5. NATIVE AMERICAN STEREOTYPES,
TV PORTRAYALS, AND PERSONAL CONTACT
By Alexis Tan, Yuki Fujioka, and Nancy Lucht
This study tests hifpothcses derived from extremity-complexity
and stage
theories of stereotyping which predict that frecjueticy of contact
with a
minority group leads to knowledge which then leads to positive
group
evaluations. We also test hypotheses from learning theories of
behavior
which predict that evaluations of contact zcith minority groups
determine
group evaluations. The hypotheses are tested for direct personal
contact
and vicarious contact via television.
We administered questionnaires to white college students to
measure the
contact variables and stereotypes of Native Americans. Results
show
strong support for the learning hypotheses, hut not for
extremity-com-
plexity theories of stereotyping. Evaluations of first contact as
pleasant
or unpleasant, frequency of contact, and evaluations of TV
portrayals as
negative or positive predict stereotyping. Implications for
stereotyping
theories arc discussed.
6. The "contact hypothesis," first proposed by AUport, states that
dose
contact between members of different races fosters positive
racial attitudes.'
Conversely, lack of contact leads to prejudice and negative
stereotypes. In
its original formulation and subsequent revisions, the contact
hypothesis
assumes that the participants are interacting in "face-to-face"
situations,
providing for the direct observation of each others' behaviors.^
The present study extends the contact hypothesis by
investigating the
effects of vicarious contact via television and affective
evaluations of direct
and vicarious contact on stereotypes. The general expectation is
that affective
evaluations of vicarious and direct contact are more powerful
predictors of
stereotypes than is frequency of contact. Specifically, we
predict that positive
evaluations of contact will lead to positive stereotypes, and
negative evalu-
ations will lead to negative stereotypes. We investigate
stereotyping of
Native Americans by white college students.
The dependent variable in our study is "stereotypes."
Stereotypes are
overgeneralizations that constitute a denial of individual
differences among
racial and other "out" groups.-^ When a person is categorized as
a member
of a racial group, attributes or traits of the group are assigned fo
7. him/her.*
Stereotypes, then, are beliefs about group characteristics and
attributes.^
Racial stereotypes are often negative. A nationwide survey of
American
Alex Tan i^ professor and director, Murrau^ School of
Commiinkation.Washiiighm State
University, ivht're Yuki fiiiiokii is a doctoral student. Nancy
Lucht is a •graduate sttidcnl
in education at Wasfimgton btate.
t-MC Quarterly
Summer 1997
NATIVE AMERICAN STERIOTYPES, TV PonrnAYAis, AND
PERSONAL ComAcr 2 65
Stereotypes
of Native
Americans
adults found that Blacks, A.sians and Hispanics in comparison
to whites were
perceived to be poorer, lazier, more violence prone, less
intelligent, less
patriotic, and less willing to be self supporting.'' Native
Americans were
not included as a target group.
Native Americans were the focus of this study for several
reasons.
First, most national studies of stereotyping, while including
8. other major
racial groups in the United States, have not included Native
Americans.^
Second, although there has been some recent improvement in
the portrayals
of Native Americans in movies and television, stereotypical
portrayals
persist." And third, little is known about how Native American
stereotypes
are formed. In particular, we are interested in the possible
influence of direct
and vicarious contact on stereotypes.
Native Americans are descendants of the first inhabitants of the
tjnited States. They are the only racial group that is specifically
recognized
in the Constitution, and they continue to have a separate legal
status. Native
Americans number about 2.0 million according to the 1990 U.S.
Census.*^ The
current native American population is made up of American
Indians, Eski-
mos, and Aleuts (Alaska Natives).'" The majority of native
nations accept a
person as Native American if he/she has at least one-fourth
tribal heritage
(blood quantum)." There are 517 federally recognized Native
American
tribal units and 36 state-recognized tribal units, numerous
nation.s, and about
252 languages.'- More than half of the Native American
population lives on
or near the 278 federally operated reservations throughout
thirty-one states.'^
The remaining population lives in cities and rural areas.
9. A popular stereotype is that Native Americans are alcoholic, a
stereo-
type most likely perpetrated by press coverage of drinking in
Native Ameri-
can cultures. Even Native Americans will admit abu.se of
alcohol is a serious
problem in many Indian communities, but drinking patterns vary
from tribe
to tribe, as well as from individual to individual.'''
A second stereotype of Native Americans is that they have
"superci tizen
status" and "cradle to grave" benefits, and they receive
government "per
capita" checks just for being Native American. The fact is that
Native
Americans do not have "special" rights. They have fishing,
hunting, and
other rights because they are recognized political bodies tbat
have signed
treaties with the U.S. government. Members of certain tribes
receive divi-
dends from the sale of their resources and from stocks. Some
families also
have land that they lease and from which they receive money.
Any per capita
dividends or lease payments originate in legal ownership, not
race.'^
Another prevailing "negative" stereotype of Native Americans
is that
Indians are lazy, don't work hard, and can't keep a steady job.
This stereotype
is grounded in different values between Anglo and Native
Americans. For
a Native American, accumulation of wealth is not as important
10. as family or
spiritual needs. Jobs may be left tobelpfamily or takecareof a
spiritual need
or situation. Seasonal jobs are preferred by some Native
Americans to allow
tfiem time to pursue other interests. A related stereotype is that
most Native
Americans are out of work and on welfare. Recent census data
puts the rate
of Native American employment at 87 percent. A 13 percent
rate of unem-
ployment does not indicate "most" Native Americans. Many
Native Ameri-
cans are starting their own businesses. Between 1982 and 19H7,
Indian-
owned businesses increased by 64 percent, whereas U.S. firms
only increased
by 14 percent.""
266 & MASS CoMMUNiCAnoN QUMOIBLY
A fourth stereotype concerns reservations: Indians live on
reserva-
tions because they can't "make it" on the outside (mainstream
America), they
are uneducated, and they have no other choice. Most Native
Americans enjoy
being with their own people on their own land and want to
maintain their
way of life and culture. Native Americans also don't enjoy being
alone and
are fearful of prejudice. Being on the reservation protects them
from outside
prejudice and negative stereotypes. Many feel it is important to
11. maintain
their tribal community, and for them, the reservation is home.'-'
The stereotypes mentioned above are not entirely accurate. They
have
persisted for decades and still affect the images and perceptions
of Native
Americans by other groups.
Media images of Native Americans tend to be negative. From
the
beginning, Indians have been treated with suspicion and were
the first
obvious victims of media bias.'^ Much of the open hostility
toward Native
Americans by the American press had decreased by the early
twentieth
century. At this time, however, motion pictures continued to
convey stereo-
types and negative images of American Indians. Bataille and
Silet found that
many basic film stereotypes began during the period of silent
movies, as
stories were created by white producers for white audiences,
which included
a n t i - I n d i a n a t t i t u d e s a n d p r e j u d i c e s . The
Baltic of the Elderbrufih Gulch {1913)
by D.W. Griffith is one example of how Native Americans were
presented
to the American public. In the movie, Griffith .showed Indians
eating dogs
and doing an emotional war dance in preparation for attack.
The classic American Westerns al.so were developed during the
silent
era of motion pictures. When sound entered the picture industry
12. (1930),
Indians were rarely given the chance to speak. In the 1930s and
194Gs, the
Lone Ranger and the Indian caricature named Tonto (meaning
"stupid" in
Spanish) were popular. Tonto spoke in clipped baby talk, using
phrases like
"Kemo-sabe" and "Get 'em up. Scout." He was portrayed as
inferior to the
Lone Ranger in every area, such as shooting ability and speed,
except for
wisdom, which was a positive quality, "acceptable" for an
Indian to possess.
Tonto's only purpose was to serve his white master.
A combination of the popular media in the first half of the
1900s
(movies, comic books, pulp novels, and eventually television)
helped create
the popular concept of a "real Indian." According to media
images, a Native
American rode horses, wore headdresses, and stood on hilltops,
"looking for
wagon trains under the flat of his hand." Movies ignored the
cultural
diversity of different tribes and languages in North America.
The same
Plains-Southwest tribes - Blackfeet, Cheyenne, Comanche, and
Apache -
have been used repeatedly to portray Native Americans. The
Indian was
constantly portrayed in movies of the 1930s and 1940sas
vicious, cruel, lazy,
stupid, dirty, speaking in grunts, and often drunk. In The Last
of flic Mahiain^
(1920,1936), Indians were presented as barbaric, prone tti
13. excessive drinking
and a threat to white women.
