As indicated by the ongoing overview there is 40 organizations ar.docx

As indicated by the ongoing overview there is 40%
organizations are not ready to revive their business after the
calamity. The main reason for this is not having a proper plan
for business continuity plan and disaster recovery plan. There
are companies even now who are not acknowledging the
importance of these plans until some unfortunate event occurs.
Even if the organization is having these plans, while dealing
with third-party vendors, the organization also should make sure
they also have the plans in the place before signing the
agreement. The purpose of business continuity plan is to
identify the critical business functions and have a backup of the
tools that need to use for the operations to run. This is the main
objective of this plan. BCP will make sure continuity of
business operations even at the time of crisis. The disaster
recovery plan focuses on the recovery of an organization after
the disaster struck. This plan will have preventive controls and
how to minimize the damage etc. The main objective of disaster
recovery plan is helping the organization to recover from the
disaster and restore its operations within the specific time
(Tony Munns & Bill Goddard, 2014).
The similarities between BCP and DR plans are, they both
address the steps need to be taken when an unfortunate event
occurs. Both the plans need to be full proof and tested. It is
mandatory for the audit team to review those plans and update it
on regular basis. These both the plans are independent of each
other. The difference is business continuity plan is more of
regarding the business. It contains the backup procedures, tools,
and the data that need to continue the business without going
into downtime. In the BCP plan, the downtime will be very less.
The disaster recovery plan involves restoration of organization
infrastructure, recovery the data that has been lost. In this plan,
the main focus will be on recovering the organization from the
damage that was caused by the disaster. Unlike in business
continuity plan, the recovery time can be more in the disaster

recovery plan (Timothy King, 2018).
At the time of crisis, it is needed the business needs to be done
or shift the business operations to another place so that the
maintenance of the business will be done. These things need to
be included in the recovery plan. While making the plan itself,
the team needs to think of a site where they can work at the
time of disasters. They should think of some safe place where
the employees can work and deliver the products. It is
organization responsibility to take care of their employees at
this crucial time.
The human resource department in the organization needs to
take care of these documents. It is their responsibility how they
are going to share the plans across the organization. They can
document or store it in the cloud. They can conduct some
sessions regarding these plans and train their employees
regarding this. They can share the link to these documents
within the organization. By doing this even the new joiner can
have an idea about these plans.
Policies are important in every organization. The policy will tell
the employees what terms they need to follow. Having policy
will maintain the fairness and transparency of the organization.
If the organization is having policy means they are complying
with the law. So while making the policy the organization needs
to consider all the factors. By reading the policy, one should
understand the terms and objectives of the organization. While
making policy, the organization needs to consider everyone in
the organization. It is not for few members and it is about the
whole organization. Having a well-written policy will save the
organization form non-compliance issues also. At the same
time, the poorly written policy will harm the organization. So
while making policy has an efficient team who can make and
review it (Edmund R. Gray, n.d).
While joining the organization itself, the employee will sign the
non-disclosure agreement. Not complying with this will leads to
punishment. In any case, the information regarding the
organization needs to be confidential. Every single document

related to the organization is confidential. If it is no longer
useful try to shred it or destroy it. It is employees’
responsibility to keep the information confidential. Both BCP
and DR plans are important to the organization. We cannot say
which one is important between them. Both have their own
importance. If by any chance any document got by our
competitor, it is a loss to the Organization. Just think if he is
able to get his hands on the organization internal plans, he may
access other information also. Between these two plans as
business continuity will contain more regarding the critical
business operations and the strategy it used to maintain their
operations. So losing BCP will have the significant threat to the
organization.
If any disaster occurs, the law enforcement team is the first one
to react. They play a vital role in recovering the people from
disaster effects. The courage and the surviving skills they show
in those difficult situations is appreciable. The team will work
24x7 to rescue the citizens. They will shift the citizens to a safe
place. The paramedics, police officials, firefighters all are
needed to control this emergency situation. They are much
trained to cope up these situations and bear the stress. If they
are not there, the situation would have been more difficult to
carry on. So we all should be really grateful for the whole team
(Bob Galvin, 2013).
While testing our disaster recovery plan, if we invite some of
the members of the law enforcement team to the organization
will be good. The team in the organization would have imagined
about the disaster and have made a strategy to survive from it.
The law enforcement team is already survived from those types
of disasters. They will give their inputs also and train our
employees regarding the surviving skills at the time of
disasters. Instead of theory showing it in practice will benefice
the employees also. By doing these organization has taken
really good efforts for making BCP and DR plans. It shows their
dedication towards their employees and organization.
If the disaster occurs, the communication media will already

