are by no means a new
feature of Muslim society, however the global impact of political Islam’s resurgence
demands that the essence of these movements is interrogated. Political Islam is
constantly evolving, demanding the creation of new terminology with which to refer to
new manifestations of the phenomenon. New terms with different meanings and hidden
connotations often cause confusion within this field of study, however theoretical
motivations of political Islam are unchanging; engaging with the theoretical basis of
political Islam facilitates the immediate understanding of the contemporary situation as it
unfolds. The terms that legitimately refer to the contemporary wave of Islamic activism
are ‘fundamentalism’, ‘political Islam’, and ‘Islamism’. Understanding the nature of
these terms is crucial to the understanding of the movements themselves.
The motivation behind Islamist movements in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has
shifted; in the 1970s as efforts to modernise Islam ceased and political opposition to the
marginalisation of religion was demonstrated in specifically Islamic terms. By gaining
control of the State and implementing shari’a law, Muslim countries began to Islamise
Islam.1 Islam was seen less as din and dawla, religion and state, and instead as a
comprehensive system affirming Islam as the solution to the problems of modernity.2
Within this context one of the most influential Islamic movements emerged with the aim
of providing Muslim societies with political anchoring. In 1928 the Muslim Brotherhood
appeared in Egypt as a socio-cultural movement intent on promoting the altruistic
1 John O. Voll, ‘Political Islam and the State’, in The Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics,ed. by John
L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 63
2 O. Voll, p. 63
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intentions of Islam. The movement declared sinful the use of terror, however some of the
more radical members sought to employ military violence, which led to the movement
being branded as a sinister political party.3
The Muslim Brotherhood was one of many movements that gained ground during the
resurgence of political Islam, all of which possessed a shared essence driving their
success and unifying their goals. The contemporary resurgence has had a unique impact
on modern society due to its desire to advance an Islamic polity; the Islamic State of Iraq
and Syria, or ISIS as they have become known, sought to reinstate the social organisation
that prevailed during the Prophet’s lifetime, and in 2014 declared themselves a caliphate.
The question is not necessarily of ‘who?’ or ‘what?’, but why the twenty-first century in
particular has fallen victim to this new and unprecedented wave of Islamic activism. As
both an ideological concept and a tangible reality, political Islam is constantly evolving,
the nature of which is reflected by the array of relevant terminology.
2.1 ‘Fundamentalism’
Fundamentalism, an American Protestant term, was originally used to distinguish
between Protestant churches and those of mainstream Christianity.4 Reference to
specifically Islamic fundamentalism first appeared in the 1980s and quickly became used
as a blanket term to refer to all modern Islamic movements. The dictionary defines
fundamentalism as the strict adherence to traditional religious beliefs.5 This defines
those who adhere to the fundamentals of Islam, with Islamic fundamentalism becoming a
description of those that actively encourage fidelity to Islamic practice. The literal
definition therefore describes all Muslims, which has led to confusion regarding the use
of this term.6
3 Youssef Nada, Inside the Muslim Brotherhood, (London: Metro Publishing, 2012), p. 4
4 Bernard Lewis, The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror, (New York: Random House Trade
Paperbacks, 2004), p. 131
5 The Pocket Oxford Dictionary of Current English,Revised Eighth Edition ed. by Della Thompson,
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996)
6 Lewis, pp. 33-40
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Many Muslim scholars instantly reject fundamentalism for its Christian origins; many
regard it as a Western term that has been superimposed upon Islam, failing to identify the
uniquely Islamic nature of Islamic activism. Applying foreign terms to the Islamic
experience is an issue recognised by scholars across the spectrum of political Islam; “the
West is once again committing the fatal mistake of looking upon others belonging to a
different paradigm, from the prism of its own distorted categories of thought and
history”.7 Despite the unprovocative meaning of the word, fundamentalism tends to
conjure up images of violent extremism and is often used to refer to Islamist activity.
The literal interpretation of fundamentalism legitimately refers to all Muslims due to their
adherence to the fundamentals of Islam, however this becomes complicated when
fundamentalism is simultaneously used to refer to Islamic extremists.8 This is partly an
ignorant Western categorisation of Muslims, however there may be an element of Islam
that attracts prompts collective grouping in this way. Whereas modern Christians regard
the Bible as a historical document, Muslims possess an elevated notion of the importance
of the Qur’an; the Qur’an is unequivocally regarded as the word of God, and continues to
play a central role in Muslim life. The West understands Islam as promoting the literal
interpretation of scripture and assumes that Muslims need to historicise the Qur’an to
avoid encouraging the label of fundamentalism. Nazih Ayubi recognises in
contemporary fundamentalist movements the tendency to assert a radical approach with
immediate action, denoting a separate category of fundamentalism: neo-fundamentalism.9
Even with the specificity provided by this sub-category of fundamentalism, the term still
fails to capture the distinct nature of the new wave of Islamic activism, a concept more
successfully portrayed by the term ‘political Islam’.
2.2 ‘Political Islam’
7 Ahmad, Khurshid, ‘The Nature of the Islamic Resurgence’, in Voices of Resurgent Islam ed. by John L.
Esposito, (New York: Oxford University Press,1983), p. 225
8 Abdurrahman Wahid, ‘Scholar-President’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito and
John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 212
9 Nazih Ayubi, Political islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World, (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 68
7. 7 of 35
‘Political Islam’ encompasses the twofold nature of Islamic polity: the political
management of the state and the presence of Islam within this system. It recognises
Islam as ‘a body of faith that has something important to say about how politics and
society should be ordered in the contemporary Muslim world and seeks to implement this
idea in some fashion’.10 Political Islam is a new term, however despite being tailored to
the contemporary situation it fails to fully portray the phenomenon. Political Islam
suggests that something of a political nature has been added to the religiosity of Islam,
however Islam, like all religions, consists of a political element. Politics is inherent to
religion and it is not possible for the two to be separated. ‘Political Islam’ not only
suggests that such a separation is possible, but that the non-political version of the
religion is superior. A liberal ideology advocates eradicating religion from the public
domain and in the case of Islam would encourage a distinction to be made between
religious Islam and political Islam. Despite appearing to be unique to the Islamic
experience, political Islam is strongly influenced by Western liberal ideology, which
suppresses the specifically Islamic nature of the phenomenon. More so even than
Christianity, Islam demands to be in the public domain; the feast of Ramadan for example
is a public ritual, as is salat and the Hajj. Confining Islam to the private sphere is
antithetical to the nature of the religion.
