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1. INVITED CONTRIBUTION
Academic Procrastination: Psychological Antecedents Revisited
Piers Steel1
and Katrin B Klingsieck2
1
Haskayne School of Business, University of Calgary, and 2
Psychology Department, University of Paderborn
Objective: Taking Beswick, Rothblum, and Mann’s seminal paper on academic procrastination as a starting point, we provide an updated review
of academic procrastination and consolidate this knowledge with a procrastination typology. The goal of our study was to show that while the
degree of procrastination is largely contingent on the trait of conscientiousness, the other four major personality traits determine how
procrastination manifests. According to implications of need theory, we operationalised these four traits by the reasons students gave and the
activities students pursued while procrastinating.
Method: Participants were 167 students of an undergraduate introductory psychology course. It was designed as a self-directed computerised
course enabled considerable amounts of procrastination. Students filled out a Big Five Inventory and wrote a short essay detailing: (a) what
reason they saw as causing them to procrastinate, and (b) what activities they pursued while procrastinating. The reasons and activities were
coded according to their fit to the personality traits.
Results: Conscientiousness and its facets were the strongest correlates with procrastination. Moreover, in regression analyses, the other
personality traits did not incrementally predict procrastination. However, the reasons ascribed to procrastination and the off-task activities
pursued reflected the other personality traits.
Conclusion: While conscientiousness is the core for all procrastination types, the other personality traits determine its phenomenology. Thus,
the prominent understanding of a neurotic procrastinator might be misleading for research and practice. In fact, counsellors need to first address
the conscientiousness core of procrastination and then match the subsequent interventions to the specific procrastination type.
Key words: academic procrastination; counselling; delay; interventions; typology.
What is already known on this topic
1 Academic procrastination poses a serious threat to students’
academic achievement and subjective well-being.
2 Failures in self-regulation are the core of academic
procrastination.
3 Typologies of procrastination reduce the complexity of the mul-
tifaceted construct of procrastination and serve as orientation
for counsellors.
What this paper adds
1 Further establishes conscientiousness and its facets are at the
core of procrastination.
2 Other personality traits do not necessarily influence the degree
of procrastination, but they can influence how it manifests.
3 When counselling academic procrastinators, knowing the
unique configuration of the other four personality traits can be a
helpful guideline for the counselling process.
One of the seminal empirical papers on procrastination
was published in Australian Psychologist. In their article, “Psycho-
logical Antecedents of Student Procrastination,” Beswick,
Rothblum, and Mann (1988) examined three, then popular,
psychological explanations for procrastination: indecision (Janis
& Mann, 1977), irrational beliefs about self-worth (Ellis &
Knaus, 1977), and low self-esteem (Burka & Yuen, 1983). Using
a series of self-report measures that tap into these constructs,
they correlated scores from respondents with one of the first
procrastination scales, the Procrastination Assessment Scale for Stu-
dents (PASS; Solomon & Rothblum, 1984). Additionally, as a
behavioural measure of procrastination, they recorded the
taken time to hand in three assignments with a deadline and the
grades of the students in a course. There was evidence for the
association between indecision and procrastination (both self-
reported and behavioural) and between low self-esteem and
procrastination (both self-reported and behavioural). However,
the association between irrational beliefs about self-worth and
procrastination was only evident for self-reported procrastina-
tion. As concomitants of procrastination, they found anxiety
and depression to be associated with procrastination (both
self-reported and behavioural). Over and above, they found a
Correspondence: Piers Steel, University of Calgary, HROD-SGMA, SH444 –
2500 University Drive, Calgary, Alberta, T2N 1N4, Canada. Fax: 403-282-
0095; email: piers.steel@haskayne.ucalgary.ca
Research Team Description:
Piers Steel is a Distinguish Research Chair at the Haskayne School of Busi-
ness, University of Calgary. He researches productivity issues, including
motivation, selection and assessment.
Katrin B. Klingsieck is an assistant professor at the University of Paderborn
(Germany). Her research interests are procrastination, academic writing,
teacher’s competences, and university didactics.
Accepted for publication 4 August 2015
doi:10.1111/ap.12173
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Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
36

2. negative association of self-reported procrastination and final
course grade. This paper has been cited several hundred times in
the following decades, often drawn on to exemplify the detri-
mental effects procrastination has to academic achievement and
subjective well-being.
As this work has been published, the research on procrasti-
nation has flourished and the knowledge about this multifac-
eted phenomenon has grown. While the interest in the
association of procrastination with low self-esteem, anxiety,
depression, and academic achievement is still widespread, the
research on the relationship between procrastination and inde-
cision and irrational beliefs has largely concluded or has evolved
into substantially different expressions. The goal of the present
paper was to give an updated review of the research on ante-
cedents of academic procrastination and to consolidate this
knowledge with a typology of academic procrastination.
Procrastination Research: Where Are We
Now Since 1988?
Defining Procrastination and Academic
Procrastination
In the last few decades, several different understandings and
connotations of delay and procrastination arose. While some
authors see functional forms of procrastination (e.g., Chu &
Choi, 2005; Schraw, Wadkins, & Olafson, 2007), others clearly
take the view that procrastination inherently has no functional
aspects (e.g., Corkin, Yu, & Lindt, 2011; Klingsieck, 2013a).
Steel’s definition of procrastination sides with the latter group,
highlighting the acratic or “weakness of the will” nature of
procrastination, that is “to voluntarily delay an intended course
of action despite expecting to be worse off for the delay” (Steel’s
2007, p. 66). If procrastination requires us to expect to be worse
off, then purposeful, functional and positive delay cannot be
procrastination.