give reporting regarding this. But they will not have full
information which business operations got impacted in the
organization because of this disaster. It's better if the
organization itself has taken this initiative and provide info
which services are going to be downtime and how long it will
take to restore it. The customers will understand and they will
wait for their deliveries. If the organization didn't make any
announcement regarding this, the clients may think everything
is fine and they except their deliveries on time which cannot be
possible. So in my opinion informing about the disaster impact
in the organization will not let the organization down. It will
update the customers what can be expected in this type of
situation. It will maintain the trust of the clients and goodwill
of organization.
References:
Tony Munns & Bill Goddard (2014, Jun 5). More Than 40% of
Businesses Don’t Bounce Back After a Natural
Disaster.Bizjournals.com. Retrieved
from https://www.bizjournals.com/stlouis/blog/2014/06/more-
than-40-of-businesses-don-t-bounce-back-after.html.
Timothy King (2018, May 3). Business Continuity vs. Disaster
Recovery; what’s the Difference.
Solution
s review.com. Retrieved
from https://solutionsreview.com/backup-disaster-
recovery/business-continuity-vs-disaster-recovery-whats-the-
difference/.
Edmund R. Gray (n.d). POLICIES AND POLICY MAKING.

Reference for business.com. Retrieved
fromhttp://www.referenceforbusiness.com/encyclopedia/Per-
Pro/Policies-and-Policy-Making.html.
Bob Galvin (2013, Aug 20). Planning for Disaster. Police
mag.com. Retrieved
fromhttp://www.policemag.com/channel/technology/articles/201
3/08/planning-for-disaster.aspx
Cornell NotesInstructions:Write The NotesThe large box to the
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Don't use complete sentences. Use abbreviations, whenever
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R eview and clarify.Review the notes as soon as possible after
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Pull out main ideas, key points, dates, and people, and write
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Summary & Things you learned
X
The Mysterious Fall of the Nacirema
This vigorous culture’s obsession with altering its landscapes
and waterways
may have caused its own death.
By Neil B. Thompson
THE revival of concern in the recently extinct culture of the
Nacirema is, to say
the least, most interesting, and perhaps reflects an increasing
state of concern
for own society. (Aspects of the Nacirema culture were first
described by Horace
Miner in “Body Ritual Among the Nacirema,” American

Anthropologist [1956]
58:503–507.) The use of a multidisciplined approach in
deciphering this
puzzling culture is gratifying; for it is only by bringing all our
methodological
techniques to bear on the fragments of evidence in our
possession that we will
be able to rationally study and understand the history of this
apparently
vigorous but short-lived culture.
Through exploratory digs by our archeological expeditions, we
are able to say
with some confidence that the Nacirema were the dominant
group in the
complex of North American cultures. Although the Nacirema
left a large number
of documents, our linguists have been unable to decipher any
more than a few
scattered fragments of the Nacirema language. Eventually, with
the complete
translation of these documents, we will undoubtedly learn a
great deal about the
reasons for the sudden disappearance of what, from the physical
evidence, must

have been an explosive and expansive culture. For the present,
however, we
must rely upon the physical evidence we have uncovered and
analyzed in order
to draw any conclusions concerning its extinction.
When we examine the area occupied by these people in a single
overview, it is
immediately apparent that the Nacirema considered it of
primary importance to
completely remake the environment of the lands they occupied.
On studying the
fringes of their territory, particularly their penetration of the
Cree cultural area
to the north, one is struck by the energy that they expended on
this task. Trees,
if in large enough numbers and size to influence the appearance
of the
landscape, were removed. In treeless regions, hills were leveled
and large holes
were dug and partially filled with water. In a few areas the
Nacirema imported
structural steel with which they erected tall, sculpturesque
towers. Some of
these towers were arranged in series, making long lines that

extended beyond
the horizon, and were linked by several cables running through
the air. Others,
particularly in the northern fringe area, were erected in no
discernible geometric
pattern and were connected by hollow pipes laid on the surface
of the earth.
When one views areas normally considered to be within their
cultural
suzerainty, one sees evidence of similar activity. Most trees
were removed. In
some areas, however, trees were replanted or areas were
allowed to reforest
themselves without assistance. Apparently, the fetish against
trees went by fits
and starts, for the Nacirema would sometimes move into a
reforested area and
again remove the trees.
Most of the land, however, was kept clear of trees and was
sowed each year with
a limited variety of plants. Esthetic considerations must have

led to the
cultivation of plants poisonous to human life be cause, while the
products of the
cropland were sometimes used as food, few were consumed
without first being
subjected to long periods of complicated processing. Purifying
chemicals, which
radically changed the appearance and the specific weights of the
seeds or fibers,
were added. These purification rituals were seldom performed
in the living
quarters, but rather in a series of large temple-like buildings
devoted to this
purpose. A vast hierarchy of priests dressed in white (a symbol
of purity)
devoted their lives to this liturgy. Members of another group,
the powerful
ssenisub community (whose position will be explained later),
constantly
examined the efforts of the first group and, if they approved,
would affix to the
finished product one of several stamps, such as "ADSU" or
"Doog
Gnipeekesouh." Still a third group, the repeekkoobs, accepted
and recorded on