Portrayals of Native Americans improved after World War 11,
which
provided the United States with German and Japanese
"villains." By the late
1940s, Indians were sometimes portrayed as victims of
circumstances created
by whites. More realistic Westerns,such as Broken Arnnv, were
produced. A
few films in the 1960s and 1970s were almost of documentary
quality. Little
B/^ Mati (1971) was a reversal of the Hollywood western,
depicting white
civilization as corrupt and hypocritical.'^
Native
Americans
in American
Media
NATIVE AMEHICAN STERLOTYPLS, TV POKTRAYMS,
AND PESSONAL CONMCT 267
Shively compared perceptions of Western films by American
Indians
and Anglo Americans.^" Both groups identified with the white
heroes, but
they differed in their perceptions of whether the Westerns were
authentic
portrayals of the Old West. None of the Indians ranked
"authentic portrayal
of the Old West" as an important reason for liking the movies,
14. while 50
percent of the Anglos ranked it as most important.^'
In addition to being stereotyped in movie roles. Native
Americans
have been typecast through advertising and sports team names.
Product
labels associated with Native Americans include the Land
O'Lakes butter
maiden, Mazola margarine, Kickapoo Joy Juice, and Crazy
Horse Malt
Liquor. Sports teams and their mascots are offensive to some
members of the
Native American community. Many feel that names such as the
"Washing-
ton Redskins," the "Atlanta Braves," and the "Kansas City
Chiefs" only help
to promote current and past stereotypes and are inaccurate
representations
of Native Americans.^^
The Contact
Hypothesis
According to complexity-extremity theory, evaluations (e.g.,
stereo-
types) by in-group members of their own group are often more
positive than
evaluations of out-group members (e.g., members of another
race) because
frequent contact among in-group members generates "a larger
number of
dimensions along which individuals may be characterized."^-^
When many
independent dimensions are used to judge another person (or a
stimulus),
15. some of these dimensions will be favorable and others
unfavorable, resulting
in an overall evaluation that is less extreme, unlikely to be
extremely
favorable or extremely unfavorable. With less contact, fewer
dimensions are
used, resulting in extreme evaluations, either good or bad.-̂ ''
For example,
previous research has shown that whites use fewer dimensions
to evaluate
blacks, and that these evaluations are more likely to be
negative.--'' Consistent
with this analysis, the contact hypothesis predicts that frequent
contact will
allow participants to use more dimensions in evaluating each
other, resulting
in less extreme evaluations. When initial evaluations are
negative, resulting
perceptions from increased contact should be more positive.
Early studies provide some evidence that intergroup interactions
can
produce positive changes in attitudes but only under conditions
of equal
status of the group members,-'' mutual goals,^^ and
cooperation.-" When
positive attitude change is observed, the new attitudes are
directed at the
individual out-group members, rather than the out-group itself.
Most of
these results have been observed in experimental settings, using
dependent
measures directed at liking for the persons interacted with.
When general
attitudes toward the out-group are measured, the results often
show no
16. change. Experimental manipulations of personal contact have
produced
positive attitude change toward individual out-group members,
but not
toward the group.
Results from nonexperimental studies have also been mixed. A
nationwide survey of white adults found that the racial views of
whites who
had black friends were similar to the views of whites with no
black f riends.^^
However, another national survey found that whites who live in
areas where
black-white interaction is more common (e.g., racially mixed
neighbor-
hoods) perceived that white attitudes toward blacks were
becoming more
positive.-"' They also were more committed to the goal of
greater social
interaction between blacks and whites. Whites who had greater
opportunity
268 usM & MASS CoMMUWKMnoN QUAXITJ<LY
to interact with blacks had a more positive perception of race
relations in
general, and were more supportive of black-white interaction.
Most explanations for the mixed support of the contact
hypothesis
have focused on methodology and measurement issues. Many of
the experi-
mental studies created extreme intergroup hostilities which may
be resistant
17. to short-term contact interventions.-" Also, many of these
studies are con-
ducted in highly specific settings (e.g., schools), and do not
measure attitudes
toward the larger minority group.^^ Surveys have used a wide
array of
measures to tap interracial contact and attitudes. Contact is
often assumed
from structural factors such as living in a racially mixed
neighborhood-'-' or
from interpersonal conditions, such as having a close friend
who is black.-^
Measures of interracial attitudes include opinions on the state of
race rela-
tions, willingness to interact with members of another race, and
general
attitudes toward the minority group.
Most studies have used as predictors or stimulus conditions fre -
quency of contact and structure of the interaction (e.g.,
cooperative versus
competitive). Implicit in these manipulations is the assumption
that quality
of contact is the key determinant of positive attitude change.
Quality is rarely
measured directly.^'' For example, it is assumed that
cooperative interaction
among equals will be positively evaluated, thereby leading to
positive
attitude change.
In this study, we use direct measures of frequency o( contact
and
affective evaluations of contact as predictors of negative or
positive stereo-
types of a minority group (Native Americans) by white college
18. students in a
nonexperimental setting. Attitudes toward Native Americans are
measured
directly using measures of stereotypes. We also extend the
contact hypoth-
esis to include as predictors of positive or negative stereotypes,
not only
frequency and affective evaluations of direct personal contact,
but also
frequency and affective evaluations of vicarious contact via
television.
Another variation from previous "contact" studies is our
analysis of
evaluations oi first cotifact on stereotypes. The usual variable
studied is
"frequency" of contact. Learning theories and studies on
impression forma-
tion suggest that first contact may be a more powerful predictor
of stereo-
types than contact in general.-""'
Several theories can explain why and how vicarious contact via
television might affect stereotypes of Native Americans.
Social cognitive theory explains how behaviors, attitudes, and
values
can be learned vicariously by observation.-'^ Observational
learning Is the
outcome of a series of steps: attention, retention, motor
reproduction, activa-
tion of motivational processes, and matching performance.
Learning is
affected by both environmental and cognitive factors.
Environmental factors
that facilitate learning include the following characteristics of
19. the observed
event: repetition, realism, simplicity, and reward value.
Learning occurs
when the following cognitive conditions exist: the observer
perceives the
events to be functional, and he/she feels competent in
performing them.
These environmental and cognitive conditions are often found in
television
and tbe television viewer.
Social cognitive learning principles therefore can explain how
people
learn about other races as portrayed on television. Most people
have limited
opportunities for direct contact with other races in unstructured
settings
(e.g., in social situations). It is easier to observe minority
groups in a wide
Vicarious
Contact
NATIVE AMEJOCAN STEREOTYPES, TV POKTKAYALS,
AND PEKSCWAL O W M C T 269
range of situations in television portrayals. Television viewing
requires less
effort than engaging in direct interpersonal contact with a
member of another
race.
Cultivation theory also explains how television can affect
stereotypes
20. of Native Americans.""^ Cultivation occurs when viewers
generalize to their
own social environments the realities they have learned from
television.
Television presents a uniform view of reality; frequency of
exposure leads
viewers to accept television realities. More recently, cognitive
factors such as
perceived realism of the observed TV event have been added to
the model.^^
There is evidence that viewers generalize to their own
environments TV
realities such as violence, crime, gender roles, and political
orientations.'"'
There is also evidence that white viewers' perceptions of fhe
sociocconomic
status of some racial groups (e.g., African Americans) are
affected by what
they see on television.'"
Cognitive models of impression formation (e.g., stereotyping)
such as
the cognitive complexity model focus on the amount of
information gained
from the interaction: the more information learned, the more
positive the
evaluation.''^ Applied to stereotyping, these models predict that
the more
dimensions available forjudgingagroup, the more likely the
evaluation will
be positive.
Learning theories suggest that stereotypes are determined by the
valence of information about a group rather fhan by fhe amount
of informa-
tion.*-' Positive information leads to positive stereotypes;
21. negative informa-
tion leads to negative stereotypes. Also, information learned
first is more
influential than information learned subsequently since first
impressions
form the foundation on which later experiences are evaluated."
Social cognitive and cultivation theories provide a theoretic al
ratio-
nale for our expectation tbat vicarious exposure to Native
Americans via
television will affect stereotypes of Native Americans.
Cognitive and learn-
ing theories provide competing hypotheses on the effects of
television on
stereotypes. Cognitive theories predict that frequency of contact
and amount
of information determine whether stereotypes are positive or
negative.
According to learning theories, what's important is how the
information is
evaluated.
" ^ The following hypotheses are tested with Native Americans
as the
object of stereotypes by white colfege students:
HI: Frequency of contact predicts positive stereotypes.
H2: Frequency of contact predicts perceived familiarity
with the group.
H3: Perceived familiarity predicts positive stereotypes.
Hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 are suggested by the complexity-
extremity
22. theory of stereotyping which states tbat contact leads to
familiarity which
then leads to positive racial attitudes. This causal ordering of
variables is
shown in Figure 2.
H4: Positive evaluations of first contact predict positive
stereotypes.
H5: Positive evaluations of first contact lead to positive
evaluations of contact in general.