Academic procrastination is procrastination restricted to the
tasks and activities related to and/or relevant for learning and
studying. The terms “academic procrastination” and “student
procrastination” are used interchangeably. Consequently, refin-
ing Steel’s (2007) general definition, we define academic/
student procrastination as “to voluntarily delay an intended
course of study-related action despite expecting to be worse off for
the delay.”
Antecedents of Academic Procrastination
Research into the antecedents of procrastination has special-
ised considerably. Klingsieck (2013a) systematises procrastina-
tion research into four perspectives. First, the differential
psychology perspective understands procrastination as a per-
sonality trait linking it to other traits (e.g., conscientiousness,
neuroticism) and trait-like variables (e.g., perfectionism, self-
esteem, optimism, intelligence). Second, the perspective of
motivational and volitional psychology understands procrasti-
nation as a failure in motivation and/or volition relating pro-
crastination to motivational aspects (e.g., intrinsic and
extrinsic motivation, self-determination, flow, goal orientation,
locus of control, self-efficacy) and volitional aspects (e.g., self-
control, action control, general volitional problems, learning
strategies, time management). Third, the clinical psychology
perspective focuses on the clinically relevant extent of procras-
tination, linking it to anxiety, depression, stress, and person-
ality disorders. Finally, there is the situational perspective,
which is recently becoming more popular. It investigates situ-
ational and contextual aspects of procrastination such as task
characteristics, and teacher characteristics.
The perspectives that Beswick et al. (1988) stressed are the
first and third, that is differential psychology (indecision, low
self-esteem) and the clinical psychology (irrational beliefs about
self-worth, anxiety, depression). In the following, we will high-
light the antecedents of academic procrastination that repeat-
edly surface for each perspective.
Quantitative studies on antecedents of
academic procrastination
From the differential psychology perspective, conscientiousness
and all its facets are related to low procrastination (e.g., Steel,
2007; van Eerde, 2003; Watson, 2001). For example, academic
procrastinators are low in self-discipline and high in impulsive-
ness. The relationship with neuroticism is more complex: While
socially prescribed perfectionism (i.e., meeting the standards of
others) relates positively to academic procrastination, self-
oriented perfectionism (i.e., meeting one’s own standards)
relates negatively to academic procrastination (e.g., Bong,
Hwang, Noh, & Kim, 2014; Flett, Hewitt, & Martin, 1995),
although weakly in either case. In addition, academic procras-
tinators report low self-esteem (e.g., Rebetez, Rochat, & Van der
Linden, 2015; Solomon & Rothblum, 1984). Of note, the causal
relationship of these traits with procrastination can be recipro-
cal, such as impulsiveness creating procrastination, which in
turns handicaps efforts to address one’s impulsiveness.
With regard to motivational aspects, a mastery goal orienta-
tion (Howell & Watson, 2007; Seo, 2009) and high self-efficacy
(Ferrari, Parker, & Ware, 1992; Wäschle, Allgaier, Lachner, Fink,
& Nückles, 2014) seem to prevent academic procrastination.
With regard to volitional aspects, academic procrastination is
associated with a reduced use of cognitive and meta-cognitive
learning strategies (e.g., Howell & Watson, 2007; Wolters,
2003), low levels of perseverance and high levels of distractibil-
ity while working on a task (e.g., Dewitte & Schouwenburg,
2002), and poor planning skills (Rabin, Fogel, & Nutter-Upham,
2011). Over and above, it is related to a low level of self-efficacy
for self-regulation (Klassen, Krawchuk, & Rajani, 2008).
Within the clinical perspective fear of failure (Haghbin,
McCaffrey, & Pychyl, 2012; Solomon & Rothblum, 1984),
anxiety (Rothblum, Solomon, & Murakami, 1986; Spada, Hiou,
& Nikcevic, 2006), and depression (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984;
Uzun Ozer, O’Callaghan, Bokszczanin, Ederer, & Essau, 2014)
are studied as enablers of academic procrastination. Again, the
causal relationship can be reciprocal or reversed, such as where
anxiety is the outcome of procrastination rather than the source.
Finally, the situational antecedents of academic procrastina-
tion are task-inherent characteristics such as attractiveness,
importance, or difficulty (e.g., Ackerman & Gross, 2005;
Solomon & Rothblum, 1984), with teacher characteristics (see
later) specifically associated with academic procrastination.
P Steel and KB Klingsieck Academic procrastination
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
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3. Lately, qualitative studies on academic procrastination have
drawn attention to a wide spectrum of situational antecedents.
Qualitative studies on antecedents of
academic procrastination
Very few qualitative studies on procrastination are available to
complement the continuous growing number of quantitative
studies on procrastination. In their grounded theory study of
academic procrastination, however, Schraw et al. (2007) iden-
tified three sources of antecedents to academic procrastination:
self (interest, organisational skills), teacher (clear expectations
for the course, well-organised course materials, tests and graded
assignments), and task (low background knowledge, task diffi-
culty). Applying qualitative content analysis, three other quali-
tative studies underline the importance of teacher and task
characteristics (Grunschel, Patrzek, & Fries, 2013a; Klingsieck,
Grund, Schmid, & Fries, 2013; Patrzek, Grunschel, & Fries,
2012) when explaining academic procrastination. In addition,
Klingsieck et al. (2013) stress the social antecedents of procras-
tination such as role models and attitudes of significant others
towards procrastination. Looking at the reasons students report
for their procrastination, Grunschel et al. (2013a) showed that
students who had already sought help because of procrastina-
tion reported more serious reasons (e.g., anxiety, serious illness)
than students who had not done so. Over and above, Patrzek
et al. (2012)—by shifting from investigating students’ percep-
tions to investigating the perceptions of university counsellors—
contribute a different perspective on the same reasons. While all
four studies emphasise self-regulation skills as a major contribu-
tor to academic procrastination in the case of personal
antecedents, they also highlight antecedents related to task
characteristics, teacher’s characteristics, institutional conditions,
and social aspects.