permanent memorial rolls the gifts of the general population to
their priestly
order.
On a more limited territorial basis, the Nacirema spent great
time and energy
constructing narrow ribbons, called steerts, across the
landscape. Some steerts
were arranged in connected patterns, and in regions with a great
concentration
of people, the patterns, when viewed from the air, increased in
size and became
more elaborate. Other ribbons did not follow any particular
pattern but
aimlessly pushed from one population center to another. In
general, their
primary function seems to have been to geometricize the
landscape into units
that could be manipulated by a few men. The steerts also served
as
environmental dividers; persons of a lower caste lived within
the boundaries of
defined areas while those of the upper caste were free to live
where they chose.
Exploratory digs have shown that the quality of life in the

different areas varied
from very luxurious to poverty stricken. The various areas were
generically
referred to as ottehgs.
The task of completely altering the appearance of the
environment to fit the
Nacirema’s ideology was given such high priority that the
ssenisub community
completely controlled the amassing of resources, manpower,
and intelligence for
this purpose. This group, whose rank bordered on that of a
nonregimented
priestly caste, lived in areas that were often guarded by
electronic systems.
There is no evidence to suggest that any restraints—moral,
sociological, or
engineering—were placed on their self-
determined enterprises.
For a period of about 300 solar cycles (a
determination made on the basis of

carbon-dating studies) the Nacirema
devoted a major part of their effort to the
special environmental problem of
changing the appearance of air and water.
Until the last 50 solar cycles of the
culture’s existence, they seemed to have
had only indifferent success. But during the short period before
the fall of the
culture, they mastered their art magnificently. They changed the
color of the
waters from the cool end of the spectrum (blues and greens)
toward the warm
end (reds and browns).
The air was subjected to a similar alteration: it was changed
from an azure
shade to a uniform gray-yellow. This alteration of water and air
was effected by
building enormous plants in strategic locations. These are
usually found by our
archeologists in or near large population centers, although, as
success rewarded
the Nacirema’s efforts, they seem to have built smaller plants in
outlying areas
where environmental changes had not yet been effected These

plants constantly
produced a variety of reagents, each appropriate to its locale,
which were then
pumped into the rivers and lakes or released into the atmosphere
in the form of
hot gases. The problem of disposing of the many by-products of
this process was
solved by distributing them among the general population which
retained them
as venerated or decorative objects in their living quarters for a
short time, then
discarded them in the huge middens that were established near
every
population center.
In regions where colder temperatures apparently prevented the
reagents from
changing the color of the water sufficiently, the Nacirema, near
the end of their
cultural explosion, built special plants that economically raised
the water
temperature to an acceptable level for the desired chemical
reaction.
The idea of a man-made environment was so pervasive that in

some areas,
notably in the provinces called Ainrofilac and Anaisiuol, the
Nacirema even tried
to alter the appearance of the ocean currents. In these regions
they erected steel
sculptures in the sea itself and through them released a black
and slick
substance, which stained the waters and the beaches. This
experiment how ever,
was relatively unsuccessful since the stains were not permanent
and the
For a period of about 300 solar
cycles (a determination made on
the basis of carbon-dating studies)
the Nacirema devoted a major part
of their effort to the special environ-
mental problem of changing the
appearance of air and water.

Nacirema apparently never mastered a technique for constantly
supplying the
reagent.
Early research has disclosed the
importance of ritualistic observance
among the Nacirema. In support of these
observations, we should note the presence
of the quasi-religious Elibomotua Cult,
which sought to create an intense sense of
individual involvement in the community
effort to completely control the
environment. This pervasive cult was devoted to the creation of
an artistic
symbol for a man-made environmental system.
The high esteem of the cult is demonstrated by the fact that near
every
population center, when not disturbed by the accumulation of
debris,
archeologists have found large and orderly collections of the
Elibomotua Cult
symbol. The vast number of these collections has given us the
opportunity to

reconstruct with considerable confidence the principal ideas of
the cult. The
newest symbols seem to have nearly approached the ultimate of
the Nacirema’s
cultural ideal. Their colors, material, and size suggest an
enclosed mobile device
that corresponds to no color or shape found in nature, although
some
authorities suggest that, at some early time in the development,
the egg may
have been the model. The device was provided with its own
climate control
system as well as a system that screened out many of the shorter
rays of the light
spectrum.
The object was designed to eliminate most sounds from the
outside and to fill
the interior with a hypnotic humming sound when the machine
was in
operation. This noise could be altered in pitch and intensity by
the
manipulation, through simple mechanical controls, of an
ingenious mechanism
located outside the operator’s compartment. This mechanism

also produced a
gaseous substance that, in a small area, could change the
appearance of the air
in a manner similar to the permanent plant installations.
In the early stages of the symbol’s development, this was
probably only a
ritualistic performance since the production plant was small and
was fueled by a
small tank. This function, however, may have been the primary
reason for the
cult’s symbol: to provide each family with its own device for
altering the
environment by giving it a private microuniverse with a system
of producing the
much desired air-changing reagent.
The quasi-religious Elibomotua
Cult, which sought to create an
intense sense of individual
involvement in the community effort
to completely control the
environment.