H6: Positive evaluations of contact in general predict
positive stereotypes.
Hypotheses 4,5, and 6 are derived from instrumental learning
theories
which state that positive experiences with a stimulus lead to
liking and are
generalized to other similar stimuli. Also, first experiences
affect evaluations
of subsequent experiences. Applied to race relations, these
theories suggest
tbat people who have positive experiences with a member of
another racial
group, will learn to like that individual, and will generalize
liking to the racial
group.*^ The causal ordering of variables in H4, H5, and H6 is
shown in
Figure 3.
The following hypotheses extend personal contact principles to
vicari-
ous contact via television.
23. H7: Total TV Viewing (frequency of contact) predicts
positive stereotypes.
H8: Total TV Viewing positively predicts the number of
attributes of Native Americans perceived in television.
H9: The greater the number of attributes perceived in
television, the more positive the stereotype.
HIO: The greater the number of positive attributes per-
ceived in television, the more positive the stereotype.
HI 1: The greater the number of negative attributes per-
ceived in television, the more negative the stereotype.
Hypotheses 7, 8, and 9 are suggested by complexity-extremity
theory
which states that frequency of contact (e.g., via TV viewing)
leads to more
trait attributions, which lead to more positive evaluations of the
outgroup.
(See Figure 4). Hypotheses 10 and 11 are suggested by learning
theories
which state that pleasant experiences (e.g., as indicated by
perceptions of
positive attributes of the target group in TV portrayals) lead to
liking of the
target person and his / her group, while negative experiences
lead to negative
evaluations. The number of positive and negative attributes
perceived in
television is affected by frequency of TV viewing (see Figures 5
and 6.)
Data were collected using a self-administered questionnaire
24. distrib-
uted to undergraduate students at fwo public universities in the
Northwest.*'*'
The questionnaires were distributed in class. Students were
given extra credit
for completing the questionnaire, which included items
measuring the
variables of interest in the present study as well as items
measuring opinions
about civi! rights and stereotypes of other ethnic groups. Tbe
instructor told
students that this was a study of how people perceived
themselves in relation
to others. Students were debriefed and results presented to them
a month
after the questionnaires were administered.
Dependent Measures. The dependent variable, stereotypes of
Native
Americans, was measured using a revised scale adapted from a
national
N«TV£ AMERICAN STEREOTYPES, TV Poi^vAtAiJi, AND
PERSONAL C I W M C T
Methods
and
Measures
271
survey of racial images.*'' The scale asks respondents to rate
whether people
in the designated racial group are eloser to one or the other of
25. two polar
adjectives (attributes) according to their own perceptions.
Instructions were:
"Please think of Native Americans in the United States today.
Check a space
between each of the adjectives below to indicate how you would
describe
Native Americans in general." A 7-point scale was used. The
scale includes
six attributes, all of which were used in the present study. These
were
wealth (rich/poor), work ethic (hard working/lazy), violence
(violence-
prone/not violence-prone), intelligence
(unintelligent/intelligent), depen-
dency (prefer to be self-supporting/prefer to live off welfare),
and patriotism
(patriotic/unpatriotic). According to Smith, these adjectives are
often used
by the public to describe "common-place and vital images of
people in the
United States" today. Several traits were added to the Smith
scale after
discussions in an intercultural communication seminar
identified additional
dimensions used in contemporary American society to
stereotype ethnic
minorities. These were crime (likely to commit/not likely to
commit), trust
(can be trusted/not to be trusted), drugs (likely to use/not likely
to use),
family ties (strong/weak), education (educated/not educated),
tolerance of
other races (toferant/not tolerant), and alcohol use (likely to
abuse/not likely
to abuse). Items were factor analyzed to construct our final
26. measures of
stereotypes.
The positive and negative ends of each bipolar measure were
identi-
fied by consensus among members of a graduate seminar in
intercultural
communication. The criterion for making these judgements was
"which was
the positive attribute, in contemporary American society." The
raters had no
difficulty in identifying the positive and negative ends of the
items. The
positive attributes were rich, hard working, not violence prone,
intelligent,
prefer to be self supporting, patriotic, not likely to commit
crimes, can be
trusted, not likely to use drugs, likely to have strong family ties,
not likely to
deal drugs, educated, tolerant of other racial groups, and not
likely to abuse
alcohol use. The end points toward the positive attributes were
scored "7";
negative attribute end points were scored " 1 " . Mean scores for
attributes in
each factor were computed as a measure of positive/negative
stereotypes
(Table 2); the higher the score, the more positive the stereotype.
Measures of Predictor Variables. Direct contact predictor
variables
were frequency of contact, evaluation of first contact, and
evaluation of
contact in general. Frequency of contact was measured by
asking respon-
dents:
27. "For each of the groups listed below, please tell us how often
you
interact with them on a person-to-person basis." Groups listed
included
"Native Americans." Responses were scored on a five point
scale: No Contact
(]), Very Seldom (2), Sometimes (3), Quite Often (4), and Very
Often (5).
To measure evaluation of first contact, we asked respondents,
"For
each of the following groups, please tell us whether your first
personal
encounter with a member of the group was pleasant or
unpleasant." Native
Americans were among the groups listed. Possible responses
were Very
Unpleasant (1), Unpleasant (2), Pleasant (3), Very Pleasant (4).
The scale measuring evaluation of contact in general was
similar to the
evaluation of the first contact scale, except for the lead
question: "For each of
the following groups, please tell us whether your personal
contact with them
in general has been pleasant or unpleasant."
Variables measuring vicarious contact via television were
frequency
of TV viewing, and descriptions and evaluations of TV
portrayals.
2 72 jauRMU^M & MASS CnfAMUMCATiON QuAF:im
28. To measure frequency of TV viewing, respondents were asked,
"How
many hours of TV do you watch in a week?" The assumption
was that
frequent TV viewers would have a greater opportunity to
observe Native
Americans portrayed in television programs and movies.
Descriptions and evaluations of TV portrayals of Native
Americans
were measured with an open-ended question: "Think of the
television
movies and programs you have recently seen. In these movies
and TV
programs, how were each of the following ethnic groups
portrayed? List the
adjectives or portrayals for each ethnic group that stand out for
you."
Responses for thirty respondents were coded and analy?:ed by
mem-
bers of a graduate seminar in intercultural communication. The
number of
adjectives (descriptions) were coded for each ethnic group
(including Native
Americans). Then, each attribute was coded as positive, neutral,
or negative,
after discussion by the coders until consensus was reached. The
second
author participated in the discussions and coding of responses
from the first
thirty respondents. She then coded the rest of the
questionnaires, using
standards set in the preliminary coding. This procedure yielded
four mea-
29. sures: number of attributes perceived in TV portrayals of Native
Americans,
number of perceived positive TV attributes, number of
perceived negative
TV attributes, and number of perceived neutral TV attributes.
The last three
measures were considered to be an indication of the viewer's
affective
evaluation of the television encounter with Native Americans.
This procedure is a departure from usual content analysis in
which
coders describe messages by counting the occurrences of
previously defined
content categories. It is adapted from free response methods of
assessing
stereotypes, in which respondents are asked to list the
adjectives that first
come to mind when they think of members of the group
identified.^" Free
response methods, although tedious to organize and analyze,
have been
found to evoke more schematic and automatic cognitive
processing from
respondents than checklist …
10/12/21, 2:30 PM Native American Stereotypes in Popular
Media - SAPIENS
https://www.sapiens.org/culture/native-american-stereotypes/
1/6
CROSSROADS
30. Why the Myth of the “Savage
Indian” Persists
Iconic children’s books and popular media that Gen Xers grew
up with are riddled with
damaging Native stereotypes—but things may finally be
shifting.
By Virginia McLaurin
27 FEB 2019
P
eter Pan, the beloved children’s classic, is sure to stun modern
readers with its descriptions of “redskins”
carrying “tomahawks and knives,” their naked bodies glistening
with oil. “Strung around them are scalps, of
boys as well as of pirates,” J.M. Barrie writes. The language,
and the characterization, would be read as an
offensive stereotype today, hardly helpful in creating realistic
or healthy views of Indigenous peoples.
Such characterizations, it turns out, are rife—and not just in
older, “classic” works that might be explicable as products
of their time. They are evident in television and literature
modern enough to have fed the brains of people now
parenting children of their own.
As a person of Indigenous heritage, a Native American media
scholar, and an avid (almost worryingly avid) fan of all
31. things pop culture, I’ve seen a range of representations of
Indigenous people on TV shows and in books. In graduate
school, I decided to turn a more academic lens on the situation.
I analyzed approximately 60 popular TV shows, films,
and books from the early 1990s to 2011—ones that were set in
modern times or had contemporary elements, as opposed
to works of historical fiction. My goal was to find out what
impression the average non-Native consumer would have of
today’s Native Americans from the media they grew up with.