The Islamic response is not the first of its kind; it is one of a variety of global movements
in the realm of global politics that seeks an ‘indigenous form of religious politics free
from the taint of Western culture’.11 The desire for an Islamic polity is not new, but the
way in which religion is being used to ignite conflict in international politics is; political
Islam is a political ideology concerned with politicising religion for sociopolitical goals.12
Although radical manifestations of political Islam demonstrate an extremist, militant
agenda, political Islam is essentially a defensive and protective stance against
modernity.13
10 Graham E. Fuller, ‘The Spectrum of Islamic Politics’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political
Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 52
11 Bassam Tibi, The Challenge of Fundamentalism: Political Islam and the New World Order, (California:
University of California Press,1998), p. 10
12 Ibid. p. 20
13 Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics,(U.S.A: Yale University
Press, 1985), p. 3
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‘Political Islam’, unlike some of its synonyms, is not easily damaged by Islamophobic
connotations. More of a statement than a descriptive term, political Islam denotes the
political activity within Muslim countries and recognises the stability of Islamic polity in
light of being exposed to modernity. One could argue that although political Islam
recognises the political drive within Islamist movements, it fails to highlight the authority
of Islam, an omission that ignores the central role of religion within political Islam. As
an extension of this term, ‘Islamism’ encompasses the ideology of political Islam whilst
acknowledging the importance of Islam, not only in terms of its political orientation, but
also as a religious system.
2.3 ‘Islamism’
The term ‘Islamism’ was coined by Voltaire in 1828 and was originally used
synonymously with Islam to refer to the religion as a whole. Although the term
originated in the early nineteenth century, the political connotations attributed to its use
arose later, coinciding with the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood. As the Brotherhood
expanded, Islamism soon became associated with intolerant Islam.14 Islamism replaced
fundamentalism, which reflects its recognition of the importance of the Islamic faith as
well as its association with political activism. The term is understood as describing
‘Muslims who are committed to political action to implement what they regard as an
Islamic agenda’.15
Islamist movements are characterised by a twofold purpose: a commitment to political
action, and the promotion of an Islamic agenda. Especially within the Western paradigm
there is a tendency to immediately associate the two aspects, political activity and an
Islamic agenda, with terrorist groups. Resisting the tendency to amalgamate the two
motives gives rise to a broader and less provocative understanding: Islamism legitimately
refers to non-violent political action that promotes an Islamic agenda, for example
14 Daniel Varisco, ‘Inventing Islamism: The Violence f Rhetoric’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on
Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010),
p. 36
15 Donald Emerson, ‘Inclusive Islamism: The Utility of Diversity’, Islamism: Contested Perspectives on
Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010),
p. 27
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exercising the right to vote. Donald Emerson argues that limiting the above terms to acts
of violence or extremism is not only inaccurate but invidious towards Islam. Islamism
can refer to Muslims who engage in non-violent political action; Muslims who support
but do not partake in either non-violent or violent political action; as well as Muslims
who use violence as a means to achieve such ends.16
The second element of the definition is concerned with the requirement of an Islamic
agenda, a concept that in itself needs further attention. The concept of a nation governed
by religion is difficult to comprehend by citizens of non-Muslim countries in which
secularisation and the separation of Church and State are distinct features of society. An
Islamic state demands that Islam is at the forefront of both the private and public realms.
As the primary source of Islamic jurisprudence, Islamist movements advance their
ideological ideal by implementing shari’a law; rather than being a product of human
reason, jurisdiction is established through Qur’anic exegesis.17 The concept of an Islamic
state seems simple, however conflicting beliefs arise and even Muslim countries oppose
Islamist regimes, which results in the success of an Islamic state being diminished.
Political scientist Angel Rabasa recognises the association of Islamism with negative
connotations, however he argues that rather than stigmatising Islam, the ‘-ism’ of
Islamism distances the religion from images of violence and terror. The religious,
intellectual, or political agenda that motivates Islamist movements is highlighted and the
term is used in a way that is free of derogatory intent.18 The emergence of ‘Islamism’
was inevitable because the task of distinguishing between Islam as a religion and Islam as
a modern ideology that derives its ideological content from the religion of Islam requires
an appropriate term.19 Hassan Hanafi attributes the appearance of ‘Islamism’ to the
Western tendency to substitute the Islamic worldview with an alternative ‘system’. Any
term used to refer to the Islamic situation is limited by language and cultural barriers, an
16 Emerson, p. 28
17 M. Zuhdi Jasser, ‘Political Islam, Liberalism, and the Diagnosis’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives
on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press,
2010), p. 105
18 Rabasa, p.111
19 Angel Rabasa, ‘Ideology, Not Religion’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by
Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press,2010), p. 110
10. 10 of 35
issue that transcends scholarly engagement with the study of Islam. The terminology is
biased and buried beneath misconceptions and prejudices, as well as being a product of
the Western experience of terrorism, violence, and fanaticism.20 Hanafi calls into
question the extent to which the Western portrayal of the problem corresponds with
factual information; we must problematise the Western instinct that links Islam with
violence, the biggest obstruction to which is the media.21
Political Islam has become embroiled with Western political ideology, and continues to
be tainted by the influence of Western media coverage. The original understanding of
political Islam, which establishes the link between religion and politics within Islam, is
instantly lost beneath derogative references to acts of terror and violence. Muslims
across the world are actively asserting the truth of Islam; however it is undeniable that the
centre of political activity is in the Middle East, epitomised by the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Muslim Brotherhood were opposed to asserting their aims through violent means,
however militant activists often began their political journey in the Brotherhood before
pursuing a more militant approach independently.22 Although Islamist movements
oppose violence in theory, they developed against a background of imperialism,
colonialism, and tyrannical regimes, which has led to Islamists advancing the Islamic
ideal by any means possible.