A distinguished group of
The complete machined piece was
somewhat fragile. Our tests of the
suspension system indicate that it was
virtually immobile on unimproved terrain;
by all of our physical evidence, its
movement was restricted to the surfaced
steerts that the Nacirema had built to
geometricize the landscape.
We are relatively certain that a specially
endowed and highly skilled group of
educators was employed to keep the
importance of these enclosed mobile devices constantly in the
public eye.
Working in an as yet unlocated area that they referred to as
Euneva Nosidam,
these specialists printed periodical matter and transmitted
electronic-impulse
images to boxlike apparatus in all homes.

While some of the information was aimed at describing the
appearance and
performance characteristics of the various kinds of machines,
the greatest
portion of the material was seemingly aimed at something other
than these
factors. A distinguished group of linguists, social psychologists,
and theologians,
who presented the principal symposium at our most recent
anthropological
conference, offered the hypothesis that the elibomotua symbols,
also known as
racs, replaced the processes of natural selection in the courtship
and mating
rituals of the Nacirema. Through unconscious suggestion, which
derived from
Euneva Nosidam’s “mcnahulesque” materials, the female was
uncontrollably
driven to select her mate by the kind of elibomotua he occupied.
The males of
the culture were persuaded to believe that any handicap to
masculine
dominance could be overcome by selecting the proper cult
symbol. In this way,
the future of the race, as represented by Nacirema culture, was

determined by
unnatural man-made techniques.
The symposium was careful to point out that we have not yet un
covered any
hard evidence to show whether or not this cultural trait actually
had any effect
on the race or its population growth. We have found, however,
one strange
sculpture from the Pop Loohcs depicting a male and female
mating in an
elibomotua’s rear compartment, indicating a direct relationship.
The hypothesis
has the virtue of corresponding to the standard anthropological
interpretations
of the Nacirema culture—that it was ritual ridden and devoted
to the goal of
man’s control of the environment.
Further evidence of the Nacirema’s devotion to the Elibomotua
Cult has been
discovered in surviving scraps of gnivom serutcip. Some of
these suggest that
linguists, social psychologists,

and theologians, who presented
the principal symposium at our
most recent anthropological
conference, offered the
hypothesis that the Elibomotua
symbols, also known as racs,
replaced the processes of natural
selection in the courtship and
mating rituals of the Nacirema.
one of the most important quasi-religious ceremonies was
performed by large
groups who gathered at open-air shrines built in imitation of a
planetary ellipse
and called a kcartecar. There, with intensely emotional
reactions, these crowds
watched a ritual in which powerful gnicar racs performed their
idealized concept
of the correct behavior of the planets in the universe.
Apparently, their deep-
seated need for a controlled environment was thus emotionally

achieved.
The racs did not hold a steady position in the planetarium, but
changed their
relationship to the other racs rather frequently. Occasionally a
special ritual,
designed to emphasize man’s power over his universe, was
enacted. On these
unannounced occasions one or more of the planet symbols was
destroyed by
crashing two of them together or by throwing one against a
wall.
The emotional pitch of the worshipers
rose to its highest level at this moment.
Then, on command of the high priest of
the ceremony, all the gnicar racs were
slowed to a funereal speed and carefully
held in their relative positions. After an
appropriate memorial period honoring
man’s symbolic control of the universe,
the machines were given the signal to
resume their erratic speeds and permitted
to make unnatural position changes.

We can only speculate on the significance of this ritual, but it
seems reasonable
to conclude that it served as an educational device, constantly
imprinting in the
individual the society’s most important values.
Many of the findings of archeological explorations suggest that
these symbols of
universal power took up a large portion of the time and energy
of the Nacirema
society. Evidence indicates that a sizable portion of the work
force and
enormous amounts of space must have been devoted to the
manufacture,
distribution, and ceremonial care of the devices. Some of the
biggest production
units of the economy were assigned this function; extensive
design laboratories
were given over to the manipulation of styles and appearances,
and assembly
lines turned out the pieces in serial fashion They were given a
variety of names,
although all of those made in the same time period looked
remarkably alike.