Explaining academic procrastination with the temporal
motivation theory (TMT)
Whatever new antecedents are revealed, all studies consistently
conclude that failures in self-regulation are the core of academic
procrastination. The underlying theme in all perspectives and
the most prominent finding in all studies of both approaches,
quantitative and qualitative, is that procrastination is a “quin-
tessential self-regulatory failure” (Steel, 2007). TMT summarises
this phenomenon from a time discounting perspective (Gröpel
& Steel, 2008; Steel & König, 2006; Steel & Weinhardt, in press).
This integrative theory incorporates the core validated con-
structs of major motivational theories, namely expectancy (e.g.,
self-efficacy), value (e.g., task aversiveness), and time sensitivity
(e.g., impulsiveness) as the principle predictors of procrastina-
tion. In its most parsimonious expression, these three constructs
are organised into an equation: motivation = (expec-
tancy × value)/(1 + impulsiveness × delay). Motivation is
increased as the expectancy of an outcome and its size or value
increases. Motivation is decreased as the delay before this
outcome and an individual’s impulsiveness increases (Figure 1).
Procrastination, on the other hand, occurs because of preference
reversal. A proximally or immediately available temptation (i.e.,
the solid line) pulls or distracts away from a former intention
(i.e., the dashed line). According to this theory, procrastination
is more likely to occur if the outcome of a presently unpleasant
activity (e.g., essay writing) offers rewards, even ample ones, in
the distant future (e.g., better grades).
Consequences of Academic Procrastination
Empirical studies on academic procrastination and its conse-
quences underline the common notion that academic procras-
tination entails negative consequences for students pertaining to
their academic achievement and their subjective well-being.
The Beswick et al. (1988) study finds itself supported now by a
vast amount of studies showing that procrastination comes
along with lower grades (e.g., Fritzsche, Young, & Hickson,
2003; Klassen et al., 2008; Moon & Illingworth, 2005; Steel,
Brothen, & Wambach, 2001; Tice & Baumeister, 1997; van
Eerde, 2003). In particular, grades related to work done during
the course, rather than final exams, are compromised most
(Morris & Fritz, 2015). Furthermore, health-related conse-
quences are mental stress, physical stress reactions, sleep-
related problems, exhaustion and illness (e.g., Grunschel et al.,
2013a; Patrzek et al., 2012; Rothblum et al., 1986; Tice &
Baumeister, 1997). The affective consequences include anxiety,
anger, shame, dissatisfaction, sadness, feeling pressured, feeling
guilty, or feeling uneasy (e.g., Grunschel et al., 2013a; Patrzek
et al., 2012; Pychyl, Lee, Thibodeau, & Blunt, 2000; Rothblum
et al., 1986; Tice & Baumeister, 1997). Students also reported
experiencing negative consequences regarding their private
lives (e.g., lack of social networks, negative reactions of others,
financial costs, interferences with career plans), that spill over
into the academic domain (Grunschel et al., 2013a; Patrzek
et al., 2012).
Finally, Steel and Ferrari (2013), in a large epidemiological
study, found that procrastination was associated with the
amount of education received which, with men procrastinating
more than women, accounts for hundreds of thousands fewer
male graduates. These studies stress the need for interventions
for academic procrastination, which is currently met by univer-
sity counselling centres and self-help books. Unfortunately, few
of these interventions appear to be based on sound motivational
principles or research (Steel & Klingsieck, 2013), with some
exceptions (e.g., Häfner, Oberst & Stock, 2014).
Figure 1 Preference Reversal for Implementing an Intention versus Pro-
crastinating as a Function of Time Remaining to the Target Task’s (Dashed
Line) and Temptation’s (Solid Line) Deadline or Rewards.
Academic procrastination P Steel and KB Klingsieck
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
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4. Typologies of Procrastination
Almost concurrent with the publication of the Beswick et al.
(1988), the first papers on typologies of academic procrastina-
tion were published (Lay, 1987; Solomon & Rothblum, 1984).
They complement the effort to establish antecedents and treat-
ments for procrastination as not all procrastinators may have
the same root causes or may respond to the same interventions.
Many other attempts to organise this multifaceted phenomenon
into typologies have followed, among which the differentiation
between arousal and avoidance procrastinators is the most
prominent (e.g., Ferrari, 1992). While arousal procrastination is
due to the nominally misguided belief that one works best
exclusively under pressure, avoidance procrastination is due to
imagined and actual fears. However, more recent findings do
not support the existence of this typology of procrastination
(Simpson & Pychyl, 2009), with Ferrari’s foundational paper on
the topic being clearly un-replicable after scores of attempts
(Steel, 2010a).
As an alternative with more support, Schouwenburg (2004)
provides a different typology of procrastination. He suggests that
all procrastination has a common base of impulsiveness or con-
scientiousness, which is consistent with TMT, neurobiology,
evolutional psychology, comparative psychology (Steel, 2010b)
and Gustavson, Miyake, Hewitt and Friedman’s (2014) twin
research finding impulsiveness accounts for 100% of procrasti-
nation’s genotypic variance. However, the way this procrastina-
tion manifests can differ according to levels of neuroticism and
extraversion and their interaction, which together forms four
basic groups. For example, being low on neuroticism but high
on extraversion may create the “happy-go-lucky” type while
being low on extraversion may create the more solitary
“dreamer.”