2.4 Strategies Used by Islamist Movements
In order to successfully establish an Islamic state, Islamist movements require a strategy,
many of which involve jihad. From the Arabic root ‘j-h-d’, jihad means ‘striving’ or
‘effort’, however as a tool often used to establish Muslim power in the face of opposition,
jihad has become associated with armed struggle in defence of Islamist values.23 The
West identifies jihad as being an Islamic version of the Christian crusades, an inaccurate
20 Hasan Hanafi, ‘The Classic Intellectual’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito and
John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 63
21 Hanafi, p. 64
22 Nada, p. 155
23 Lewis, pp. 29-31
11. 11 of 35
comparison and another example of a Western term being superimposed upon an Islamic
concept. Although jihad shares some similar characteristics with the Crusades,
Christianity exhibited a radical departure from basic Christian values, whereas jihad
purposefully retains its adherence to traditional Islamic values.24
Muhammad Abd al-Salam Faraj, the head of Islamic jihad in Egypt, promoted the
forceful implementation of an Islamic regime in opposition to the Western inspired
alternative. In Ah-Faridah al-Gha’ibah, Faraj justifies the creation of an Islamic state as
being the ‘Command of the Lord’, which ‘every Muslim should exert every conceivable
effort’ to execute.25 According to Faraj it is obligatory for Muslims to ‘raise their
swords’ in the face of those who hide the truth and spread falsehoods, however jihad is
not only a defensive tool: ‘to fight is, in Islam, to make supreme the Word of God in this
world’.26 Faraj calls for the serious organisation of jihad activities in order to establish an
Islamic state; the traditional understanding of jihad denotes struggle without an obligation
of violence, however the Qur’anic Sword Verse encourages Muslims to ‘kill them
[idolators], seize them, besiege them’.27 Exegetes differ in their interpretation of this
verse, particularly with regards to whether the verse has been abrogated by successive
verses promoting religious tolerance. Faraj maintains that the duty of jihad has not come
to an end: jihad is a duty, ‘which means confrontation and blood’.28
Islamist movements share a unique political allegiance; however their values are often
believed to be homogenous with the Islamic faith, which in turn leads to a pejorative
understanding of Islam as a violent religion. Referring to ‘Islamist’ movements in a
collective sense demands a comprehensive understanding of the interrelated roles of
religion, politics, and society. Engaging with the theory of political Islam is beneficial as
it identifies the foundations upon which Islamist movement are built. Establishing the
ideology behind this phenomenon clarifies the nature of the motivation behind the
movements themselves. The ideology manifests itself within specific Islamist
24 Lewis, p. 37
25 ‘Translation of Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam Faraj’s Text Entitled Al-Faridah al-Gha’ibah’, pp. 159-235
<http://www.juergensmeyer.com/files/Faraj_The_Neglected_Duty.pdf> [Accessed 27 April 2015], p. 162
26 Ibid. p. 193
27 Qur’an 9: 5
28 ‘Translation of Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam Faraj’s Text Entitled Al-Faridah al-Gha’ibah’, pp. 159-235
<http://www.juergensmeyer.com/files/Faraj_The_Neglected_Duty.pdf> [Accessed 27 April 2015], p. 199
12. 12 of 35
movements, which have an impact on not only the structure of society, but the
relationships between societies’ members. Political Islam is constantly evolving, which
means that what this study has identified as an accurate representation of the
contemporary experience will quickly become outdated. Despite this, the process is still
valuable; it identifies that which political Islam is influenced by, and as a result explains
why the resurgence of political Islam has had such a destructive impact.
One way in which the impact of political Islam can be comprehended is by engaging with
the way in which Christian-Muslim relations have been affected by its resurgence.
Christians and Muslims have co-existed in Muslim countries throughout history,
alongside the desire to establish an Islamic state. The correlation between these two
aspects provides an insight into the nature of their development over time, which
facilitates a greater understanding of the issue in the contemporary period. The historical
patterns within Christian encounters with Islam are identified through understanding the
implications for Christians living under Muslim rule. Identifying their origins within the
Qur’an and the Prophet’s regime provides a basis for understanding the way in which
Christian-Muslim relations have been affected by Islamism in the modern period.
3. Implications for Christians Living Under Muslim Rule
3.1 The Qur’an
Muslims argue that Islam demonstrates a unique tolerance towards members of other
religions, an attitude al-Qaradawi refers to as ‘the spirit of tolerance’ that ‘underlies
upright attitudes, benevolent dealings, respect for ones neighbours…and is exclusively
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practiced in Islamic society’.29 The origins of this uniquely Islamic trait can be found in
the Qur’an. The following Medinan verse demonstrates the spirit of tolerance:
[Believers], argue only in the best way with the People of the Book, except with
those of them who act unjustly. Say, ‘We believe in what was revealed to us and
in what was revealed to you; our God and your God is one [and the same]; we are
devoted to Him.’30
Muslim tolerance is also seen in accounts of the Prophet’s encounters with People of the
Book; Muhammad was known to have encouraged Christians and Jews to openly practice
their respective religions despite being amongst a Muslim majority.31
There is no compulsion in religion: true guidance has become distinct from error,
so whoever rejects false gods and believes in God has grasped the firmest hand-
hold, one that will never break.32
The Qur’an states that faith orientation is a matter of divine ordinance; God only wills
that which is beneficial to mankind. It is not for Muslims to punish those who do not
believe or attempt to force conversion upon non-Muslims; mankind will be subject to the
will of God on Judgement Day.
Now the truth has come from your Lord: let those who wish to believe in it do so,
and let those who wish to reject it do so.33
29 Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Non Muslims in the Islamic Society,(Indiana: American Trust Publications, 1985),
pp. 26-27
30 The Holy Qur’an, A New Translation by M. A. S Abdel Haleem, (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2010), Q 9: 46
31 al-Qaradawi, p. 29
32 Qur’an 2: 256
33 Qur’an 18: 29
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These are just two Qur’anic verses that clearly encourage Muslims to accept the existence
of other religions, however in other verses the Qur’an denies religious tolerance and
promotes violent jihad:
When the [four] forbidden months are over, wherever you encounter idolators,
kill them, seize them, besiege them…34.
Fight those of the People of the Book who do not [truly] believe in God and the
Last Day…35
Taken out of context, these verses suggest that jihad and religious freedom are mutually
exclusive, however neither verse define the purpose of war. Some scholars claim that
these verses abrogate the earlier verses that promote religious tolerance, however when
read in the context of the entire sura, the Qur’an goes on to state that the People of the
Book are to be fought only until they pay the tax36 and if the unbelievers repent they may
continue on their way.37
3.2 The Pact of Umar
Originally within the umma, the People of the Book were granted dhimmi status under the
condition that they accepted the political authority of Islam; the system granted non-
Muslims property, livelihood, and the freedom of worship in return for the payment of
jizya and political allegiance.38 After the Prophet’s death, the relationship between
Muslims and non-Muslims became unstable, and the rights of non-Muslims were unclear.