Every family assumed the responsibility for one of the
machined pieces and
venerated it for a period of two to four solar cycles. Some
families who lived in
areas where a high quality of life was maintained took from two
to four pieces
into their care. During the time a family held a piece, they
ritually cleansed it,
The males of the culture were
persuaded to believe that any
handicap to masculine dominance
could be overcome by selecting the
proper cult symbol. In this way, the
future of the race, as represented
by Nacirema culture, was
determined by unnatural man-made
techniques.

housed it from the elements, and took it to special shrines where
priests gave it a
variety of injections.
The Nacirema spent much of their time inside their elibomotuas
moving about
on the steerts. Pictures show that almost everyone engaged,
once in the morning
and once in the evening, in what must have been an important
mass ritual,
which we have been unable to decipher with any surety. During
these periods of
the day, people of both sexes and all ages, except the very
young and the very
old, left their quarters to move about on the steerts in their racs.
Films of these
periods of the day show scenes analogous to the dance one can
occasionally see
in a swarm of honeybees. In large population centers this
“dance of the racs"
lasted for two or three hours. Some students have suggested that
since the
swarm dances took place at about the time the earth completed
one-half an axial
rotation, it may have been a liturgical denial of the natural

processes of the
universe.
Inasmuch as we are reasonably certain that after the rite most of
the adults and
all of the children left the racs and were confined inside man-
made structures
variously called loohcs, eciffos, tnalps, or emohs and, when
released, went
immediately to their racs and engaged in the next swarming, the
suggestion may
be apropos. The ardent involvement of the whole population
from ages 6
through 65 indicates that it was one of the strongest mores of
the culture,
perhaps approaching an instinctual behavior pattern.
It should also be mentioned that, when inside their racs, people
were not
restricted to their ottehgs, but were free to go any where they
chose so long as
they remained on the steerts. Apparently, when they were
confined inside a rac,
the Nacirema attained a state of equality, which eliminated the
danger of any

caste contamination. These, then, to the best of our present state
of knowledge,
were the principal familial uses of the Elibomotua Cult
symbols. After a family
had cared for a piece long enough to burnish it with a certain
patina, it was
routinely replaced by another, and the used rac was assigned to
a gallery keeper,
who placed it on permanent display in an outdoor gallery,
sometimes
surrounded by trees or a fence, but usually not concealed in any
way. During
their free time, many persons, especially those from the ottehgs
of the lesser
sorts, came to study the various symbols on display and
sometimes carried away
small parts to be used for an unknown purpose.
There seems to be little doubt that the Cult of the Elibomotua
was so fervently
embraced by the general population, and that the daily rituals of
the rac’s care
and use were so faithfully performed, that the minute quantities
of reagent thus
distributed may have had a decisive effect on the chemical

characteristics of the
air. The elibomotua, therefore, may have contributed in a major
way toward the
prized objective of a totally man-made environment.
In summary, our evaluation of both the Nacirema’s man-made
environmental
alterations and the artifacts found in their territories lead us to
advance the
hypothesis that they may have been responsible for their own
extinction. The
Nacirema culture may have been so successful in achieving its
objectives that
the inherited physiological mechanisms of its people were
unable to cope with
its manufactured environment.
http://www.naturalhistorymag.com/master.html?http://www.natu
ralhistorymag.com/edit
ors_pick/1972_12_pick.html

BODY RITUAL AMONG THE NACIREMA
Horace Miner
From Horace Miner, "Body Ritual among the Nacirema."
Reproduced by permission of the American
Anthropological Association from The American
Anthropologist, vol. 58 (1956), pp. 503-507.
Most cultures exhibit a particular configuration or style. A
single value or pat-
tern of perceiving the world often leaves its stamp on several
institutions in the
society. Examples are "machismo" in Spanish-influenced
cultures, "face" in
Japanese culture, and "pollution by females" in some highland
New Guinea
cultures. Here Horace Miner demonstrates that "attitudes about
the body"
have a pervasive influence on many institutions in Nacireman
society.

The anthropologist has become so familiar with the diversity of
ways in which
different peoples behave in similar situations that he is not apt
to be surprised by
even the most exotic customs. In fact, if all of the logically
possible combinations
of behavior have not been found somewhere in the world, he is
apt to suspect that
they must be present in some yet undescribed tribe. This point
has, in fact, been
expressed with respect to clan organization by Murdock. In this
light, the magical
beliefs and practices of the Nacirema present such unusual
aspects that it seems
desirable to describe them as an example of the extremes to
which human behavior
can go.
Professor Linton first brought the ritual of the Nacirema to
the attention of
anthropologists twenty years ago, but the culture
of this people is still very poorly understood. They are a North
American group
living in the territory between the Canadian Creel the Yaqui and