Although, there is considerable informal consensus for this
typology. In a review of previous qualitative typology attempts,
Gueorguieva (2011) notes that “one can readily see that differ-
ent theorists use different labels when referring to similar types
of procrastination” (p. 31). While basing this review on a sample
of mixed empirical rigor (i.e., four popular non-fiction self-help
books and three typologies outlined in Counseling the Procrasti-
nator in Academic Settings), Gueorguieva still found that these
typological efforts largely grouped into the neuroticism and
extraversion duet that Schouwenburg (2004) suggests. Specifi-
cally, she found support for the following classifications. First,
there are Anxious Idealists, who fear failure and being judged,
representing those high in neuroticism. Second, there are Day-
dreamers, who are easily bored by tasks, who would be high in
extraversion. Third, there are Avoidant Postponers, who postpone
tasks that threaten their feelings of autonomy, whose high need
for autonomy suggests they are high in neuroticism, but low in
extraversion (Bagby et al., 2001). In addition, Gueorguieva
found a fourth agreeableness based type, that is the People
Pleaser, who tends to overcommit by not daring to say no.
Although the emphasis is on neuroticism and extraversion, the
inclusion of the personality trait of agreeableness is an interest-
ing development, which we later discuss.
Taking a more quantitative approach to typologies, a consid-
erable amount of work has been based on exploring reasons for
procrastination, starting with Solomon and Rothblum’s (1984)
PASS, which has a section dedicated to assessing reasons for
procrastination. Despite only 10% of the population giving fear
of failure or perfectionist standards as the reason for their delays
(Steel, 2007), as Solomon and Rothblum (1984) found during
their original investigation of the topic, the homogeneity of
student responses—“students who endorse items constituting
this factor tend to endorse these items exclusively” (p. 508)—
makes this the most easily identified procrastination typology.
They are also the most likely to seek treatment (Day, Mensink,
& O’sullivan, 2000; Enns & Cox, 2002), so many student coun-
selling programmes focus on the perfectionist procrastinator
(e.g., Flett, Hewitt, Davis, & Sherry, 2004), despite the weak and
sometime negative associations between perfectionism and pro-
crastination overall.
In contrast, the second group to be derived from the PASS is
much larger in size, although are second to be extracted as they
are less consistent in item endorsement. They procrastinate due
to “dislike of engaging in academic activities and a lack of
energy” (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984; p. 508). The lack of
energy is indicative of low extraversion and indeed being tired is
one of the primary reasons for putting tasks off (Gröpel & Steel,
2008). On the other hand, Day et al. (2000) updated the PASS
by creating the Academic Procrastination Questionnaire, which also
seeks to identify the underlying reasons for procrastination.
While the two major reasons were again related to neuroticism
(i.e., evaluation anxiety, discourage/depressed) and extraver-
sion (i.e., ambivalent, socially focused), this time the positive
pole of extraversion, that is socially focused, was the most
endorsed, by almost 40% of students.
Instead of focusing on self-diagnosed reasons for procrastina-
tion, other researchers have tried to develop personality pro-
files. Here again, the features of neuroticism or anxiety and
extraversion or energy are repeatedly found, although not
always favouring a single pole of the factors. Lay (1987), using
modal profile analysis based on task and personality self-
responses, found several profiles associated with procrastina-
tion, all of which had a combination of neuroticism or anxiety
and low energy. McCown, Johnson, and Petzel (1989) using
principal component analysis with the Eysenck Personality Ques-
tionnaire (EPQ; Eysenck & Eysenck, 1975), found three profiles:
one neuroticism related, one extraverted/autonomy related,
and one extraversion and neuroticism related. Notably, these
groups were high in extraversion, exemplified by taking on too
many tasks. In their profile analysis, Milgram, Gehrman, and
Keinan (1992) also found neuroticism identifies procrastination
types. Neuroticism occurred at both ends of the continuum with
two groups of procrastinators, one with high and one with low
manifest upset. Watson (2001), using Multidimensional Scaling
of the PASS and the Five Factor Model, replicated the three
profiles found by McCown et al. (1989), although argued that
the first profile, neuroticism related, was also described by being
low in extraversion or introverted. In short, procrastination for
“general school activities is mainly related to low extraversion
and neuroticism” (p. 157).
Three more recent efforts were Grunschel, Patrzek, and Fries
(2013b), Rebetez et al. (2015), and Rozental et al. (2015).
Grunschel et al. created their own scales to assess reasons for
academic delay, which collapsed into four factors. Although
somewhat constrained by the limited set of reasons they
P Steel and KB Klingsieck Academic procrastination
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
39

5. investigated, they found two types associated with procrastina-
tion: a worried/anxious type and a discontent with studies type,
almost identical to Solomon and Rothblum’s (1984) initial
investigation. Rebetez et al. cluster analysed a battery of cogni-
tive, emotional, and motivational factors, extracting two neu-
rotic types associated with procrastination that is those who
were poorest at emotional regulation and those who experi-
enced emotional-related difficulties. Finally, Rozental et al.
cluster analysed procrastination along with measures related to
anxiety, depression, and quality of life resulting in the clusters:
severe procrastinators (22%), well-adjusted procrastinators
(14%), primarily depressed procrastinators (12%), average
(8%), and mild procrastinators (5%).
Clearly and consistently, as Schouwenburg (2004) suggested,
the field has found procrastination groups related to neuroti-
cism and extraversion, with the neuroticism-related procrasti-
nator most often found. Solomon and Rothblum (1984) note
that this is apparently due to the coherence of this group’s
responses rather than its size. Despite trait anxiety or neuroti-
cism displaying weak correlations with procrastination, there is
a subset of people who vividly experience anxiety phenomeno-
logically as causal.