34 Qur’an 9: 5
35 Qur’an 9: 29
36 Qur’an 9: 29
37 Qur’an 9: 5
38 Bruce Masters,Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots of Sectarianism,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 19
15. 15 of 35
Initially dhimmis were not required to embrace Islam; those who did convert received no
recognition for their new allegiance and they were effectively classified as non-Muslims.
A reformulation of Muslim identity in 750 broadened the scope of the Muslim
community to provide recognition and equality for Muslims of both Arab and non-Arab
origin.39 The marginalisation of non-Muslims was recorded in the Pact of Umar, a legal
document that not only established the rights of dhimmis at the time, but governed the
way in which future Muslim states would treat non-Muslim citizens.40 Dhimmis were
granted protection from both outside aggression and inside oppression, as well as being
protected from unlawful acts, such as killing or theft.41 Besides these physical rights,
dhimmis were granted freedom of religion as commanded by the Qur’anic sura: ‘there is
no compulsion in religion’.42 The institution of dhimmitude is effectively a contract that
prescribes the obligations of dhimmis, adherence to which grants them Muslim protection
and the rights expounded by the Pact of Umar.
The Pact of Umar stated that Christianity and Judaism were not to be preached openly;
religious symbols such as the crucifix and copies of non-Islamic scripture were forbidden
in public and religious processions were only permitted within a church or synagogue.
Islamic society regarded dress as the primary indicator of social class and religious
affiliation; dhimmis were required to physically distinguish themselves from Muslim
citizens, primarily through wearing a girdle.43 A number of other restrictions were placed
upon dhimmis, many of which prohibited certain acts that were permitted to Muslims.
The influence of dhimmis on Muslims was heavily restricted; Muslims were permitted to
take a dhimmi wife, however dhimmis were not permitted to marry a Muslim woman.
Beyond the realm of family law, the legal testimony of a dhimmi was not accepted if any
of the parties involved were Muslim; it was believed that their failure to recognise the
truth of Islam was indicative of weak moral values.44 The extent to which these rules
were imposed varied; traditionalists maintain that non-Muslims are unable to inherit from
39 Masters,p. 21
40 Habib C. Malik, Islamism and the Future of Christians in the Middle East, (California: Hoover
Institution Press, 2010), p. 15
41 al-Qaradawi, pp. 3-9
42 Qur’an 2: 256
43 C.E Bosworth, ‘The “Protected Peoples” (Christians and Jews) in Medieval Egypt and Syria’, Bulletin
of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester,62 (1979), pp. 15-16
44 Bosworth, pp. 18-19
16. 16 of 35
Muslims, and a non-Muslim legal testimony regarding a Muslim is deemed void even if it
is the only testimony available. Conversely the Hanbali's allow a non-Muslim’s legal
testimony to be admitted to court in the exceptional circumstances that it is the only
account available.45
3.3 The Dhimma System
Within Islam, Christians and Jews are referred to as ‘People of the Book’, with all three
Abrahamic traditions sharing the fundamental belief in one almighty God. Non-Muslims
are ranked within Muslim society, and the People of the Book are attributed the highest
classification outside of Islam. Despite not submitting to Islam, Christians and Jews are
granted a protected status known as ahl al-dhimma. They are recognised as sharing in
Islamic beliefs and being recipients of the word of God, which established the right to
certain privileges. The institution of dhimmitude was established by Muhammad and
became authoritative in determining the way in which Islamic polity situated non-
Muslims, continuing to characterise life for Christians within certain Muslim countries.
Non-Muslims who live under dhimmitude are known as dhimmi, which literally means to
be ‘protected’ by Muslims. Dhimmitude establishes a contract that is beneficial to both
parties; Muslim protection is offered in return for payment of jizya, a poll tax that negates
the requirement of dhimmis to fight in the name of Islam; dhimmis would not be valuable
soldiers as their rejection of Islam reflects a lack of dedication to the Islamic State.46
In theory the world of Islam is in constant dispute with non-Muslims; Islam is seen as the
true path to the divine, however the People of the Book are permitted to reject the call of
dawa. The Qur’an recognises their denial of Islam and deems them to be a middle nation
that has chosen to turn their face to the truth:
45 Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 35-36
46 Bosworth, p. 17
17. 17 of 35
‘We have made you [believers] into a just community, so that you may bear
witness [to the Truth] before all others and so that the Messenger may bear
witness [to it] before you’47
Although the dhimma system guaranteed the protection of non-Muslims, it did not grant
them the freedom to openly display allegiance to their respective religions; it was
imperative that the superiority of Islam was recognised by both Muslim and non-Muslim
citizens to avoid apostasy. Dhimmitude allows non-Muslims to inhabit Muslim countries
without converting to Islam, which considering the crucial role of Islam in all realms of
life, appears to offer Christians and Jews a respected space within Muslim society. Upon
closer inspection however the system is more complex, and many scholars suggest that
rather than being a protected religious minority, dhimmis are better described as a
tolerated religious minority that suffers beneath a facade of protection.
3.4 Jizya
One of the main requirements of non-Muslims is payment of a capitation tax, which is
stipulated in the Qur’an.48 Al-Qaradawi recognises a twofold significance of paying the
jizya: it is a sign of obedience to the Islamic government as well as being a monetary
substitution for the military service required of all Muslim citizens.49
Although dhimmis are promised safety in Muslim countries, the verbal root of the Arabic
word means ‘to find blame’, and dhimmitude is perceived as subjugating non-Muslims,
for example in the Qur’an specification that the jizya must be paid in humiliating
circumstances.50 Originally, paying the jizya was not a humiliating encounter, however
subsequent interpretations of the Qur’an suggested the humiliating treatment of dhimmis
was punishment for their persistent unbelief; some sources recount the dhimmis being
forced to kneel before the collector and slapped as a ‘reward’ for payment.51
47 Qur’an 2: 143
48 Qur’an 9: 29
49 al-Qaradawi, p. 19
50 Malik, p. 14
51 Clinton Bennett, Muslims and Modernity:An Introduction to the Issues and Debates, (London:
Continuum, 2005), p. 162
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3.5 Restrictions Imposed on Non-Muslims
Other than the specific requirements of non-Muslims living in Muslim majority countries,
a significant characteristic of Muslim countries that causes issues for non-Muslims is
their being governed by shari’a law. As a religious jurisdiction, shari’a law does not
provide religiously neutral governance, which adds another element of tension for
Christian-Muslim relations. Shari’a literally means ‘the path leading to the watering
place’, reflecting the understanding of Islamic law as the actualisation of submission to
the divine will in everyday life and jurisprudence. Shari’a governs all aspects of life:
from state affairs to individual legal incidents. The shari’a recognises a clear distinction
between members of the state; as the Qur’an forbids forced conversion to Islam, a
hierarchy was established between Muslims, dhimmis, and infidels or polytheists.52 As
has already been seen, the primary symbol of the dhimma status is payment of jizya,
accompanied by numerous religious and social restrictions. Consideration must be given
however to the wider implications of life under shari’a law for non-Muslim citizens.