Tarahumare of
Mexico, and the Carib and Arawak of the Antilles. Little is
known of their origin,
although tradition states that they came from the east....
Nacirema culture is characterized by a highly developed
market economy which
as evolved in a rich natural habitat. While much of the people's
time is devoted to
economic pursuits, a large part of the fruits of these labors and
a considerable
portion
of the day are spent in ritual activity. The focus of this activity
is the human body,
the appearance and health of which loom as a dominant concern
in the ethos of the
people. While such a concern is certainly not unusual, its
ceremonial aspects and
associated philosophy are unique.
The fundamental belief underlying the whole system appears
to be that the
human body is ugly and that its natural tendency is

to debility and disease. Incarcerated in such a body, man's only
hope is to avert
these characteristics through the use of the
powerful influences of ritual and ceremony. Every household
has one or more
shrines devoted to this purpose. The more
powerful individuals in the society have several shrines in their
houses and, in fact,
the opulence of a house is often referred to
in terms of the number of such ritual centers it possesses. Most
houses are of wattle
and daub construction, but the shrine rooms of the more wealthy
are walled with
stone. Poorer families imitate the rich by applying pottery
plaques to their shrine
walls. While each family has at least one such shrine, the
rituals associated with it
are not family ceremonies but are private and
secret. The rites are normally only discussed with children, and
then only during
the period when they are being initiated into these mysteries. I
was able, however,
to establish sufficient rapport with the natives to examine these
shrines and to have

the rituals described to me.
The focal point of the shrine is a box or chest which is built
into the wall. In this
chest are kept the many charms and magical potions without
which no native
believes he could live. These preparations are secured from a
variety of specialized
practitioners. The most powerful of these are the medicine men,
whose assistance
must be rewarded with substantial gifts. However, the medicine
men do not
provide the curative potions for their clients, but decide what
the ingredients
should be and then write them down in an ancient and secret
language. This
writing is understood only by the medicine men and by the
herbalists who, for
another gift, provide the required charm.
The charm is not disposed of after it has served its purpose,
but is placed in the
charmbox of the household shrine. As these
magical materials are specific for certain ills, and the real or
imagined maladies of

the people are many, the charm-box is usually full to
overflowing. The magical
packets are so numerous that people forget what their purposes
were and fear to
use them again. While the natives are very vague on this point,
we can only assume
that the idea in retaining all the old magical materials is that
their presence in the
charm-box, before which the body rituals are conducted, will in
some way protect
the worshipper.
Beneath the charm-box is a small font. Each day every
member of the family, in
succession, enters the shrine room, bows
his head before the charm-box, mingles different sorts of holy
water in the font,
and proceeds with a brief rite of ablution.
The holy waters are secured from the Water Temple of the
community, where the
priests conduct elaborate ceremonies to
make the liquid ritually pure.

In the hierarchy of magical practitioners, and below the
medicine men in
prestige, are specialists whose designation is best translated
"holy-mouth-men."
The Nacirema have an almost pathological horror of and
fascination with the
mouth, the condition of which is believed to have a supernatural
influence on all
social relationships. Were it not for the rituals of the
mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their gums
bleed, their jaws
shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers
reject them. They also believe that a strong relationship exists
between oral and
moral characteristics. For example, there is a ritual ablution of
the mouth for
children which is supposed to improve their moral fiber.
The daily body ritual performed by everyone includes a
mouth-rite. Despite the
fact that these people are so punctilious about care of the
mouth, this rite involves a
practice which strikes the uninitiated stranger as revolting. It
was reported to me

that the ritual consists of inserting a small bundle of hog hairs
into the mouth,
along with certain magical powders, and then moving the bundle
in a highly
formalized series of gestures.
In addition to the private mouth-rite, the people seek out a
holy-mouth-man once
or twice a year. These practitioners
have an impressive set of paraphernalia, consisting of a variety
of augers, awls,
probes, and prods. The use of these objects in the exorcism of
the evils of the
mouth involves almost unbelievable ritual torture of the client.
The holy-mouth-
man open the clients mouth and, using the above mentioned
tools, enlarges any
holes which decay may have created in the teeth. Magical
materials are put into
these holes. If there age no naturally occurring holes in the
teeth, large sections of
one or more teeth are gouged out so that the supernatural
substance can be applied.
In the client's view, the purpose of these ministrations is to
arrest decay and to

draw friends. The extremely sacred and traditional character of
the rite is evident in
the fact that the natives return to the holy--mouth-men year
after year, despite the
fact that their teeth continue to decay.
It is to be hoped that, when a thorough study of the
Nacirema is made, there
will be careful inquiry into the personality structure of these
people. One has but
to watch the gleam in the eye of a holy- mouth-man, as he jabs
an awl into an
exposed nerve, to suspect that a certain amount of sadism is
involved. If this can
be established, a very interesting pattern emerges, for most of
the population
shows definite masochistic tendencies. It was to these that
Professor Linton
referred in discussing a distinctive part of the daily body ritual
which is performed
only by men. This part of the rite involves scraping and
lacerating the surface of