The Present Study
The goal of the study was to test the hypothetical procrastina-
tion taxonomy that Schouwenburg (2004) proposed, but never
formally examined. As reviewed, there is repeated evidence that
procrastination, although impulsivity-driven, still clusters
around neuroticism and extraversion. However, TMT suggests
that this typology may be incomplete.
While TMT does support that traits connected to expectancy
and value (i.e., neuroticism and extraversion) are likely candi-
dates to form clusters, it does not rule out other personality
traits as well. As TMT is partially derived from Need Theory
(Steel & König, 2006), there should be a predictable relationship
between an individual’s personality profile and the tasks they
pursue when procrastinating. To some extent, personality traits
can be interpreted as the observable manifestations of underly-
ing needs (Costa & McCrae, 1988; Winter, John, Stewart,
Klohnen, & Duncan, 1998). Those high in the need for affilia-
tion, for example, are more likely to find socialising satisfying,
more likely to engage in it, and therefore more likely to be
viewed as extraverts. Consequently, TMT would indicate that
people would procrastinate by performing tasks associated with
their personality, as they likely find them rewarding. This is
consistent with early although informed findings on this topic,
as per McCown and Johnson (1991) who suggest that likely,
“Procrastinators with high neuroticism . . . avoid studying to
reduce anxiety,” while “Extraverted procrastinators may put off
for different reasons; they are overcommitted socially” (p. 415).
Consistent with Gueorguieva (2011), TMT indicates that pro-
crastination types would also form around agreeableness and
openness to experience.
Why has this been found only sporadically? Much of the
previous research was based on an abbreviated personality
model that favoured just neuroticism and extraversion (e.g., the
EPQ) and dependent on reasons that were constrained to a
defined and brief list. Consequently, what may have happened
during previous attempts to form procrastination typologies is
that authors simply rediscovered established personality dimen-
sions, having held conscientiousness as constant (i.e., limiting
the pool to procrastinators). Also, if authors only use measures
that focus on neurotic or extraverted reasons for procrastination
(e.g., Grunschel et al., 2013b), then they have slanted their
results accordingly.
In contrast, this paper widens the scope to all five personality
traits and to a rich repertoire of reasons for procrastination. We
test Schouwenburg’s (2004) hypothesis in two ways. First, we
expect to find that procrastination is closely related to conscien-
tiousness and weakly related to the remaining four personality
traits. After controlling for conscientiousness, we expect that no
other personality traits will have a significant association.
Hypothesis 1: Procrastination is strongly related to conscientiousness
and its facets.
Hypothesis 2: After controlling for conscientiousness and its facets, no
other personality traits are significantly related to procrastination.
Second, we test if the remaining personality traits, although
not correlated with the degree of procrastination itself, are
related to how procrastination is expressed. While previous
research has favoured factor analytic and clustering techniques,
this is problematic as invariably if one personal trait is held
constant through selection, factor analytic work based on per-
sonality indicators should recreate the other four traits. To avoid
this, we take a mixed method qualitative-quantitative approach
by having students generate their own reasons for procrastina-
tion as well as what activities they pursue while procrastinating.
After coding these open-ended explanations and activities as to
whether they represent a particular personality trait (e.g.,
socialising represents extraversion), we examine whether they
are associated with their personality profile. That is, although
conscientiousness should largely determine the extent of pro-
crastination, we expect that the other personality traits influ-
ence how this procrastination manifests.
Hypothesis 3: Reasons for procrastination and activities involved in
while procrastinating are associated with other non-conscientiousness
personality traits.
Methods
Setting and Participants
Motivation research design usually provides too much control at
the expense of realism and generalisability (Bazerman, 2001).
In response, there has been a push to use natural decision
making (NDM) settings (Klein, 2008). As Lipshitz, Klein,
Orasanu, and Salas (2001) review, “NDM is an attempt to
understand how people make decisions in real-world contexts
that are meaningful and familiar to them” (p. 332). We used a
computerised personal system of instruction (PSI), similar to
Steel et al. (2001), which addresses this concern. PSIs are self-
directed courses, a less massive version of massive open online
courses or MOOCs, both of which are well known to enable
considerable amounts of procrastination, but in a standardised
and realistic environment (Bartholet, 2013; Lamwers &
Jazwinski, 1989). From an original group of 217 who enrolled
in a PSI introductory psychology course, the sample comprised
Academic procrastination P Steel and KB Klingsieck
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
40

6. 167 undergraduate students who both finished the course and
provided informed consistent, consisting of 40.6% men and
59.4% women.
Measures
The 15-week introduction to psychology course was divided
into 19 self-paced chapters, which provided a variety of oppor-
tunities for delay, at the end of which students completed a
supervised final exam. About two-thirds through the course,
students submitted a short essay detailing: (a) what reason they
saw as causing them to procrastinate (“Consider when you do
most often procrastinate. What would you say is the major
reason that causes your procrastination?”), and (b) what activi-
ties they pursued while procrastinating (“Consider how you
most often procrastinate. What would you say is the major
activity that you do when procrastinating?”). Personality traits
were measured at the beginning of the course using The Big
Five Inventory (BFI; John, Donahue, & Kentle, 1991), which is
a 44-item personality measure assessing the big five traits.
Cronbach’s alpha for each trait is as follows: extraversion (0.83),
agreeableness (0.72), conscientiousness (0.76), neuroticism
(0.83), and openness to experience (0.76).