In civil matters such as murder, adultery, and theft, the law is applied equally to Muslims
and dhimmis. Inequality begins to arise when the issue concerns Muslim interaction with
a dhimmi, for example in the instance of a dhimmi testifying against a Muslim in court, or
with regards to marriage between Muslims and dhimmis. The full implications of these
restrictions cast light on the limits of the religious freedom granted by Islam; the Qur’anic
prohibition of forced conversion to Islam means that unless the state decides to banish
non-Muslims from Muslim soil, an agreement is required to enable non-Muslims to
remain active within the state of Islam. The apparent necessity of this agreement raises
the question of whether the dhimma agreement was established in order to fulfil a social
requirement, or whether Muslim countries genuinely wanted to create an environment
within which non-Muslim citizens were protected.
52 Qur’an 10:99-100
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It is often assumed that Islamist movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood saw their
main goal as implementing shari’a law, however this is not the case. Youssef Nada
revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood wanted to rule with a democracy that if not
contradict the shari’a.53 Nada describes shari’a law as a science that changes over time;
the shari’a provided social and ethical guidelines during the time of the Prophet,
guidelines which are not applicable within the context of modern society.
3.6 Modern Commentaries
Dhimmitude is just one reflection of the way in which Muslim societies regard non-
Muslim citizens. More recently, the question of Islamic tolerance has been heavily
influenced by the rise of Islamist groups demonstrating violent jihad, which has led to the
West perceiving Islam as a religion that abhors Christianity. In many cases this
perception has been supported by the institution of dhimmitude; the system grants
Christians with rights that appear to promote equality, but possess hidden stipulations that
ensure the subjugation of non-Muslims within society. The nature of inter-religious
relations is multi-dimensional in the contemporary period; although Christians and Jews
are given the freedom to choose their own religion, this does not necessarily mean that
they are permitted the freedom of religious observance.54
Western scholars have recognised a specifically Muslim religious tolerance, which
Bernard Lewis attributes to Islam’s rejection of secularisation. The impact of modernity
is characterised by the marginalisation of religion in the West, however Muslim countries
did not follow this trend. The contrasting reactions to modernity are attributed to the
historical experiences of Christians and Muslims reflecting different approaches to the
church-state divide. Whilst Christians were taught to distinguish between Caesar and
God, Muslims were not. This theory is popular amongst scholars for its validation of the
53 Nada, p. 116
54 Friedmann, p. 6
20. 20 of 35
Islamist ideology that rejects secularisation as anti-Islamic.55 Historians generally agree
that in the pre-modern era, Muslim societies were more tolerant of religious pluralism
than Christendom, which meant that religion did not feature in political issues; the inner
political dynamic that favoured religion-state separation did not exist.56 Positive inter-
religious relations and a visibly stable religion-state foundation meant that Muslim
societies did not need to consider secularisation.
Although this theory accounts for the organisation of Muslim societies at the dawn of
modernity, it does not explain why modern Muslims have opposed secularisation in
modernity. Sociopolitical and economic factors were the cause of the gradual
secularisation in the West; however the Islamic experience of secularisation has been as a
product of colonialism and is seen as an alien concept.57 In Muslim countries where
secularisation has been successful, the forceful modernisation and unwanted imposition
of Western values has caused Muslims to feel alienated in their own land, with societies
often being subjected to corruption, poverty, and inequality.
Mawlana Sayyid Abu Al-‘ala Mawdudi is renowned for his twentieth century vision of an
Islamic state that portrayed Islam as a complete way of life, with no distinction between
the private and public spheres, encompassing ideology, civilisation, and a legal-political
order.58 Mawdudi presented a unique ideological vision of the Islamic community in
which the success of religious leadership was of paramount importance, ensuring that the
participation of non-Muslims was limited. Mawdudi implemented the dhimma system in
Pakistan, however by placing restrictive measures on non-Muslims it was seen purely as
a tool for the success of the Islamic state, rather than a system that sought to enhance
religious tolerance. Mawdudi’s ‘Rights of Non-Muslims in an Islamic State’ is regarded
as the modern blueprint from which minority rights are made clear: protection under the
dhimmi contract requires jizya to be paid by all dhimmis capable of combat in accordance
with the individual’s financial means.59
55 Nader Hashemi, ‘Islam and Democracy’, in The Oxford Handbook to Islam and Politics,ed. by John L.
Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 78
56 Hashemi p. 80
57 Hashemi, p. 81
58 Joshua T. White and Niloufer Siddiqui, ‘Mawlana Mawdudi’, in The Oxford Handbook ofIslam and
Politics,ed. by John L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 145
59 Bennett, pp. 160-161
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Islamic theologian Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who had a prominent intellectual role in the
Muslim Brotherhood, is renowned for his engagement with the rights of non-Muslims
and support of the dhimma system. In 2010 however, al-Qaradawi’s views on
dhimmitude shifted and he advanced the concept of patriotic brotherhood, al-ukhuwa al-
wataniyya, which grants equal civil and political rights to both Muslims and non-
Muslims.60 A number of modern Muslim intellectuals, many of whom have been
secularly trained as journalists or lawyers, have mirrored al-Qaradawi’s move and have
started to develop a fiqh of citizenship for non-Muslims in the Islamic state.61 The
institution of dhimmitude is seen as prohibiting equal rights, and scholars argue that the
dhimma system is not ‘an eternal religious obligation, but a political contract which
comes to an end with the fall of the Ottoman Empire…’.62 Modern intellectuals clearly
reject the dhimma system and reiterate that toleration is not the same as equality, which
highlights the injustice within dhimmitude.