What I found was a heavy dose of stereotypes, with—perhaps
surprisingly—little sign of improvement over the decades.
While some of the details changed, the overall picture was a
harsh split between “good” and “bad” Indigenous
characters. The negatively portrayed Indigenous characters were
generally out of touch with their culture; they also
often received benefits, operated casinos, were untrustworthy,
and were frequently suggested to be “fake” Native
Americans (especially in the eastern half of the country, where
lineage is more likely to be “mixed”). Meanwhile, the
more positively portrayed Indigenous characters were poor,
living on reservations, honest, culturally knowledgeable,
and often involved in supernatural occurrences.
The implication was that “real” Indigenous people must be
impoverished, helpful to outsiders, and totally immersed in
32. traditional Indigenous culture.
VIRGINIA MCLAURIN is a Ph.D. candidate in cultural
anthropology at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
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T
The stereotypes are almost comical at times—even I had to
chuckle when the Native American policeman in Criminal
Minds’ episode “The Tribe” was able to detect which FBI agent
was wearing a hidden gun by the weight of his footsteps.
But this is not a problem to be shrugged off. Stereotypes,
when reinforced often enough, have been shown to affect how
we view others, how we view ourselves, and what we think we
know about other cultures. And this is especially true for
young people.
Sadly, I saw no indication that these stereotypes shifted much
over my study period, particularly in television. However,
in more recent years, the media landscape seems to be getting
broader, allowing for other worldviews to seep in.
(RE)THINK HUMAN
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he emphasis on “bad” and “good” Indigenous characters has
34. a long history in American media. Most often in
westerns and historical dramas, especially prior to the 1960s,
the “bad” Indigenous characters were depicted
as secretive or unwilling to assist Euro-American characters,
while the “good” ones led Euro-American
protagonists to gold, free land, help for their injuries, spiritual
enlightenment, or anything else they needed or
wanted. These tropesare sometimes referred to as the “savage”
versus the “noble savage.”
In the 1970s to early 1980s television series Little House on the
Prairie, set in the late 19th-century American Midwest,
we watch a Native Osage man argue against killing illegal Euro-
American squatters in Indian Territory—to which settler
Pa Ingalls shouts, “That’s one good Indian!” Meanwhile, other
Indigenous people are described as roaming over the land
A Yurok man uses a traditional technique called “dip” netting to
catch salmon on the Klamath River in Oregon. In popular
media, such customs
are often used to signal “real” Native Americans, even as
contemporary practices, such as owning a business, are seen as
“less authentic” for
Indigenous people. Justin Lewis/Getty Images
email
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17504550
36. Sioux, who adopted and raised a white girl and took in white Lt.
John Dunbar, the hero of the film. In the 1992 hit
movie The Last of the Mohicans, the antagonist is a Native who
attacks a group of British soldiers—while we root for the
Indigenous men who risk their lives to protect the British
women accompanying those white soldiers.
While it’s important to honor Indigenous characters who
attempt to build bridges toward peace, one wonders why there
is not an equal mainstream fascination for Indigenous characters
who assert the rights of their own people.
Furthermore, it seems that Indigenous characters are often
doomed to die even if they have been kind and helpful.
Dunbar survives his predicament, but we’re told that his Lakota
Sioux friends do not. And The Last of the Mohicans is a
self-explanatory title (in spite of the fact that the Mohicans do
indeed still exist, as the Stockbridge-Munsee
Community).
The split can also be seen in children’s stories. Disney’s 1995
animated classic Pocahontas is perhaps the most well-
known children’s film featuring Indigenous characters. The
major conflict of the film comes when the English and the
Powhatan prepare to go to war against each other. Pocahontas
becomes the hero of the story when she mediates
37. between the two groups and, finally, prompts her people to
bring food to the English to ensure their survival and good
relations between the two cultures. This dynamic, of Indigenous
people giving freely to maintain a relationship with
A group of Lakota Sioux ride with Lt. John Dunbar, played by
Kevin Costner, in a scene from the movie Dances With
Wolves. Ed Lallo/Getty
Images
https://books.google.com/books/about/A_Broken_Flute.html?id
=7HTrr5656G0C&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button#
v=onepage&q&f=false
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M
colonists, is an unhealthy one—every good relationship needs
reciprocity, with both sides helping each other.
Nevertheless, it is what Hollywood screenwriters, directors, and
producers, among others, have long expected of “good
Natives.”
38. The contrast is even more glaring in the 1994 film Squanto: A
Warrior’s Tale, starring a young Adam Beach (a Canadian
actor and member of the Saulteaux First Nations). Having
experienced both unkind and caring Europeans, Squanto
decides to assist the Pilgrims, while another even more
mistreated Native character, Epenow, wants to attack them.
Epenow is clearly the villain, Squanto the hero, and the film
ends with a depiction of a Thanksgiving meal celebrating
the exchange between Squanto and the Pilgrims. History proves
that Epenow’s suspicions in the film may be valid, even
if his aggression is not: Viewers may be aware that it would
only be a few decades before the Pilgrims began to
systematically appropriate land and livestock from their
Indigenous neighbors, deny them legal rights in court, and
possibly even poison the son and heir of the Wampanoag chief
who had initially welcomed them.
Some children’s films, including The Indian in the
Cupboard (1995) and The Legend of Tillamook’s Gold (2006),
feature a
Native American character who serves as a mystical guide to a
non-Native child. Just as the “positive” Indigenous
characters in other films give food and assistance to Euro-
American colonists, these characters freely hand over even
the most sacred aspects of their culture to Euro-American
children, having only known them for a few hours.
39. In Tillamook’s Gold, for instance, a Native American elder tells
a young girl, “In our way, when a girl is your age, the
medicine man asks her to go on a quest … a vision quest to find
her power.” She proceeds to go on a vision quest, with
the ultimate goal of finding buried treasure to become wealthy.
These representations put an unfair set of expectations on
Indigenous people.
Even children understand that friends need to help each other,
and it isn’t fair
to have a friendship where only one person keeps giving.
There are some brighter spots in the media landscape.
Fortunately, some
children’s books and comics have featured more complex
Indigenous
characters and more equitable cross-cultural friendships. The
1970s brought us
works like Arrow to the Sun (1974) by Gerald McDermott
and The Girl Who
Loved Wild Horses (1978) by Paul Goble, authors who began
telling more
culturally informed Indigenous stories and at that time argued
for more
Indigenous authors. Since then, Indigenous people themselves
40. have begun
authoring a wide variety of children’s books.
More recently, although some Indigenous viewers found fault
with a few
aspects of Disney’s 2016 animated film Moana and its
marketing campaign
(including the sale of Maui costumes, which could be
considered blasphemous),
many Polynesian people felt that it faithfully presented their
culture and was,
overall, a strong representation of Indigenous people—
particularly in the way it
portrayed Moana and her grandmother as resilient, independent
women. The
use of Indigenous writers and voice actors for the film was also
taken as a good
sign for future collaborations.
any people born in the 1970s and 1980s have fond memories of
works that they grew up on and want to share
them with their own children—only to stumble, often with
surprise, upon what in today’s landscape
translates to notes of blatant racism. When you come across
such stereotypes in media as a parent or a
41. viewer, your first step should be to make a conscious decision
about whether this is the type of media with which you
want to engage. If the portrayal is egregiously offensive, skip it
entirely. Or, use less problematic pieces to start a
The young protagonist in the film The Indian in the
Cupboard holds Litefoot, his Native American warrior
friend. Columbia Pictures/Getty Images
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conversation.
When you sit down to watch Little House on the Prairie with
your child and find yourself struggling with derogatory
remarks about Native Americans stealing food and killing
pioneers, use them as a talking point. Did all Native
Americans act this way, and if not, why didn’t the series include
them? If Native Americans were stealing food, why did
they have to do that, since they were obviously able to feed
themselves before pioneers arrived? Do some research,
42. alongside your children or other family members. Finally,
consider the effects these stories have on us today and on the
people who read them at the time they were first published.
These are difficult conversations to have, but they can be
adapted to suit a child’s age. No one would advocate telling a
5-year-old about the full horrors of Christopher Columbus’
attack on Indigenous people, but a 5-year-old can understand
that people were taken from their homes, had to work for people
who were mean to them, and weren’t paid or able to
leave. Such discussions are a basic exercise in empathy.
A final, crucial step to being a responsible media consumer i s to
look for works made by Indigenous artists or in
collaboration with Indigenous artists. (Note that you cannot tell
if an author is Indigenous by their name alone.) In
Canada, the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network plays shows
for both adults and children; a few standouts for
children are Raven Tales, Wapos Bay, Amy’s Mythic Mornings,
and Anaana’s Tent, some of which have episodes
available online. SkinsPlex, a free online site dedicated to
Indigenous-created media, has short and feature-length films.