To better explore the trait of conscientiousness, three of the
NEO PI-R’s (Costa & McCrae, 1992) conscientiousness facet
scales were employed: need for order, self-discipline, and
achievement striving. Reflecting its close connection to procras-
tination, the self-discipline scale has several items that appear to
be assessing the procrastination concept (i.e., “I waste a lot of
time before settling down to work”) and thus should demon-
strate the strongest association with procrastination itself,
although negative in direction. Cronbach’s alpha for each facet
is as follows: need for order (.68), self-discipline (.79), and
achievement striving (.78).
Finally, procrastination was measured with the Irrational Pro-
crastination Scale (Steel, 2010a). It was designed to assess the
irrational or acratic delay definition of procrastination (i.e.,
Steel, 2007), with a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.93. To gain test–retest
reliability, the scale was administered twice, at the beginning
and end of the course, generating a stability coefficient of 0.68.
The average score across both administrations, which minimises
situation-specific method variance (Kammeyer-Mueller, Steel,
& Rubenstein, 2010) such as mood, was used as our measure of
procrastination.
Coding Procedures
A coding guide was created to sort the reasons and activities
from each student’s Written Assignment into the Big Five traits.
Guidelines were to code a reason or activity as +1 if it repre-
sented the high end of the trait, −1 if it represented the low end
of the trait, and zero if it was unrepresentative. Accordingly,
Extraversion was coded as bored and wanting to do something
more exciting or wanting to socialise. Introversion was any
statement regarding needing to be alone. Agreeableness was
wanting to be helpful or agreeing to peer pressure. Disagreea-
bleness was rebelliousness, autonomy seeking, or scepticism
and suspicion about others. Neuroticism was finding activities
too anxiety provoking. Emotional stability was excessive calm-
ness about task completion. Openness to experience was finding
the present activity tedious and wanting to do something dif-
ferent, more varied. Closed to experience was wanting to return
to a familiar routine. Coding was done in groups of participants.
As one subsection concluded, the coding guide was expanded
with specific examples drawn from the assignments to aid
coding of the next subsection. At the end, the first group was
recoded once again with the expanded coding guide.
After double-coding of the 145 students who provided
consent and completed this portion of the course, only 17 of the
assignments were deemed completely uncodable, leaving 128
usable cases. While reasons and activities could be coded as
representing multiple traits simultaneously, for the latter, only
20 cases in total could be coded as representing either agreea-
bleness or openness to experience. As these cases also often
showed characteristics of either extraversion or neuroticism, the
activity categories were limited exclusively to extraversion and
neuroticism, given the remaining traits had inadequate statisti-
cal power. Where agreement could not be reached, cases were
excluded from analysis. For the reason category agreement was
88% while for the activity category agreement was 84%. After
considering Cohen’s Kappa, which controls for chance, agree-
ment was almost identical, at 73% and 72%, respectively. Inci-
dent rates as well as example excerpts are reported for each trait
in the results.
Results
Conscientiousness and Personality
To begin with, we determine if procrastination is derivable from
conscientiousness and its facets. Table 1 provides the
interrcorrelations among the personality traits, the facets of
conscientiousness, and procrastination.
As can be seen, conscientiousness and its facets are the strong-
est correlates with procrastination, supporting Hypothesis 1. As
expected, self-discipline shows the strongest connection.
Together, these results confirm that conscientiousness forms the
core of procrastination. As for the remaining personality traits,
we investigate this in two regressions. First, as per Table 2, we
show that conscientiousness facets substantively predict above
conscientiousness, while the remaining traits are not significant.
In addition, with just conscientiousness allowed to enter first,
excluding its three facets, the remaining personality traits still
do not incrementally predict. As per Table 3, Hypothesis 2 is
supported.
Personality Traits and Reasons for Procrastination
Our third hypothesis is that the phenomenology of procrastina-
tion, reflected in the reasons ascribed to procrastination and the
off-task activities pursued, is connected to the other personality
traits. Extraversion proved to be the most popular reason for
procrastinating with 57 cases indicating it is a cause (41% of
cases) and 92 indicating it as an effect (76% of cases). Students
reported to procrastinate on a task because they want to do
something more exciting or to socialise (e.g., “The major reason
I procrastinate is my friends. I would rather spend time with my
friends than doing schoolwork”). Regarding its opposite pole,
introversion, only four cases were coded as a cause (3% of
P Steel and KB Klingsieck Academic procrastination
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
41

7. cases) and nine cases coded as an effect (7% of cases). Students
reported procrastinating a task because they wanted to be alone,
such as “I prefer quiet, solitary activities. . . . I am often dis-
tracted from everyday chores by the desire to simply sit and be.”
Neuroticism was coded as a cause of procrastination 13 times
(9% of cases) and as an effect six times (5% of cases). Notably,
these percentages are in line with what Solomon and Rothblum
(1984) first detected for the neurotic procrastinator type. Neu-
rotic procrastinators reported procrastinating a task because of
task-related anxiety and to engage in activities that are explicitly
chosen to distract from that anxiety. For example: “If I come
across an assignment that I feel will have a significant effect on
my grade, I begin to fear and put off the project.” Emotional
stability, neuroticism’s opposite pole, was coded as a cause 10
times (7% of cases) and as an activity 18 times (14% of cases).
Students reported procrastinating a task because they felt no
pressure to engage in the task. Instead of working on the task,
they slept, watched TV or used the Internet. For example: “I feel
that by being so calm, I do not feel threatened to get something
done and almost don’t care about the consequences.”