The characteristics of dhimmitude, particularly in light of modern scholars’ rejection of
the system, suggest that its prevalence has diminished due to it being understood as a
historical social tool, however this is not the case. In April 2015 the Islamic State of Iraq
and Syria, often abbreviated to ISIS, released a video that showed mass killings of
Christians in Libya.63 The victims failed to pay the jizya in line with the Qur’anic
requirements of non-Muslims, for which ISIS sentenced them to death. Reflecting the
strategic approach taken by older Islamist movements, ISIS appeal to shari’a law, in
which the enforcement of dhimmitude is encouraged. ISIS is an extreme and
unprecedented manifestation of political Islam, however beneath their unpredictable
exterior they are working towards the same aims as all Islamist movements: the creation
of an Islamic state.
60 David H. Warren and Christine Gilmore, ‘One Nation Under God? Yusuf al-Qaradawi’s Changing Fiqh
of Citizenship in the Light of the Islamic Legal Tradition’, 2013,
<https://www.academia.edu/5357481/One_nation_under_God_Yusuf_al-
Qaradawi_s_changing_Fiqh_of_citizenship> [Accessed 25 April 2015]
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
63 Raphael Poch, ‘In Latest Video, Ethiopian Christians Murdered by ISIS for Refusing to Pay Jizya’,
<http://www.breakingisraelnews.com/36817/isis-video-double-mass-killings-ethiopian-christians-middle-
east/#8z7YJu1lfxRSehKH.97> [Accessed 25 April 2015]
22. 22 of 35
For non-Muslims living within an Islamic state, the rise of political Islam has brought
with it a number of stipulations. Historically, the dhimma system dictated the rights of
non-Muslims and many countries continue to organisation society within this framework,
even today. Christians have lived in Muslim countries since the dawn of Islam, which
has meant that an established relationship has developed between members of the two
religions over the course of centuries. Christian-Muslim relations have not always been
harmonious, however the rise of political Islam has been accompanied by unique
challenges to Christians and Muslims alike, which have in turn affected the nature of
Christian-Muslim relations.
4. Muslim Perceptions of Christianity
The Muslim understanding of Christianity draws upon the theological differences
between the two religions, as well as real encounters with Christians. Within the Islamic
paradigm, Christianity is seen as a religion gone wrong. Although the two Abrahamic
religions share the central belief of one God, the way in which Christianity reveres the
divinity of Christ is shirk, and a sin in Islam. Islam recognises a historical corruption in
Christianity that can be attributed to a specific point in history; the original Christianity
preached by the Prophet ‘Isa shared in the Islamic doctrine of tawhid and devotion to
monotheism, and foretold the Coming of Muhammad. Islamic scholar Muhammad Abu
Zahra suggests that although Jesus professed tawhid, the chain of authority between Jesus
and the Council of Nicea was broken, and the call to tawhid was lost.64 Christianity
confirmed its departure from the truth of Islam by professing the divinity of Christ and
affirming the doctrine of the Trinity, a belief that directly threatens Islam as a clear
demonstration of kufr, unbelief.65 Christianity further denied the authority of Islam by
rejecting the prophecy of Muhammad, the truth of which Islam believes has been
deliberately eradicated from Christian scripture.
64 Hugh Goddard, ‘Muslim Perceptions of Christianity’,(London: Grey Seal, 1996), pp. 59-60
65 Goddard, pp. 67-69
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Although some Muslim scholars recognise the success of Christianity in the modern
world, the theological differences and unstable historical experiences have influenced the
environment within which Christian-Muslim relations are built. Islam directly associates
Christianity with its political and social context: the West. This unavoidable connection is
toxic to Christian-Muslim relations as it causes Muslims to become suspicious of the
West, and in turn Christianity. As Christianity is seen as a Western phenomenon, the two
concepts are inseparable in Muslim minds.66 The intrinsic link between the two often
results in Christianity being created into a demonised caricature with a highly politicised
agenda. Polemical Islamic literature confronts the theological differences between
Christianity and Islam and portrays Christianity as a villainous religion in an attempt to
promote the authority of Islam and justify the social segregation of non-Muslims.
Despite recognising that the fundamental beliefs of Islam are reflected in other religions,
Muslims maintain that Islam is the one true religion. One of the most prominent
polemical figures in Islam was Sayyid Qutb, a political activist who sought to highlight
Islam as a complete way of life, a minhaj, rather than a combination of religion and
state.67 This perception of Christianity was the starting point for Sayyid Qutb, however
his explication became particularly extreme; Qutb recognised the programme of jahiliyya,
a state of ignorance that originally described pre-Islamic Arabia, but which Qutb applied
to modern society.68 He saw the world as being in a state of paganism, in which false
gods were worshipped and the values of atheism, materialism, and secularism were
advocated.69 Paganism was introduced by infidels in the Roman Empire and whilst Islam
uprooted pagan practice, Christianity and paganism became intertwined: the political
manifestation was the Roman Empire, and the religious manifestation was the Roman
Catholic Church.70
66 Kate Zebiri, ‘Muslim Perceptions of Christianity and the West’, in Islamic Interpretations of
Christianity’ed. by Lloyd Ridgeon, (New York: St. Martins Press Scholarly and Reference Division,
2001), pp. 179-180
67 O. Voll, p. 61
68 Neal Robinson, ‘Sayyid Qutb’s Attitude Towards Christianiry: Sura 9:29-35 in Fi Zilal Al-Quran’ in
Islamic Interpretations of Christianity,ed.by Lloyd Ridgeon, (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2001), p. 160
69 Moussalli, p. 122
70 Ibid. p. 123
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Despite originating in the common Islamic belief that Christianity faltered from the true
path of Islam, Qutb’s belief that all non-Muslims are unbelievers and sinners is not shared
by the majority of Muslims. His radical approach is reflected in his understanding of al
jihad, which for Qutb is an instrument for the implementation of submission to God and
Islam.71 Islam’s struggle to defend the deity of God entails a waging of war that will stop
only in the event of the aggressors agreeing to pay the jizya.72 Qutb’s justification for
jihad is expressed in his commentary of Q 9: 32-3, which calls for Islam to deny the
infidels’ efforts to extinguish the light of God, allowing the divine will of Islam to prevail
over other religions. Non-believers reject not only Islam but the propagation of Islam and
therefore the will of God.73
According to mainstream Islamic law, the world is divided into two political realms: dar
al-Islam, the House of Islam governed by shari’a law; and dar al-harb, the House of War
which exists outside of Islamic law. Islam is not protected in the House of War, and Qutb
maintains that Islam cannot co-exist under a non-Islamic political order: God’s will is