the face with a sharp instrument. Special women's rites are
performed only four
times during each lunar month, but what they lack in
frequency is made up in
barbarity. As part of this ceremony, women bake their heads in
small ovens for
about an hour. The theoretically interesting point is that what
seems to be a
preponderantly masochistic people have developed sadistic
specialists.
The medicine men have an imposing temple, or latipso, in
every community of
any size. The more elaborate ceremonies required to treat very
sick patients can
only be performed at this temple. These ceremonies involve not
only the
thaumaturge but a permanent group of vestal maidens who
move sedately about
the temple chambers in distinctive costume and head- dress.
The latipso ceremonies are so harsh that it is phenomenal
that a fair proportion
of the really sick natives who enter the temple The concept of
culture ever

recover. Small children whose indoctrination is still incomplete
have been known
to resist attempts to take them to the temple because "that is
where you go to die."
Despite this fact, sick adults are not only willing but eager to
undergo the
protracted ritual purification, if they can afford to do so. No
matter how ill the
supplicant or how grave the emergency, the guardians of many
temples will not
admit a client if he cannot give a rich gift to the custodian.
Even after one has
gained admission and survived the ceremonies, the guardians
will not permit the
neophyte to leave until he makes still another gift.
The supplicant entering the temple is first stripped of all his
or her clothes. In
everyday life the Nacirema avoids exposure of his body and its
natural functions.
Bathing and excretory acts are performed only in the secrecy of
the household
shrine, where they are ritualized as part of the body-rites.
Psychological shock
results from the fact that body secrecy is suddenly lost upon

entry into the latipso.
A man, whose own wife has never seen him in an excretory
act, suddenly finds
himself naked and assisted by a vestal maiden while he
performs his natural
functions into a sacred vessel. This sort of ceremonial
treatment is necessitated by
the fact that the excreta are used by a diviner to ascertain the
course and nature of
the client's sickness. Female clients, on the other hand, find
their naked bodies are
subjected to the scrutiny, manipulation and prodding of the
medicine men.
Few supplicants in the temple are well enough to do
anything but lie on their
hard beds. The daily ceremonies, like the rites of the holy-
mouth-men, involve
discomfort and torture. With ritual precision, the vestals
awaken their miserable
charges each dawn and roll them about on their beds of pain
while performing
ablutions, in the formal movements of which the maidens are

highly trained. At
other times they insert magic wands in the supplicant's mouth
or force him to eat
substances which are supposed to be healing. From time to
time the medicine
men come to their clients and jab magically treated needles into
their flesh. The
fact that these temple ceremonies may not cure, and may even
kill the neophyte,
in no way decreases the people's faith in the medicine men.
There remains one other kind of practitioner, known as a
"listener." This
witchdoctor has the power to exorcise the devils that lodge in
the heads of people
who have been bewitched. The Nacirema believe that parents
bewitch their own
children. Mothers are particularly suspected of putting a curse
on children while
teaching them the secret body rituals. The counter-magic of the
witchdoctor is
unusual in its lack of ritual. The patient simply tells the
"listener" all his troubles
and fears, beginning with the earliest difficulties he can
remember. The memory

displayed by the Nacirerna in these exorcism sessions is truly
remarkable. It is not
uncommon for the patient to bemoan the rejection he felt upon
being weaned as a
babe, and a few individuals even see their troubles going back
to the traumatic
effects of their own birth.
In conclusion, mention must be made of certain practices
which have their base
in native esthetics but which depend upon the pervasive
aversion to the natural
body and its functions. There are ritual fasts to make fat
people thin and
ceremonial feasts to make thin people fat. Still other rites are
used to make
women's breasts larger if they are small, and smaller if they are
large. General
dissatisfaction with breast shape is symbolized in the fact that
the ideal form is
virtually outside the range of human variation. A few women
afflicted with
almost inhuman hyper-mamrnary development are so idolized
that they make a
handsome living by simply going from village to village and

permitting the natives
to stare at them for a fee.
Reference has already been made to the fact that excretory
functions are
ritualized, routinized, and relegated to secrecy. Natural
reproductive functions are
similarly distorted. Intercourse is taboo as a topic and scheduled
as an act. Efforts
are made to avoid pregnancy by the use of magical materials
or by limiting
intercourse to certain phases of the moon. Conception is
actually very infrequent.
When pregnant, women dress so as to hide their condition.
Parturition takes place
in secret, without friends or relatives to assist, and the
majority of women do not
nurse their infants.
Our review of the ritual life of the Nacirema has certainly
shown them to be a
magic-ridden people. It is hard to understand how they have

managed to exist
so long under the burdens which they have imposed upon
themselves. But even
such exotic customs as these take on real meaning when they
are viewed with
the insight provided by Malinowski when he wrote:
"Looking from far and above, from our high places of safety
in the developed
civilization, it is easy to see all the crudity and irrelevance of
magic. But without
its power and guidance early man could not have mastered his
practical
difficulties as he has done, nor could man have advanced to the
higher stages of
civilization."
References
Linton, Ralph. 1936. The Study of Man. New York: D.
Appleton-Century.
Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1948. Magic, Science, and Religion.
Glencoe, Ill.: The
Free Press.
Murdock, George P. 1949. Social Structure. New York:
Macmillan.