Agreeableness was viewed as a cause of procrastination in
only nine cases (7% of cases). Students reported procrastinating
a task because of agreeing to peer pressure or conformity and
because of wanting to be helpful. For example: “I would rather
spend time helping and being with people that I love instead of
being engulfed in something that I am not really fond of doing.”
Just one case suggested its opposite pole, disagreeableness. Spe-
cifically: “I am calling my friend because I am suspicious in what
they are doing.”
Finally, openness to experience was interpreted as a cause of
procrastination in 44 instances (32% of cases). Students
reported procrastinating a task because they were bored by
monotony and because they wanted to do something more
varied. For example: “I would rather have a variety of new and
interesting things to do every night than follow the same day-
to-day schedule.” There were no instances coded as its opposite
pole.
The correlation between traits and tasks are summarised in
Table 4. As can be seen, the results support the hypothesis,
especially with the personality traits of extraversion and neu-
roticism. Consistent with Solomon and Rothblum’s (1984)
seminal work, these are the two traits that are easiest to identify
(i.e., having the highest correlations). Hypothesis 3 is supported.
Discussion
Our findings confirm and expand Schouwenburg’s (2004)
typology. Conscientiousness and its facets (e.g., self-discipline,
Table 1 Intercorrelations Among Procrastination, Personality Traits, and Facets of Conscientiousness
M SD Proc Extra Agree Cons Neuro OtE NfO SeDi AS
Procrastination 2.99 0.82 1.00
Extraversion 2.56 0.77 −0.10 1.00
Agreeableness 3.97 0.53 −0.12 0.18* 1.00
Concientiousness 3.64 0.60 −0.60** 0.09 0.30** 1.00
Neuroticism 2.79 0.84 0.16* −0.31** −0.33** −0.23** 1.00
Openness to Experience 3.59 0.60 −0.03 0.16* 0.04 0.01 −0.14 1.00
Need for Order 3.27 0.65 −0.43** 0.08 0.06 0.59** 0.02 0.05 1.00
Self-Discipline 3.59 0.71 −0.78** 0.17* 0.17* 0.68** −0.25** −0.01 0.48** 1.00
Achievement Striving 3.62 0.69 −0.48** 0.23** 0.22** 0.58** −0.21** −0.05 0.37** 0.65** 1.00
Note. Proc: Procrastination; Extra: Extraversion; Agree: Agreeableness; Cons: Conscientiousness; Neuro: Neuroticism; OtE: Openness to Experience; NfO: Need
for Order; SeDi: Self-Discipline; AS: Achievement Striving; SD: standard deviation. Degrees of freedom, 166; N, 167; *p < .05 **p < .01.
Table 2 Hierarchical Regression Analysis Predicting Procrastination
Variables R2
corr ΔR2
B SE B ß
Step 1 0.36**
Conscientiousness −0.82** 0.08 −0.60**
Step 2 0.61** 0.26
Conscientiousness −0.19 0.10 −0.14
Achievement Striving 0.10 0.08 0.09
Need for Order −0.04 0.08 −0.03
Self-Discipline −0.84** 0.09 −0.73**
Step 3 0.61** 0.00
Conscientiousness −0.22* 0.11 −0.16*
Achievement Striving 0.09 0.08 0.08
Need for Order −0.02 0.08 −0.01
Self-Discipline −0.84 0.09 −0.73
Openness to Experience −0.06 0.07 −0.04
Extraversion 0.02 0.06 0.01
Agreeableness 0.03 0.08 0.02
Neuroticism −0.04 0.05 −0.42
Note. R2
corr, R2
corrected; ΔR2
, change in R2
; *p < .05; **p < .01.
Table 3 Hierarchical Regression Analysis Predicting Procrastination
Variables R2
corr ΔR2
B SE B ß
Step 1 0.36**
Conscientiousness −0.82** 0.08 −0.60**
Step 2 0.35** 0.00
Conscientiousness −0.84** 0.09 −0.62
Openness to Experience −0.03 0.09 −0.02
Extraversion −0.05 0.07 −0.05
Agreeableness 0.12 0.11 0.08
Neuroticism 0.02 0.07 0.02
Note. R2
corr, R2
corrected; ΔR2
, change in R2
; *p < .05; **p < .01.
Academic procrastination P Steel and KB Klingsieck
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
42

8. impulsiveness) are at the core of procrastination, here account-
ing for 61% of the variance. After controlling for conscientious-
ness, the remaining personality traits have no connection.
Given that causation requires correlation (though correlation
does not confirm causation), we can conclude these traits are
not substantively causal. However, as Schouwenburg suggests,
while they might not necessarily influence the degree of pro-
crastination, they can influence how it manifests. This is what
we also found.
Again, as per Schouwenburg (2004), the major traits associ-
ated with the phenomenological experience for why we pro-
crastinate or the activities chosen while procrastinated are
predictably related to neuroticism and extraversion. Those high
in neuroticism report putting off because of anxiety while those
low reported insufficient concern or worry. Those high in extra-
version report putting off mostly for social reasons while those
low reported lack of energy or need for solitude. In addition,
there was similar although attenuated connection for agreea-
bleness and openness for experience, detectable for reasons, but
not activities. By far, the dominant personality profile for pro-
crastination was high extraversion (e.g., a need to socialise) and
high openness to experience (e.g., a desire for variety to avoid
boredom). Together they accounted for 70% of the cases.