incompatible with jahiliyya. Qutb’s application of the Qur’anic concept of jayiliyya to
modern society is a provocative statement that implies the ignorance of even People of
the Book, who are usually seen as distinct from unbelievers. It highlights Qutb’s
demonised understanding of Christianity; Christianity shares in Western colonialism and
has imposed itself upon Muslim societies in an attempt to eradicate Islamic creed.74
Qutb’s ideology dictates a three-fold purpose of jihad: to protect Muslims from being led
towards Christianity or Judaism; to encourage the propagation of Islam; and to establish
and defend the authority of God within the world. In response to the threat of jihad, non-
Muslims have three options: to surrender and convert to Islam, to pay the jizya as
indicative of stopping resistance, or war.75
The concept of hakimiyya, divine governance, is central to Qutb’s ideology and maintains
that the Qur’an is the true source of legislation, which must be the central source of
71 Ibid. p.125
72 Ibid. p. 165
73 Ibid. p. 169
74 Ibid. pp. 126-127
75 Robinson, p. 128
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guidance in everyday life. Qutb is enigmatic in his perception of the jahiliyyah state of
the world and claims that in order to escape the influence of infidels, Muslims must draw
upon the Qur’an and separate itself from the jahili society, replacing it with an Islamic
system.76 Once the shari’a has been accepted as authoritative, the theoretical devotion to
the divinity of God can become an active movement, which is guided by the the universal
law of shari’a; ‘only when all individuals are equally subject to a law which is not man-
made…can humans claim to fulfil their highest purpose, that is, of worshipping God’.77
Qutb offers one of the most prominent exclusivist discourses within the field of political
Islam. However despite his radical approach to Christianity and Judaism, he does not
advocate the abolition these religions; Qutb instead endorses hakimiyya as protection of
Islam from a non-Islamic agenda. Whether engaging with particularly extremist
interpretations of Islam, or a more moderate perception of the political climate, Islam
does not seek to extinguish religious diversity. Nevertheless, the stereotypical perceptions
of West unequivocally assert that Islam rejects the existence of other religions. So where
has this misconception come from? If Islam does not promote the abolishment of
Christianity, does that render it is a Western idea?
Religious diversity is acknowledged as an inescapable dimension of Islamic society.
With this in mind a question arises as to why a stereotype exists in which Islam rejects
other religions. This is not a true characteristic of Islam, so where does this
misconception come from? The rise of political Islam was accompanied by a prevalent
Islamic polemic against Christianity: can the same parallels be drawn between political
Islam and the appearance of the disillusioned Christian perceptions of Muslims?
5. Christian Perceptions of Islam
Christians and Muslims have been interacting with one another throughout history, long
before the rise of political Islamic movements in the modern period: ‘from the seventh
76 Bennett, p. 200
77 Bennett, pp. 201-202
26. 26 of 35
until the twentieth century most Christians have seen in Islam the enemy and the
adversary, even the mortal enemy and the most dangerous adversary, and have been
thinking of battles and “crusades” against the Muslims’.78 Christians saw it as their duty
to embark on missionary activity to declare the truth of Christianity to Muslims, an
approach taken by Andre d’Alverny, a Jesuit missionary who claimed that other religions
are ‘natural’ religions, the fruits of man, rather than a truly divine belief system.79 The
Christian approach matured in 1965 in Nostra Aetate, which encouraged Christians to
recognise that similarly to Christianity, Muslims worship the one God, living and
subsistent, and venerate Jesus as a prophet.80 The document promotes the reconciliation
of Christians and Muslims in order to develop mutual understandings, social justice, and
moral values.81
Whereas the Christian denial of the prophecy of Muhammad remains a key component in
Muslim perceptions of Christianity, the theological differences between the two religions
seem to be less prominent in Christian perspectives of Islam. It appears that Christians in
the West respond primarily to modern Muslim activity from the safety of their own
environment, whereas Muslim encounters with Christianity are more tangible within the
experience of the Middle East.
Christians in the West encounter Muslims on two levels: in everyday life within a multi-
cultural society, and through media reports of the unfolding political situation in the
Middle East and their impact on the Western world. Unfortunately, rather than
compartmentalising the opposing encounters with Muslims, the two converge. The West
perceives Islam as a single unit rather than as a multifaceted religion with distinct schools
of thought and the West creates a stereotype by which all Muslims are branded as
extremists. For this reason Christian perceptions of Muslims must be understood in light
of the Western tendency to stereotype, rather than cultivating an understanding from
informed encounters with Muslims.
78 Islam and Christianity:Mutual Perceptions Since the Mid-20th Century, ed. by Jacques Waardenburg,
(Leuven: Peeters, 1998), p. 21
79 Waardenburg, p. 22
80 Ibid. pp. 24-25
81 Ibid. pp. 24-25
27. 27 of 35
The West often remarks that Islam is opposed to democracy, a comment that seems to be
supported by the Islamic insistence on din and dawa as one and the crucial role of Islam
in both the private and public realms. The extent to which this claim is accepted by Islam
depends on the context within which democracy is understood. Youssef Nada claims that
it is not possible to speak of a single democracy and rejects the claim that Islam and
democracy are opposed to one another. Islam is attempting to formulate its own version
of democracy despite not being compliant with the characteristics of Western democratic
systems.82 The West often criticises Islam for adhering to a historical system that is
incompatible with features of the twenty-first century, a criticism that reflects an
inaccurate understanding of the Islamic approach to government. Democracy is accepted
so long as it adheres to the principles of Islam, a stipulation that is difficult to implement
due to the varying methods of Islamic interpretation. Islam does not need to be
secularised, but instead needs to be interpreted in light of the influence of the twenty-first
century. Democracy is unbiased, however when it is understood as a modern Western
construct, this characteristic is ignored. Islam sees modernity as giving rise to evolution,
relativism, and secularism, values that would inevitably destroy the indigenous culture of
Islam.83
It is an unfortunate but undeniable truth that the West labels Muslims as inherently
violent. This characterisation stems from the Western assumption that political Islamic
movements explicitly employ violent regimes. This misconception of the nature of
political Islam is encouraged by the media’s portrayal of incidents in the Middle East, and
whether out of fear or mere ignorance, this attitude is extended to Muslims as a whole.