Many Indigenous people have and are contributing to children’s
literature (see sidebar).
Other promising stories have emerged from collaborations
between Natives and non-Natives, and from writers who take
43. the time to familiarize themselves with Indigenous issues. A
heartening example comes from The X-Files show from
the 1990s. Creator Chris Carter finished season 2 on a
cliffhanger and had placed the final episode in Navajo/Diné
territory. One Navajo character was seen carrying a body, which
is a cultural taboo—and several Navajo people let Carter
know this. Rather than ignore their complaints or become
defensive, he met with Indigenous people and shaped the
opening episodes of season 3 around their advice. The product
was a clever demonstration of the power of oral tradition:
Traditional storytelling practices save the lives of main
characters Scully and Mulder after all physical records of their
investigation have been destroyed. The episode arc stays rooted
in X-Files drama but is a nice, knowledgeable tip of the
hat to Indigenous traditions.
I often think back to how my parents navigated the TV shows,
movies, and even classroom lessons that frequently give
an unbalanced and negative view of Indigenous people. Rather
than feel pressure to act as complete encyclopedias,
their focus was to make being of Indigenous ancestry something
I was proud of, and grateful for, assuming that this
would prompt me to learn more about both my ancestry and
other Indigenous people. My mother enjoys pointing out
44. that I did, after all, go on to focus my master’s thesis on Native
American issues. It seems like her job was done well.
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24 Oct 2017 - 12:06pm
The evolution of Native American
representation in Westerns
Tepees, moccasins, feathers and the iconic Indian Chief Yellow
Hand (played by Anthony
Quinn) in 'Buffalo Bill'. (Getty)Source: Getty
Previous Next
1.
Image
1/
Video
Audio
How Hollywood has changed its portrayal of Native Americans
over the years - and still
frequently falls short.
By
Shane Cubis
20 Oct 2017 - 11:56 AM UPDATED 24 Oct 2017 - 12:06 PM
Since the early days of cinema, Native Americans have been
strongly associated with Westerns.
The urtext, John Ford’s trope-establishing Stagecoach,
presented them as wild warriors
connected to the land – another obstacle for "civilised" white
people to overcome on the frontier.
But over time, Hollywood has gradually, if reluctantly, come
46. closer to presenting “Injuns” less as a
faceless horde and more as actual human beings belonging to
specific tribes, with complex
personalities beyond stoic or bloodthirsty.
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Previous Next Hide GridSome heroism and humanity
Some of the very first movies depicted Native Americans. And
while none of them championed
Indigenous culture, these portrayals sometimes featured more
complexity than what would
come in later films. The Silent Enemy presented Native
Americans as heroes battling against the
eternal threat of starvation. Pre-Depression white audiences
were fascinated by the Indigenous
peoples of America – the actual Wild West was still within
living memory, after all – and flocked
to see footage of them performing ceremonies or dances for the
newly invented cameras
(including Thomas Edison’s offering).
On top of that, the very first feature film made in Hollywood
was Cecil B DeMille’s The Squaw Man,
47. which featured a fatal romance between a Brit and an Ute
woman, played by Native American
Lillian St Cyr (or Red Wing). Of course, "squaw" is a highly
offensive term for a Native American
woman but this kind of interracial romance was, at the time,
considered groundbreaking.
Villains, redface and the "noble savage"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HQGW5a0q51w
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As mentioned above, Stagecoach ushered in the era of Indians
as the villanous counterpoint to
cowboys, peppering brave pioneers with deadly accurate arrows.
Ojibwe critic Jesse Wente has
called it “the most damaging movie for native people in
history”. For decades, Native Americans
would become a necessary addition to almost every story set in
the Wild West, albeit generally
played by white actors in redface.
There’s a laundry list of big names who played "noble savages"
- wild natives uncorrupted by
civilisation - across from lantern-jawed cowboys: Burt
Lancaster, Audrey Hepburn, Anthony
Quinn, Burt Reynolds and Elvis Presley, for starters. It was also
in this era that the standard
“look” was established – over-exaggerated feathered headdress,
48. beads, warpaint, tepees –
stereotypes based on a Hollywood interpretation of Plains
Indians.
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Sympathetic
In response to real-world societal shifts, Native Americans
moved from faceless evil to nuanced
neutrality from the 1970s onward. They were more downtrodden
than villainous, and their pre-
Columbian lives were portrayed as Arcadian and pure, if not
literally magical. From Sacheen
Littlefeather’s Oscar speech to John Trudell and the Indians of
All Tribes’ occupation of Alcatraz
to the Wounded Knee battle between the American Indian
Movement and the FBI – all these
things increased the visibility of modern-day Native Americans
and their ongoing struggles in a
way that made the traditional cinematic depictions seem
tasteless at best.
On-screen, Chief Dan George was turning in an Oscar-
nominated performance in Little Big
Man and bringing a rare levity to the role of an old Cherokee
in Clint Eastwood’s The Outlaw
Josey Wales. Slowly, our conception of who Native Americans
49. could be was changing.
Authentic
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It’s far from flawless, but 1990’s Dances With Wolves ushered
in a whole new era when it came to
presenting Native American culture on film. Russell Means may
have (rightly) fumed about his
Lakota people – the only army to defeat the US military on US
soil – being “taught to fight by a
white man”. And John Trudell might have been spot-on when he
said, “It’s a story about a white
guy – Indians are just the T&A.” But for a big Hollywood film,
the attempts at authenticity in
costumes and language represented a long overdue step towards
respect.
From there, we got movies like Last of the Mohicans, Legends
of the Fall and Dead Man, helping
Hollywood move beyond headbands and moccasins. Of course,
there was still Pocahontas to
promulgate historical untruths about how Native Americans
welcomed and/or wed British
invaders for a new generation...
50. Today?
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Even in the 21st century, we are in a far from ideal place.
Can you think of a Native American character in Deadwood that
wasn’t a head in a box?
Can you believe Johnny Depp was considered the best option to
play Tonto in a Lone
Ranger remake?
Can you believe The Ridiculous Six contained a character
named Never Wears Bra?
Can you remember a single line of dialogue delivered by a
Native American host in
the Westworld series?
Indigenous filmmakers are telling their own stories on film, of
course, but Westerns aren’t at the
top of their favourite genres in which to work. As Chris Eyre,
director of Smoke Signals, says,
“We’re not asking to be noble or righteous or good all the
time... We’re asking to be human.”
Watch Reel Injun: On the Trail of the Hollywood Indian at SBS
51. On Demand:
10/12/21, 3:24 PM The evolution of Native American
representation in Westerns | Guide
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native-american-representation-westerns 7/7
Robert Redford's The West airs Sundays at 8:30pm on SBS.
Watch the latest episode at SBS On
Demand:
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication
at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273523463
Documenting Portrayals of Race/Ethnicity on Primetime
Television over a 20-Year Span and Their Association
with National-Level Racial/Ethni....
Article in Journal of Social Issues · March 2015
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55. Riva Tukachinsky∗
Chapman University
Dana Mastro
University of California, Santa Barbara
Moran Yarchi
Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya
The current study content analyzes the 345 most viewed U.S.
television shows
within 12 separate television seasons spanning the years 1987 to
2009. Us-
ing multilevel modeling, the results from this comprehensive
content analysis
then are used to predict national-level racial/ethnic perceptions
(between the
years 1988 and 2008) with data from the American National
Election Studies
(ANES). Content analysis results reveal severe
underrepresentation of Latinos,
Asian Americans, and Native Americans, and a tendency to
depict ethnic minorities
stereotypically (e.g., overrepresentation of hyper-sexualized
Latino characters).
Multilevel-modeling analysis indicates that both the quantity
and quality of ethnic
media representations contributes to Whites’ racial attitudes.
∗ Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Riva Tukachinsky, Chapman
University, One University Dr. Orange, CA 92866. Tel: 714-
516-4685 [e-mail: [email protected]
edu].
57. primetime programming
(Nielsen, 2013). Moreover, growth in Internet and mobile
device usage does
not necessarily subtract from exposure to television content.
Rather, the same
content is being consumed differently, as television shows
account for a large
share of entertainment watched on new media platforms such as
Netflix, Hulu, and
TV.com (Pew Research Center, 2013). Accordingly, the quality
of the messages
contained in primetime television content is a consequential
issue, as research
has long demonstrated the small but significant influence of
media exposure on
the attitudes and beliefs of audience members (e.g., Morgan &
Shanahan, 1997).