This is an important finding for student counselling. A special
issue of the Journal of Rational-Emotive Cognitive-Behaviour
Therapy focused on establishing the causal nature of perfection-
ism and procrastination found the present situation “perplex-
ing” (Pychyl & Flett, 2012, p. 206). On one hand, there are low
correlations with irrational beliefs or perfectionism, while on
the other hand, there are a preponderance of procrastinators
seeking clinical treatment who report anxiety as causal. As way
of reconciliation, there certainly is a coherent type that ascribe
its procrastination to neurotic-related tendencies, but as
Schouwenburg (2004) suggested and meta-analytic results
confirm (Steel, 2007), this is still rooted in low conscientious-
ness, namely impulsivity. Impulsiveness, in turn, does not
operate in a vacuum. For temporal discounting to occur, there
needs to be a reward or punisher to be discounted. These
rewards will differ predictably according to personality type.
Addressing these rewards and punishers is consistent with TMT
(i.e., expectancy and value). Consequently, without impulsive-
ness, anxiety should rationally drive people to action. As
McCown, Petzel, and Rupert (1987) stated, it is equally likely
that neurotics experience their anxiety as a prompt to get
started so as to remove the unwanted source of stress as quickly
as possible. That anxiety can lead to effort is a view shared by
many prominent researchers, exemplified by Norem’s (2002) or
Oettingen’s (2014) books on the topic.
This does not preclude offering anxiety-related interventions
for the neurotic procrastinator. Treating dysfunctional perfec-
tionism or disabling anxiety is worthy in its own right, regard-
less of its relationship to procrastination. However, it would be
ill-advised to assume that the neurotic profile applies to all
procrastinators instead of just a minority of them. As Solomon
and Rothblum (1984) suggested, it is approximately 10%, close
to the percentage we found here. For other types of procrasti-
nators, which are necessarily in the majority, forms of therapy
that are not anxiety focused should be recommended. Each of
these procrastination types, influenced by their individual per-
sonality profiles, will have to deal with a specific set of tempta-
tions that they need to distance and undesirable although
necessary tasks they need to reframe, manage or craft. Given
that the universal and indeed most powerful connection with
procrastination is through conscientiousness, addressing this
trait and its facets, especially impulsiveness and self-discipline, is
recommended as being the backbone of all interventions with
all forms or typologies of procrastination. As Steel (2010b)
reviews, there are a wide variety of impulsivity treatments, from
precommitment to stimulus control. To eschew these options by
focusing on less effective techniques that apply only to a sub-
section of procrastinators reflects a dogmatic commitment to a
very constrained set of psychological theories.
Future Research and Limitations
The setting for this paper focused on the student experience.
While the association between how procrastination manifests
and personality were detected, there were fewer activities asso-
ciated with agreeableness or openness to experience. This might
not replicate in other life domains. Steel (2010b), for example,
clusters nine different areas of procrastination into three super-
ordinate groups: success (e.g., career, finance, education), self-
development (health, self-development, spirituality), and
intimacy (friends, family, parenting). Similarly, Klingsieck
(2013b) found six different life domains: academic and work,
everyday routines and obligations, health, leisure, family and
partnership, and social contacts. We might expect agreeable-
ness, being a more social trait, to have greater relevance in social
contacts and intimacy matters.
Table 4 Correlations among Personality Traits with Self-Report Reasons for Procrastination and Activities Done When Procrastinating Coded in Terms of
Personality Traits
Trait Procrastination reasons Procrastination activities
Extra. Agree. Neurotic. Openness Extraversion Neurotic.
Extraversion 0.32* −0.00 −0.18 −0.10 0.47* −0.08
Agreeableness 0.11 0.19* −0.05 −0.13 0.14 0.01
Neuroticism −0.04 −0.06 0.33* −0.09 −0.14 0.35*
Openness −0.18 0.07 −0.14 0.24* −0.10 −0.20*
Note. *p < .05.
P Steel and KB Klingsieck Academic procrastination
Australian Psychologist 51 (2016) 36–46
© 2016 The Australian Psychological Society
43

9. Instead of using open-ended questions for reasons and then
coding them, we could create an academic style questionnaire
with clear categories for all personality traits and at both ends
of their continuum. This would reduce coding errors and
allow for a much larger survey-based assessment. A more
precise breakdown of types could be gained, including confir-
mation that specific ends of traits (e.g., high extraversion or
high openness to experience) are more easily connected by
respondents to their procrastination. As it stands, the split of
responses is often uneven, which makes the estimates here
conservative. An uneven split reduces the size of correlations.
Finally, with an appropriate typology of procrastination in
hand, we could match therapies to styles. For all procrastina-
tors, the facets of conscientiousness, especially impulsiveness,
needs to be addressed. In addition, neurotic procrastination
would likely benefit from anxiety-targeted therapies, like
Rational–Emotive Cognitive–Behaviour Therapy (Pychyl &
Flett, 2012). Emotionally stable procrastinators would likely be
more responsive to mental contrasting, which increases
anxiety but also the likelihood to perform (Kappes, Singmann,
& Oettingen, 2012). Similarly, agreeable procrastinators could
be treated by assertiveness training while disagreeable, rebel-
lious or autonomy seeking procrastinators might address their
demand resistance, for example through paradoxical interven-
tions (Shoham-Salomon, Avner, & Neeman, 1989). The open-
ness to experience procrastinator could be taught interest
enhancement (Gröpel & Steel, 2008). In order to offer
evidence-based interventions, future research should invest
in studies evaluating the effectiveness of such type-specific
therapies.
Conclusion
Coming back to the Beswick et al. (1988) paper, we conclude
that procrastination research has consistently grown in the last
decades, leading to a deeper and more nuanced understanding
of this phenomenon. Nowadays, research looks into both per-
sonal and situation aspects of procrastination, applies both
quantitative and qualitative research methods and aims at pro-
viding university counselling services with research-based sug-
gestions for interventions.
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