Christians reverse the Muslim understanding of Christianity as a religion diverted from
the right path by claiming that Islam is a heretical religion.84 Islam is neither the total
negation of Christianity nor a partial affirmation of it, but rather a religion that embraces
both of these positions.
82 Nada, p. 107
83 Maryam Jameelah, ‘A Voice of Conservative Islam’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L.
Esposito and John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 58-61
84 Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making ofan Image, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
1997), p. 209
28. 28 of 35
Christian-Muslim relations are evolving on a daily basis, however there is a distinct lack
of literature dedicated to the subject. In light of recent developments within the realm of
political Islam, the gap in literature neglects a prominent aspect of this field of study.
Scholars have dedicated themselves to understanding the nature of the Muslim
understanding of Christianity, which is perhaps attributed to the nature of political
Islam’s focus. From the twentieth century onwards, political Islam became particularly
vocal about its desire to implement an Islamic State within the Middle East. In light of
this, the relationship between Christians and Muslims has been considered from within
the Muslim world, from the experience of Arab Christians living under the dhimmi
system. It is only in recent years, particularly in the shadow of 9/11, that the perspectives
of Western Christians have been seen as being relevant to the issue. This imbalance
needs to be addressed by scholars, particularly in light of the prevalence of extremist
movements such as ISIS, who are redefining what it means to be an Islamist. Muslim
presence in the Western world has heightened due to the increasing multi-cultural status
of the West; the activity of Muslims has also been more prevalent in the media and events
in the Middle East are at the forefront of the Western mind. The rise of political Islam
has influenced the Western perception of not only Islamist groups but of Islam as a
whole, which has given rise to a distinctive anti-Islamic attitude, which is often dubbed as
Islamophobia.
Nada responds to the way in which the West alienates Islam by highlighting the
similarities between Islam and Christianity: to attack the concept of Allah is to attack the
concept of Christ.85 The Western image of Islam has been blurred by events such as the
Crusades, and acts of terrorism committed in the name of Islam. Although al-Qaeda and
ISIS promote an Islamic agenda, they are not representative of the religion of Islam.
6. Conclusion
The rise of Islamism has had a major influence on not only Muslim countries, but
Western societies that have fallen victim to religiously motivated acts of extremism. As
85 Nada, p. 189
29. 29 of 35
the prevalence of Islamist movements has increased, so has their hold over society; the
radical regimes implemented by many contemporary manifestations of political Islam
invoke fear as both Muslim countries and the Western world recognise the unstoppable
unpredictability of these movements. The ideology of political Islam is anchored by
allegiance to Islam: there is no God but Allah, Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.86
This unwavering devotion to Islam, paired with the desire to establish a Caliphate under
the governance of shari’a law, is the basis of the unique nature of political Islam.
The terminology within this field of study seeks to capture the ideological framework of
political Islam, a complex task in light of cultural and linguistic obstacles.
Fundamentalism particularly struggles to effectively capture the phenomenon; as a
Western term it detracts from the central role of Islam, which immediately leaves
fundamentalism lacking. Although political Islam appears to be a neutral term, it also
originates in the West, this time as the product of a Western liberal ideology. Despite
being a highly charged term, Islamism most successfully captures the nature of political
Islam as it specifically recognises the promotion of an Islamic agenda.
Christians have inhabited Muslim countries throughout history, however simply by being
Christians they oppose the concept of an Islamic polity. For Christians living under
Muslim rule, provisions were put in place to enable them to remain members of the
Islamic state, the first official record of which is found in the Pact of Umar. The
institution of dhimmitude provided Christians with protection in return for the payment of
jizya and political allegiance to Islam. Within this setting, Christian-Muslim relations
were stable as the members of both religions understood their role within society. The
level of tolerance exhibited by Muslims is often called into question, and certain
restrictions, particularly restrictions of religious adherence, suggested that Christians
were a subjugated religious minority.
The historical treatment of Christians provided the foundations upon which Christian-
Muslim relations in the modern period have been built. Islamism in the twentieth century
reasserted the desire to establish an Islamic state, however it is undeniable that the
modern experience of political Islamic movements differs from that of older movements
86 The Shahada:the Islamic creed and one of the five pillars of Islam
30. 30 of 35
promoting the same aim. The Muslim Brotherhood promoted non-violent means of
establishing an Islamic agenda; however activists such as Sayyid Qutb and movements
such as ISIS have demonstrated the merciless enforcement of militant regimes.
Understanding Christian and Muslim perceptions of one another reveals that both
religions hold apprehensions about the other, and Islamic polemical literature and
Western media coverage is responsible for many negative connotations.
The combination of the historical implications for Christians in Muslim countries and the
tensions between Christians and Muslims as the product of the emergence of Islamism
have undoubtedly created a hostile environment within which Christian-Muslim relations
have developed. Modern society has brought with it the tendency to homogenise
religious believers; Muslims become extremists, and Christians are feared for their
association with the West. The status of Christian-Muslim relations is complex;
Christians and Muslims have been interacting since the dawn of Islam. The issue is by no
means new, however Christian-Muslim relations have certainly been faced with new
issues in light of the rise of Islamism. Political Islam has played a major role in
influencing Christian-Muslim relations; the recent emergence of movements such as ISIS
who implement a previously unseen Islamist tactic have stunted the development of
positive inter-religious relations.
The ideology that underpins political Islam is still present; however the manifestations of
this ideology are still evolving, far beyond anyone’s expectations. The acts committed by
Islamist movements in the name of Islam ignite fear within society and paralyse any
ability to respond. What has been assumed about the phenomenon of political Islam is
now redundant, and the future of Christian-Muslim relations is uncertain. Regardless of
the direction in which Islamism moves, the influence of twenty-first century Islamist
movements on Christian-Muslim relations is clear. In the same way that the influence of
the Prophet’s regime and the institution of dhimmitude influenced Christian-Muslim
relations is still visible today, the impact of ISIS will remain even if when movement
ceases to exist. The rise of Islamism has influenced Christian-Muslim relations in
numerous ways. Historically prescribed restrictions for Christians in Muslim countries
rendered the nature of Christian-Muslim relations unstable, however the modern period
has cultivated a misconception of intolerance, which has left Christian-Muslim relations
31. 31 of 35
in a state of hostility. Islamist regimes are undoubtedly responsible, however just as the
future of political Islam is unknown, so is the future of Christian-Muslim relations. There
is no reason to believe that the further evolution of political Islam would not remedy the
negative impact of the twenty-first century, and serve as the basis for positive relations in
the future.
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