The racial and ethnic makeup of the American people is in flux. New immigrants from Asia and Latin America have added a large measure of cultural and phenotypic diversity to the American population in recent decades, just as waves of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe did a century ago. Moreover, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups are becoming blurred by high rates of intermarriage and the growing number of persons with mixed ancestry. Descriptions and projections of the racial and ethnic composition of the American people appear kaleidoscopic, with varied accounts and interpretations. Some commentators anticipate a new melting pot, often labeled as the “browning of America,” characterized by continued blurring of once-distinct racial and ethnic divisions. This interpretation is consistent with the thesis of the declining significance of race and ethnicity in American society. Others see new racial divisions arising as some immigrant groups are allowed to integrate with an expanded and privileged white population, while other groups are “racialized” as disadvantaged brown and black minorities. These conflicting accounts arise, in part, because of differing ideological presuppositions, but also because racial and ethnic identities are not mutually exclusive or immutable. . In general, people do not change their ethnicities as a matter of fashion, but they may emphasize different aspects depending on the circumstances. For instance, a person who identifies as Mexican among relatives might identify as Hispanic at work and as American when overseas. A person of mixed heritage might be Native American in one context, but white in another. These possibilities exist in census data, just as they do in informal conversations and settings, because of the opportunities for varied responses to different census questions about race and ethnicity. Solution The racial and ethnic makeup of the American people is in flux. New immigrants from Asia and Latin America have added a large measure of cultural and phenotypic diversity to the American population in recent decades, just as waves of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe did a century ago. Moreover, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups are becoming blurred by high rates of intermarriage and the growing number of persons with mixed ancestry. Descriptions and projections of the racial and ethnic composition of the American people appear kaleidoscopic, with varied accounts and interpretations. Some commentators anticipate a new melting pot, often labeled as the “browning of America,” characterized by continued blurring of once-distinct racial and ethnic divisions. This interpretation is consistent with the thesis of the declining significance of race and ethnicity in American society. Others see new racial divisions arising as some immigrant groups are allowed to integrate with an expanded and privileged white population, while other groups are “racialized” as disadvan.

1. The racial and ethnic makeup of the American people is in flux. New immigrants from Asia and
Latin America have added a large measure of cultural and phenotypic diversity to the American
population in recent decades, just as waves of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe did
a century ago.
Moreover, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups are becoming blurred by high rates
of intermarriage and the growing number of persons with mixed ancestry.
Descriptions and projections of the racial and ethnic composition of the American people appear
kaleidoscopic, with varied accounts and interpretations. Some commentators anticipate a new
melting pot, often labeled as the “browning of America,” characterized by continued blurring of
once-distinct racial and ethnic divisions.
This interpretation is consistent with the thesis of the declining significance of race and ethnicity
in American society. Others see new racial divisions arising as some immigrant groups are
allowed to integrate with an expanded and privileged white population, while other groups are
“racialized” as disadvantaged brown and black minorities.
These conflicting accounts arise, in part, because of differing ideological presuppositions, but
also because racial and ethnic identities are not mutually exclusive or immutable.
. In general, people do not change their ethnicities as a matter of fashion, but they may
emphasize different aspects depending on the circumstances. For instance, a person who
identifies as Mexican among relatives might identify as Hispanic at work and as American when
overseas. A person of mixed heritage might be Native American in one context, but white in
another. These possibilities exist in census data, just as they do in informal conversations and
settings, because of the opportunities for varied responses to different census questions about
race and ethnicity.
Solution
The racial and ethnic makeup of the American people is in flux. New immigrants from Asia and
Latin America have added a large measure of cultural and phenotypic diversity to the American
population in recent decades, just as waves of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe did
a century ago.
Moreover, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups are becoming blurred by high rates
of intermarriage and the growing number of persons with mixed ancestry.
Descriptions and projections of the racial and ethnic composition of the American people appear
kaleidoscopic, with varied accounts and interpretations. Some commentators anticipate a new
melting pot, often labeled as the “browning of America,” characterized by continued blurring of

2. once-distinct racial and ethnic divisions.
This interpretation is consistent with the thesis of the declining significance of race and ethnicity
in American society. Others see new racial divisions arising as some immigrant groups are
allowed to integrate with an expanded and privileged white population, while other groups are
“racialized” as disadvantaged brown and black minorities.
These conflicting accounts arise, in part, because of differing ideological presuppositions, but
also because racial and ethnic identities are not mutually exclusive or immutable.
. In general, people do not change their ethnicities as a matter of fashion, but they may
emphasize different aspects depending on the circumstances. For instance, a person who
identifies as Mexican among relatives might identify as Hispanic at work and as American when
overseas. A person of mixed heritage might be Native American in one context, but white in
another. These possibilities exist in census data, just as they do in informal conversations and
settings, because of the opportunities for varied responses to different census questions about
race and ethnicity.