This impact is meaningful to many social domains, including
race-relations in
society. Indeed, evidence linking media exposure with viewer’s
racial attitudes
has been demonstrated in both cross-sectional surveys and
experiments (e.g.,
Dixon, 2008; Mastro, Behm-Morawitz, & Ortiz, 2007).
Specifically, this work
reveals that viewing the limited and often stereotypical
characterizations of race
and ethnicity offered in the media influences the attitudes,
beliefs, and behaviors
of audience members, Whites in particular, as well as the self-
concept of ethnic
minority group viewers (see Mastro, 2009, for review).
Despite the important contributions of this existing research,
there are limita-
tions to its ability to demonstrate the broad, societal -level
58. implications of viewing
such content. First, cross-sectional studies cannot disentangle
societal influences
on the media from the media’s influence on society. Second,
although experi-
ments can demonstrate cause-and-effect relationships, they
typically explore the
implications of short-term exposure to a specific media
message, and therefore
may lose sight of the broad-based picture reflected in one’s
natural media diet.
Moreover, although experiments can reveal the psychological
mechanisms under-
lying media effects, because they often use small,
unrepresentative samples it is
impossible to infer the actual magnitude of media effects in the
general population.
Furthermore, experiments typically employ a limited number of
stimuli carefully
selected to manipulate particular theoretically meaningful
variables, rather than
a broad, representative sample of media messages. Thus, despite
the wealth of
research in the realm of media effects on racial/ethnic attitudes,
relatively little is
known about how societal-level attitudes evolve and interact
with overall media
representations over time. To this end, the present study
examines the association
between the prevalence and quality of ethnic minority
characters on television
and White’s corresponding ethnic attitudes. Employing a
repeated cross-sectional
survey design and expansive content analysis, the study
reconciles the tension
59. TV Portrayals and National-Level Attitudes 19
between internal validity and generalizability. As such, this
work provides a unique
and far-reaching assessment of media portrayals of
race/ethnicity and the societal
implications of exposure to this content.
Television Representations of Race and Ethnicity
Media portrayals of race/ethnicity vary over time and across
groups (see
Mastro, 2009). When it comes to representations of Blacks on
television, the
1980s can be seen as a decade of elevated inclusion both in
terms of the quantity
and quality of roles—which remains the norm today. Currently,
Blacks constitute
between 14% and 17% of the primetime population (Children
Now, 2004; Mastro
& Greenberg, 2000) and approximately 13% of the U.S.
population (U.S. Census
Briefs, 2011). Despite this numeric parity, Black Americans are
disproportionately
featured in sitcoms and crime dramas. When in dramas, Black
Americans are fea-
tured in mixed-race casts (Children Now, 2004) whereas on
sitcoms they appear
in predominately Black casts (which are less likely to draw
diverse audiences).
Although some longstanding stereotypes linger in this content
(e.g., criminality,
aggression), when taken as a whole, the contemporary
primetime television land-
60. scape has been found to offer a more respectable array of
portrayals of Blacks
than offered in previous decades (Mastro, 2009).
Latinos have not achieved the same degree of inclusion on
television, despite
being the largest ethnic minority group in the United States, at
approximately 16%
of the population (U.S. Census Briefs, 2011). In fact, both the
quantity and the
quality of characterizations of this group have been criticized
by media scholars
and advocacy groups. Currently, Latinos comprise a mere 4–
6.5% of the primetime
TV population (see Mastro, 2009). When they are seen, they are
relegated to a
fairly limited set of roles (and have been for several decades),
which often revolve
around themes of sexuality, criminality, subservience, or
intellectual ineptitude.
Very little beyond the sheer rate of appearance is known about
the portrayal
of Asian and Native Americans on television. Because they have
been depicted
so infrequently over the decades, they have often been excluded
from quantitate
analyses of content. Currently, Asian Americans comprise
approximately 5% of
the U.S. population (U.S. Census Briefs, 2011) and 3% of the
primetime population
(and only 1% of characters appearing in the opening credits,
Children Now, 2004).
When they are depicted it is often in minor and nonrecurring
roles. However, in
these infrequent roles they are often high-status figures. Native
61. Americans face
an unprecedented form of invisibility on television, often
entirely absent from
the TV landscape. Across the most recent content analyses,
Native Americans
(approximately 1% of the U.S. population) are found to
represent between 0.0%
and 0.4% of the characters in primetime television.
Although individual content analytic studies such as the ones
discussed pre-
viously have documented the major trends in the depiction of
ethnic minorities
20 Tukachinsky, Mastro, and Yarchi
in broad strokes, the present study expands on this body of
knowledge by using
a systematic, longitudinal analysis of primetime television
content. Utilization of
consistent sampling and measurement procedures provides a
more accurate basis
for comparison between representations of various social groups
over time. Thus,
the present study allows a more consistent and nuanced
understanding of the evo-
lution in the quality and quantity of depictions of ethnic
minorities on primetime
television. To this end, the following research questions are
posed:
Research Question 1: How frequently do ethnic minority
characters appear on
primetime television and does this frequency change over time?
62. Research Question 2: What are the qualities associated with
ethnic minority char-
acters on primetime television and do these qualities change
over time?
Media representations of racial/ethnic groups and public
attitudes. Learn-
ing about various social groups from media is not limited to
informational media
such as news. Although news exposure has been consistently
linked to percep-
tions of ethnic minorities (e.g., Dixon, 2008), ample research
indicates that ethnic
portrayals in entertainment media (including fictional, scripted
media such as dra-
mas and sitcoms) are integrated into consumers’ mental
representations of these
groups. For example, exposure to situation comedies (but not
dramas) has been
found to be related to viewers’ perceptions of Blacks’
educational attainment and
income levels (Busselle & Crandall, 2002). Similarly, exposure
to reality-based
crime programs (e.g., Cops), although not exposure to fictional
crime shows,
has been linked to viewers’ elevated perceptions of crime rates
among African
American (Oliver & Armstrong, 1998).
The results are even more consistent when examining effects of
media on
stereotyping and prejudice. For instance, to the extent that
viewers believe that
television portrays Latinos in a negative light, overall television
viewing has
63. been found to be associated with greater endorsement of
negative stereotypes of
Latinos (Mastro, Behm-Morawitz, & Ortiz, 2007). Similarly,
Dong and Murrillo
(2007) found that media consumers who report learning about
race/ethnicity from
television were more likely to endorse negative stereotypes of
Latinos.
Importantly, however, media influence is not limited to
promoting stereo-
types. Positive media representations of ethnic minorities can
have pro-social
effects, fostering egalitarian beliefs and positive intergroup
attitudes. Even brief
exposure to positive and likable media figures of color, such as
Oprah Winfrey or
Jimmy Smits can enhance audience members’ racial attitudes, at
least temporarily
(Bodenhausen, Schwarz, Bless, & Wanke, 1995; Mastro &
Tukachinsky, 2011).
Taken together, the quality and quantity of ethnic and racial
representations
can influence a wide range of cognitive, affective, and
behavioral outcomes ranging
from how audiences perceive, feel about, and treat different
groups (see Mastro,
2009, for review). However, most existing research in this area
has focused on
TV Portrayals and National-Level Attitudes 21
specific television shows or genres at a single point in time. The
64. present study
examines these processes on a macro level, investigating the
relationship between
the natural media landscape and attitudes toward ethnic
minorities on a societal
level, over two decades. Based on findings from cross-sectional
and experimental
research, it would be expected that national-level attitudes
about race and ethnicity
would reflect the variable representations seen, over time, on
TV. Specifically, the
following hypothesis is posed:
Hypothesis 1: The quantity and quality of representations of
ethnic minorities will
be positively associated with White Americans’ attitudes toward
these groups.
Method
The present study combines two data corpuses. First, White
Americans’
attitudes toward ethnic minorities in the United States were
assessed in six
cross-sectional American National Election Studies (ANES)
surveys conducted
from 1988 through 2008. Second, media representations of
ethnic minorities were
examined through a content analysis of the most viewed U.S.
primetime television
shows between 1987 and 2008. Television seasons are
scheduled September
through May, whereas ANES surveys take place in proximity to
Election Day.
Thus, each wave of survey data collection overlaps with one
television season.
65. These seasons, and the seasons preceding each interview wave
(i.e., the Fall
television season a year before each survey was conducted)
comprising a total
of 12 television seasons, were content analyzed. Exami nation of
two consecutive
seasons per interview wave allows capturing more cumulative,
long-term rather
than immediate media effects. Furthermore, analysis of
television seasons
preceding each interview wave increases the validity of
inferences of causal
relationships between media representations and public opinion.
Survey Data
Sample and inclusion criteria. Only data from respondents who
identified
themselves as non-Hispanic Whites were included in the current
study. The survey
included questions about respondents’ perceptions of various
social groups (e.g.,
feminists, Catholics) including Blacks and Latinos. Due to
survey length consid-
erations, not all participants were asked about all social groups.
