Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic and shelter-in-place orders have impacted you personally, your family and friends, and society as a whole. Relate these impacts to one or more concepts, theory ( Karl Max, Emilie Durkheim, Max Weber, W.E.B. DuBois, Robert Merton, Michel Foucault.)
For example, write about classism and the impact staying at home has had on different classes of people (i.e. those who can work remotely at home vs. those who can’t work at all). You could also discuss new ways of connecting with others during this time, like Zoom, FaceTime, etc. Did social constructs change during this time? Will resocialization be an issue after the social distancing is relaxed? Or, you can talk about urban sociology and how Boston or your home city has changed due to the pandemic. Or, how has globalization changed? There are many possibilities – be creative!
Details:
· Introduce your topic and how/why it is relevant to what we learned this semester
· Describe the situation Include an explanation of the situation, specifics of the situation, how you feel about the situation and why.
· Situate your topic within at least one concept discussed this semester (i.e. class, race, crime & deviance).
o IMPORTANT: Cite at least 2 concepts or pieces of information from the readings or lecture. See under Format below on how to do it.
· Write a conclusion summarizing the major points you made in the paper.
Format: 3-5 pages double-spaced, Times New Roman size 12 font, 1 inch margins, indent your paragraphs instead of skipping lines. Use first person when writing (e.g. “The problems started when I left my parents’ house…”). Begin the paper with a title, your name, and date. Edit carefully for spelling and grammar.
Think about the current pandemic, explain how it relates and/or will relate to other general social issues (class, race, crime & deviance, etc ) AND relate it to one of the major sociologist theories.
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the.
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (DustiBuckner14
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (.docxpetehbailey729071
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un.
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. .docxaulasnilda
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. cargillfilberto
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
5916, 129 PMEisenhowers Farewell Address to the Nation.docxalinainglis
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 1 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the
Nation
January 17, 1961
Good evening, my fellow Americans: First, I should like to express my
gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have
given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special
thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after a half century of service of our country, I shall lay
down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the
authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on questions of great moment,
the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of
the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-
war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the nation well rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should
go forward. So my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have
been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and
among nations.
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 2 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
A vital element in keeping
the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms
must be mighty, ready for
instant action, so that no
potential aggressor may be
tempted to risk his own
destruction.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
Any failure traceable t.
President Roosevelts Four Freedoms Speech (1941) To t.docxstilliegeorgiana
President Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" Speech (1941)
To the Congress of the United States:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the
history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American
security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. . . .
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other
Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. In no case, however, had a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the
procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and their children, we
oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the Americas.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to
our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on
failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world deconstruction. We should remember
that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread
over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that
tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in
every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations still at peace. During sixteen
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our
borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that
defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will
be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations and their resources g ...
American Society of International Law is collaborating with .docxShiraPrater50
American Society of International Law is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Proceedings of
the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law).
http://www.jstor.org
The Responsibility to Protect: Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention
Author(s): Gareth Evans
Source: Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law), Vol. 98 (
MARCH 31-APRIL 3, 2004), pp. 78-89
Published by: American Society of International Law
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25659900
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78 ASIL Proceedings, 2004
Pentagon and is presently an adviser to the Kerry campaign. Mr. Feinstein is also cochair with
Anne-Marie Slaughter of the ASIL-Council on Foreign Relations Project on Old Rules, New
Threats and published with Dean Slaughter the article in the January/February issue of Foreign
Affairs that introduced the concept of "a duty to prevent."3
The Responsibility to Protect: Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention
by Gareth Evans*
The Policy Challenge
Until terrorism overwhelmed international attention after 9/11, the really big issue in inter
national relations?the one that must have launched a thousand Ph.Ds?was the "right of
humanitarian intervention," the question of when, if ever, it is appropriate for states to take
coercive action, in particular coercive military action, against another state in order to protect
people at risk in that other state. Man-made internal catastrophe, and what the international
community should do about it, is what more than anything else preoccupied international rela
tions practitioners, commentators, and scholars in the decade after the Cold War.
The cases on which the debate centered are all burnished in our memory. They are cases both
when intervention happened and when it did not:
The debacle of the international intervention in Somalia in 1993;
The pathetically inadequate response to genocide in Rwanda in 1994;
The utter inability of the UN presence to prevent murderous ethnic cleansing in Srebrenica
in ...
New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level ThinkswapSara Roberts
Traditional Media vs New Media Essay Example StudyHippo.com. Principles of New Media - Essay. Media Essay on adverts. - GCSE Media Studies - Marked by Teachers.com. Media Analysis Essay. Global Media Essay ARTS2092 - Global Media: Markets, Flows and .... Social media essay ideas. Top 130 Interesting Social Media Essay Topics .... Pros and Cons of Social Media Essay Essay on Pros and Cons of Social .... A Complete Guide To Prepare An Impressive Social Media Essay. PDF Review Essay: Understanding Digital Media and Society. Media studies essay. Media essay pre production pdf by kianlong - Issuu. Social Media Essay Essay on Social Media in 500-600 Words for School .... New Media Essay Digital amp; Social Media Social Media. The Implications of New Media Technologies Essay Example Topics and .... Write an essay on Social Media Essay Writing English - YouTube. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap. Social Media Effect Essay Goresan. Media Essay - Editing by SophieLGill2000 - Issuu. What Are the Features of New Media? - PHDessay.com. Media essay. Essay influence of media on children essay on media. A level media essay help - Media Studies A Level by Carolina Fernandez. Media Essay News Mass Media Free 30-day Trial Scribd. New Media Technologies and the City Spaces - Essay. Three Major Ways Social Media Has Advanced Journalism - Free Essay .... media essay 1. Media essay by Isaacprah - Issuu. Essay Media. GCSE Coursework - Media Essay - A-Level Media Studies - Marked by ... New Media Essay New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (DustiBuckner14
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (.docxpetehbailey729071
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un.