Disaster recovery plan and business continuity plan have their
own significance in an organization. The purpose of disaster
recovery plan is to protect the business even at the time of
disaster. This plan will contain the set of instructions that need
to be followed to maintain the business operations. The main
objective of disaster recovery plan having attested plan ready
with the organization which will minimize the effect of the
disaster on the organization. Having the plan ready with us will
make the situation less stressful. The risk will be minimized.
Business continuity plan purpose is identifying the risks and
threats organization is going to face and define the strategies to
mitigate it. The main objective of this plan is to identify the
major risks and critical operations in the business. This plan
will ensure that these operations will be continues even at that
time of any mishaps. By conducting risk assessments we will
know what the risks in the organization are and what mitigation
steps need to be taken (Jensen Michele, 2016).
The similarities between both the plans are, they are going to be
getting reviewed on a periodic basis. For both the plans it is
necessary to consider all the factors. Both the plans are used to
maintain the critical business operations at the time of crisis.

Now the differences between BCP and DR are, BCP used to
plan the business operations and some critical operations in
advance and will deliver the product to the customer at right
time. DR will have the instructions that need to done to escape
from disaster events immediately. Business strategy planning,
continuity planning, analyzing the impact these are part of BCP.
Evacuation plans, incident response these are part of DR
(Jensen Michele, 2016).
Regarding organization availability, as the organization may
maintain some other branches in the same city or nearer to the
city. We can shift all the business operations are there until the
affected place got recovered. In this way we can continue the
operations. It is always welcome to have a temporary site in our
hand. It will be useful at this type of situations. Now regarding
the accessibility of both the documents, it is necessary to store
it in electronically or digitally. In this way employees will
access the plans easily and they can educate themselves
regarding this. The policies can only be developed based upon
the company need and maintain the policy proposed by the
government to run the organization. For defining the policy
organization need to have templates and information what they
want to say regarding the policy. Then a separate team needs to
take the responsibility of making policy and make it available to
the employees. Review the policies periodically and do the
necessary changes if needed. In this competition world

confidentiality is more important. Any misuse of information
will leads to loss to company. That’s why even the laws of state
have made some policies regarding the confidentiality which
organizations have to maintain. So make sure to keep all the
documents and information securely (Chris Britton, 2017).
In my opinion, business continuity plan will lead to more
concern, if in any case, our competitor got it. In that plan, we
mentioned about our business critical operations and risks along
with the solutions. They will know by affecting which operation
the business will go down. Disaster recovery plan will contain
the recovery steps we need to take after the disaster occurs. So
it will not contain anything about regarding business. So among
these two plans, BCP will have more impact on the
organization.
If any disaster occurs in the city, the first responders will be
law enforcement team. We know the emergencies will never
come with notice. They are unexpected. The officials are trained
to face any emergency at any time. If any disaster occurs the
first thing we see are, police officials, paramedics, and fire
engines. They are the first one to give helping hand to the
survivors and give them the strength. The officials are trained to
know the materials and what instructions need to be followed at
the disaster time (Roberto Hylton, 2017).
As a part of testing business continuity plan or disaster
management plan organizations will conduct mock drills some

time. It will be good if the organizations involve law
enforcement officials also. They will provide the good
instructions and surviving skills to the employees. It will form
nice bonding between police officials and the citizens. By
involvement of law enforcement in an organization will have
the only good impact. It will be beneficial for the organization
only.
I didn’t see any benefit by keeping the disastrous effect on the
internal operations of the organization. Because of disaster
there some business operations might have an impact on them.
Just having disaster management plan will not save the
organization without affecting it. If any disaster occurs it leaves
its impact in that place. So in my opinion, if any organization
got affected by a disaster, it’s better to make an announcement
regarding this through any communication. It will be good to
mention what business operations they are not going to support
at that critical time. So that even the customers will understand
their situation will give their support.
References:
1. Jensen, Michele. (2016). Definition of Business Continuity
Plan Objectives. Small Business - Chron.com. Retrieved
from http://smallbusiness.chron.com/definition-business-
continuity-plan-objectives-4528.html
2. Chris Britton. (2017, May 4). 3 Reasons an Accessible
Business Continuity Plan Is a Necessity.

Rockdovesolutions.com. Retrieved
from https://www.rockdovesolutions.com/blog/3-reasons-an-
accessible-business-continuity-plan-is-a-necessity.
3. Roberto Hylton. (2017, Feb 2). Law Enforcement’s Role in
Responding to Disasters. Fema.gov. Retrieved
fromhttps://www.fema.gov/blog/2013-08-12/law-enforcements-
role-responding-disasters.

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