Rather, they were
randomly assigned to only report their feelings toward some
groups but not oth-
ers. Given the focus of the present study, only respondents who
were asked about
both Latinos and Blacks were included in the sample. These
inclusion criteria
resulted in a total of 5,299 respondents across the six interviews
(see Table 1 for
demographic details).
66. 22 Tukachinsky, Mastro, and Yarchi
Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Survey
Respondents
Years of
N % male Age (SD) education (SD) % republican Median
income
1988 1,310 45.7% 46.30 12.96 48.5% 25,000–29,999
(17.63) (2.68)
1992 284 43.7% 48.40 13.26 39.1% 30,000–34,999
(17.53) (2.67)
1996 1,178 45.6% 49.10 13.65 32.8% 35,000–39,999
(17.49) (2.46)
2000 671 45.5% 48.75 13.77 35.9% 50,000–64,999
(17.95) (2.54)
2004 760 46.4% – 13.91 46.8% 45,000–49,999
– (2.37)
2008 1,059 44.4% 49.71 13.73 41.4% 45,000–49,999
(17.47) (2.20)
Total 5,262 45.4% 48.33 13.53 41.2%
(17.64) (2.50)
Attitudes toward Blacks and Latinos. Attitudes were assessed
using feel-
ing thermometer questions. Individuals were asked to indicate
on a 101-point
67. scale how favorably/warm (closer to 100 degrees) or
unfavorable/cold (closer to
zero) they feel about Latino-Americans and Blacks. In the 2008
survey wave, the
response options range was changed to a 30-point scale. To
ensure consistency
across interviews, responses in the last wave were rescaled to a
101-point scale
(score – 1 / 29*100).
Control variables. Demographic variables including sex, years
of educa-
tion completed, income (z-transformed due to changes in
income categories), and
political leaning (as determined by voting for a republican
presidential candidate)
were used as control variables.
Content Analysis
Coding reliability. Three coders were trained on a sample of
shows from
seasons other than those included in the reported study. To
ensure reliability
throughout the coding process, approximately 10% of the shows
in the study
sample were coded by all three coders. Reliabilities (Cohen’s
kappa) are reported
for each of the variables in the following section.
TV Portrayals and National-Level Attitudes 23
Sample. The regular cast of the 40 most viewed television
shows in each
68. primetime season was analyzed based on episode guides and
synopses. Sports,
movies, and animated shows were eliminated from the sample.
This resulted in a
total sample of 345 television shows. These included sitcoms (n
= 140, 40.6%,
e.g., The Cosby Show), crime series (n = 68, 19.7%, e.g., Law
and Order), dramas
(n = 50, 14.5%, e.g., E.R.), reality TV and game shows (n = 42,
12.2%, e.g.,
Who Wants to be a Millionaire), current affairs (n = 25, 7.2%,
e.g., 20/20), and
dramedy (n = 11, 3.2%, e.g., Desperate Housewives). Nine
shows (2.6%) were
coded as “other” (e.g., Unsolved Mysteries) (К = .85).
In scripted programs, such as dramas and sitcoms, regular
characters were
defined as those appearing in at least 50% of the episodes in a
given season. For
reality TV shows, the program’s hosts and recurring contestants
were coded. In
reality TV shows with a large number of contestants, such as
American Idol, up to
24 finalists were coded, whereas for game shows and current
affair programs that
did not feature returning participants, only the hosts were
included in the analysis.
The final sample included a total of 2,575 characters.
Variables. Each regular (human) television character was coded
for eth-
nicity. The ethnic categories included: White (European, Asian
Indian, Mid-
dle Eastern), Black (African American, Jamaican, African,
Haitian), Latino
69. (Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Central American, South
American), Asian (East
Asians, Pacific Islanders), Native American, or mixed minority
ethnicity (both of
the character’s parents are Black/Latino/Asian/Native
American, but the parents
are not of the same group). When information about the
character’s ethnicity was
ambiguous, or when the character was not fictional (e.g., reality
show contestants
and hosts), the media persona’s actual race was coded. For an
actor to be coded
“Black,” “Latino,” “Asian” or “American Indian” at least one of
the actor’s parents
had to be of this descent (К = .97).
Once the characters’ ethnicity was identified, ethnic minority
characters were
coded for five indicators of quality of representations. These
variables were as-
sessed on three-point scales. First, each ethnic minority
character was coded
for moral disposition (bad/ambivalent/good) (К = 1.00) and
likability (unlik-
able/ambivalent/likable) (К = 1.00). Additionally, ethnic
characters were coded
for sexual objectification defined as the extent to which the
character’s sexual
appeal (e.g., portrayal as “eye candy”) and the character’s
sexuality were cen-
tral to the show (К = .95). Scores ranged from not at all sexual
to very sexual
(i.e., most of the role in the plot is sexual) with the middle point
somewhat sex-
ual (i.e., occasional references to the character’s sexuality).
Next, social status
70. (low/medium/high) was determined based on the character’s
status relative to other
characters on the show (e.g., a popular girl vs. a misunderstood
geek). If the char-
acter was typically the object/target of other’s jokes and
mockery the character was
scored low on the social status variable. If other characters
sought this character’s
24 Tukachinsky, Mastro, and Yarchi
advice and guidance, the character was rated as having high
social status (К =
1.00). Finally, professional status was coded based on the
character’s professional
authority (e.g., partners in a legal firm have higher status than
associates in a legal
firm, who in turn have higher status than unemployed/unskilled
labor workers).
The status categories included low, medium, high, and unknown
(К = .85).
Results
Frequency of Representations of Ethnic Minorities in Primetime
Television
The first research question explored the prevalence of ethnic
minority char-
acters in primetime television over the decades. To examine this
question, data
from the two consecutive television seasons were combined to
reflect changes
in 2-year intervals. Chi-square statistics and analysis of
71. variance were used to
examine differences in representations of various groups on
primetime television
over time. Table 2 presents the distribution of characters’ race
and ethnicity across
the coded period of time. Overall, the distribution of characters’
ethnicity over the
years varied significantly (χ 2(25) = 91.11, p <. 001 φc = .08).
In the late 1980s, Whites comprised 78.1% of the regular
characters in top
viewed primetime shows. In the following two decades, their
share slightly in-
creased and remained relatively stable around 82–84% with the
exception of the
1995–1997 television seasons when White characters’ share
rose sharply to 88%.
The prevalence of African American characters fluctuated
dramatically over
the years. Due to the popularity of comedies with predominately
Black cast such
as The Cosby Show and Amen in the 1980s and The Fresh
Prince of Bel-Air
and Hangin’ with Mr. Cooper in the early 1990s, Black
characters were highly
prevalent on television (21.6% in 1987–1989 and 16.8% in
1991–1993). Then, the
share of Black characters plummeted to 9.6% and remained
consistent at around
10–14%.
Other ethnic groups were nearly absent from the small screen.
Although the
prevalence of Latino characters was found to increase (from less
than 1% in
72. the 1980s to over 3% in the 2000s), they remained grossly
underrepresented on
TV. A similar trend was observed in the case of Asian American
characters. No
reoccurring Asian characters appeared in the top primetime
shows of 1987–1989
and 1991–1993 seasons, but their share gradually rose to 2.8%
in 2007–2009.
Finally, Native Americans constituted the most severally
underrepresented
group. Out of 2,336 regular characters in 12 television seasons,
merely three
characters were coded as Native American. Two of them are
accounted for by
Marilyn Whirlwind’s character in two seasons of Northern
Exposure. The third
Native American character was a contestant on the reality show
Survivor—a son
of a European Caucasian father and a Quechan mother.
TV Portrayals and National-Level Attitudes 25
Table 2. Ethnic Composition of Characters in Top Prime-Time
Television by Season
Native Mixed
White Black Latino Asian American minority Total
1987–1989 253 70 1 0 0 0 324
78.1% 21.6% .3% .0% .0% .0% 10.0%
1991–1993 286 58 0 0 2 0 346
82.7% 16.8% .0% .0% .6% .0% 10.0%
73. 1995–1997 294 32 5 2 0 1 334
88.0% 9.6% 1.5% .6% .0% .3% 10.0%
1999–2001 367 53 7 6 1 2 436
84.2% 12.2% 1.6% 1.4% .2% .5% 10.0%
2003–2005 487 70 23 11 0 1 592
82.3% 11.8% 3.9% 1.9% .0% .2% 10.0%
2007–2009 453 54 18 15 0 3 543
83.4% 9.9% 3.3% 2.8% .0% .6% 10.0%
Total 2,140 337 54 34 3 7 2,575
83.1% 13.1% 2.1% 1.3% .1% .3% 10.0%
Together, the results of the content analysis indicate that ethnic
minorities are
largely excluded from primetime television. Most strikingly,
Native Americans
are almost entirely absent. These results are consistent with past
content analyses,
which reported very few, if any, Native American characters in
their sample (e.g.,
Children Now, 2004; Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). Whereas past
studies focused
on smaller samples of shows over a shorter period of time, the
findings from
the current study are illuminating in that they demonstrate how
consistent and
pervasive the alienation of Native Americans from primetime
television is.
Despite a trend of gradual increase in the presence of Asians
and Latinos,
the representation of these groups continues to be strikingly
74. low. In particular, the
incongruity between Latino characters’ prevalence on the screen
and their share
of American population is remarkably discrepant. According to
the U.S. Census,
in 2000 Latinos comprised over 12% of the American
population, yet Latinos
constituted a mere 1.5% of regular primetime characters in
1999–2001. By 2010,
according to the Census data, Latinos made up over 16% of the
U.S. population,
but they comprised only 3.3% of the primetime characters in
2007–2009.
As discussed in the introduction, appropriate media depictions
can provide
vicarious, positive intergroup contact and improve intergroup
relationships. It is
therefore conceivable that even the slight increase in the
frequency of Latino
characters in primetime television could contribute to
improvements in Whites’
attitudes toward Latinos. However, not only the quantity but
also the quality of
26 Tukachinsky, Mastro, and Yarchi
media representations of ethnic groups matter. Exposure to
stereotypical and neg-
ative ethnic minority characters can reinforce and increase the
accessibility of
negative intergroup feelings (e.g., Valentino, 1999). Thus, any
socially desirable
effects of exposure to ethnic minority characters depend on the
75. existence of favor-
able, quality representations of ethnic minorities. The second
research question
examines these aspects of the characters’ representations.
Quality of Representations of Ethnic Minorities on Primetime
Television
The second research question addressed the quality of ethnic
minority pre-
sentations on primetime television. Given the small number of
Native American
characters, they had to be excluded from these analyses. Thus,
the following
analyses refer only to Blacks, Latinos and, whenever possible,
…
Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 71, No. 1, 2015, pp. 39--53
doi: 10.1111/josi.12095
“Frozen in Time”: The Impact of Native American
Media Representations on Identity
and Self-Understanding
Peter A. Leavitt∗
University of Arizona
Rebecca Covarrubias
University of Delaware
Yvonne A. Perez
Syracuse University
Stephanie A. Fryberg
77. 40 Leavitt et al.
Mass media messages are a nearly inescapable feature of
modern life. Media
displays and perpetuates shared ideas and images, or social
representations, of
the social world. For example, mass media offers an array of
characterizations
that associate different identity groups with different
possibilities for how to be
a person (i.e., how to act or behave) in society. These
representations typically
reflect and reify stereotypes of groups (e.g., African Americans
as athletes and
musicians, women as sexualized beings) that vary in quality
(e.g., accuracy and
valence—positive or negative representations) and quantity
(e.g., number and
breadth) (e.g. Assibey-Mensah, 1997; Aubrey, 2006; Mastro &
Greenberg, 2000).
For some social identity groups, such as White, middle-class
individuals, the media
provides an abundance of positive, varied representations,
whereas for others,
such as working-class and racial-ethnic minority individuals, it
provides a limited
number of predominantly negative and narrow representations.
The purpose of
this article is to examine how the quality and quantity of media
representations
influence identity and self-understanding, particularly when a
group, such as
Native Americans, is greatly underrepresented.
78. According to the theory of invisibility (Fryberg & Townsend,
2008), when
a group is underrepresented in the media, members of that group
are deprived
of messages or strategies for how to be a person. Although
media effects are
typically small (e.g., Morgan & Shanahan, 1996), the ability of
media to shape
how individuals experience and understand various groups,
contexts, or domains, is
well documented (see Mastro, 2009). Notably, it is not merely
the quality of media
characterizations of groups that contribute to identity and
shared understanding
(e.g., public perceptions about the defining characteristics and
behaviors of the
group and about norms for how to treat the group), but the
quantity of portrayals
(e.g., the sheer number of portrayals) also communicates a
message about the
group’s vitality in society (Harwood & Roy, 2005).
Accordingly, the limited
representations associated with minority groups in the media, in
terms of both
quantity and quality, are likely to convey to group members that
they do not
belong and cannot be successful in a number of achievement-
related fields (e.g.,
education, business) where minority groups are scarcely (if
ever) seen in the
media (Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2014; Davies, Spencer, &
Steele, 2005; Fryberg
& Townsend, 2008; Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008).
The invisibility of Native Americans in mass media provides a
79. unique van-
tage point for examining how media representations impact both
identity and
self-understanding. Native Americans are typically depicted as
18th and 19th cen-
tury figures (i.e., as teepee dwelling, buckskin and feather
wearing, horse riding
people) and, in the rare cases in which they are shown as
contemporary peo-
ple, they are negatively stereotyped as poor, uneducated and
prone to addictions
(Fryberg, Markus, Oyserman, & Stone, 2008). This type of
limited and negative
Media & Self-Understanding 41
representation of Native Americans is referred to as relative
invisibility (Fryberg
& Townsend, 2008). Many groups experience relative
invisibility (e.g., Latino
Americans, gay and lesbian, and working class individuals), but
what differen-
tiates Native Americans is that they uniquely experience
absolute invisibility in
many domains of American life. Specifically, they are rarely (if
ever) seen as
contemporary figures in the media, which means they are absent
from depic-
tions of mainstream public spaces, such as schools and
hospitals, and from many
professional positions, such as teachers, professors, doctor s,
and lawyers. In this
way, Native Americans, more than other social groups, are seen
and learn to see
80. themselves through the lens of negative stereotypes or they look
to the messages
projected about the contemporary world and simply do not see
themselves rep-
resented. In the remainder of this article, we will provide an
overview of the
available media representations of Native Americans and
highlight the impact of
these representations on Native American identities and self-
understanding. First,
we will examine the pervasiveness and the influence of media
content in Amer-
ican society for different social groups. Second, we will review
the quality and
quantity of Native American representations in the media.
Finally, we will discuss
the psychological consequences of Native American invisibility
in the media on
identification and self-understanding.
Pervasiveness of Media Content and Influence
Many of the impressions people form of diverse individuals and
groups are
the result of vicarious or indirect experience through media
rather than direct,
in-person contact (Mastro, 2015). To illustrate, 98.9% of
American households
have a television set (Television Bureau of Advertising, 2009)
and 92.6% of
Americans watch television regularly (Proquest, 2012). In the
past two decades,
new media technologies have also become central and
influential in American life.
For instance, 80.9% of households have personal computers
(Television Bureau
81. of Advertising, 2009), 78.7% of households use the Internet
regularly, and 78%
of adult Internet users read the news online (Proquest, 2012).
Eighty-five percent
of adults own a cell phone (Proquest, 2012), 63% of cell phone
owners use the
Internet on their phone (Duggan & Smith, 2013), and more than
40% of Americans
play video games regularly (Slagle, 2006). These media vehicles
offer messages or
representations about different groups and about how to think
about or understand
the social world.
These social messages or representations reflect the widely
shared, yet taken-
for-granted, ideas, practices, and policies that individuals use to
understand or
orient themselves within their everyday social contexts and to
communicate with
one another (Moscovici, 1973/1988; Moscovici, 1984). These
representations
convey information about the good or right way to be a person,
including how
individuals represent or think about themselves in the past,
present, and future
42 Leavitt et al.
(Fryberg & Townsend, 2008; Oyserman & Markus, 1993).
Social representations
communicate, for example, that this is how a certain kind of
person talks and
behaves, this is how to interact with this kind of person, and
82. this is what this kind
of person can achieve.
Due to its pervasiveness, mass media is a potent channel by
which social
representations are created and maintained in mainstream
society. They provide a
surrogate representation for real-world exposure in cases where
interpersonal con-
tact between majority and minority group members is limited
and/or nonexistent
(Mastro, 2015). Popular media is, in many cases, the only
exposure some people
have to members of other groups. This is problematic when the
media conveys
inaccurate or stereotypical representations about social groups,
or when the media
fails to provide a representation at all (i.e., a group is invisible).
Media Representations of Native Americans
Media is not an “equal-opportunity self-schema afforder”
(Fryberg &
Townsend, 2008, p. 174); that is, it does not provide equal
social representa-
tions of how to be a person for all groups. Some groups are
represented less
often and in more negative ways than others. We contend that
this inequality puts
groups, such as Native Americans, at a psychological
disadvantage compared to
groups who are abundantly and positively represented. Close
examination of the
population statistics and media portrayals of Native Americans
reveals that they
are largely invisible in contemporary American life.
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