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. .docxaulasnilda
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. cargillfilberto
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
5916, 129 PMEisenhowers Farewell Address to the Nation.docxalinainglis
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 1 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the
Nation
January 17, 1961
Good evening, my fellow Americans: First, I should like to express my
gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have
given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special
thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after a half century of service of our country, I shall lay
down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the
authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on questions of great moment,
the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of
the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-
war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the nation well rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should
go forward. So my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have
been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and
among nations.
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 2 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
A vital element in keeping
the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms
must be mighty, ready for
instant action, so that no
potential aggressor may be
tempted to risk his own
destruction.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
Any failure traceable t.
President Roosevelts Four Freedoms Speech (1941) To t.docxstilliegeorgiana
President Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" Speech (1941)
To the Congress of the United States:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the
history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American
security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. . . .
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other
Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. In no case, however, had a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the
procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and their children, we
oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the Americas.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to
our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on
failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world deconstruction. We should remember
that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread
over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that
tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in
every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations still at peace. During sixteen
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our
borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that
defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will
be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations and their resources g ...
American Society of International Law is collaborating with .docxShiraPrater50
American Society of International Law is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Proceedings of
the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law).
http://www.jstor.org
The Responsibility to Protect: Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention
Author(s): Gareth Evans
Source: Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law), Vol. 98 (
MARCH 31-APRIL 3, 2004), pp. 78-89
Published by: American Society of International Law
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25659900
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78 ASIL Proceedings, 2004
Pentagon and is presently an adviser to the Kerry campaign. Mr. Feinstein is also cochair with
Anne-Marie Slaughter of the ASIL-Council on Foreign Relations Project on Old Rules, New
Threats and published with Dean Slaughter the article in the January/February issue of Foreign
Affairs that introduced the concept of "a duty to prevent."3
The Responsibility to Protect: Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention
by Gareth Evans*
The Policy Challenge
Until terrorism overwhelmed international attention after 9/11, the really big issue in inter
national relations?the one that must have launched a thousand Ph.Ds?was the "right of
humanitarian intervention," the question of when, if ever, it is appropriate for states to take
coercive action, in particular coercive military action, against another state in order to protect
people at risk in that other state. Man-made internal catastrophe, and what the international
community should do about it, is what more than anything else preoccupied international rela
tions practitioners, commentators, and scholars in the decade after the Cold War.
The cases on which the debate centered are all burnished in our memory. They are cases both
when intervention happened and when it did not:
The debacle of the international intervention in Somalia in 1993;
The pathetically inadequate response to genocide in Rwanda in 1994;
The utter inability of the UN presence to prevent murderous ethnic cleansing in Srebrenica
in ...
New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level ThinkswapSara Roberts
Traditional Media vs New Media Essay Example StudyHippo.com. Principles of New Media - Essay. Media Essay on adverts. - GCSE Media Studies - Marked by Teachers.com. Media Analysis Essay. Global Media Essay ARTS2092 - Global Media: Markets, Flows and .... Social media essay ideas. Top 130 Interesting Social Media Essay Topics .... Pros and Cons of Social Media Essay Essay on Pros and Cons of Social .... A Complete Guide To Prepare An Impressive Social Media Essay. PDF Review Essay: Understanding Digital Media and Society. Media studies essay. Media essay pre production pdf by kianlong - Issuu. Social Media Essay Essay on Social Media in 500-600 Words for School .... New Media Essay Digital amp; Social Media Social Media. The Implications of New Media Technologies Essay Example Topics and .... Write an essay on Social Media Essay Writing English - YouTube. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap. Social Media Effect Essay Goresan. Media Essay - Editing by SophieLGill2000 - Issuu. What Are the Features of New Media? - PHDessay.com. Media essay. Essay influence of media on children essay on media. A level media essay help - Media Studies A Level by Carolina Fernandez. Media Essay News Mass Media Free 30-day Trial Scribd. New Media Technologies and the City Spaces - Essay. Three Major Ways Social Media Has Advanced Journalism - Free Essay .... media essay 1. Media essay by Isaacprah - Issuu. Essay Media. GCSE Coursework - Media Essay - A-Level Media Studies - Marked by ... New Media Essay New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap
Ctrl+Alt+Del-Hate is an online E-magazine and broader initiative dedicated to combating polarization, hate and extremism. It's part of the www.LightUponLight.Online ecosystem. With articles and insights offered by former violent extremists, survivors of extremist violence and researchers, the magazine combats extremist groups and individuals online and is used in print offline to prevent interest in extremist ideologies/movements & to provide positive alternatives for those in radical movements.
What Is Peace? Essay
A Separate Peace Essay example
War or Peace? Essays
National Peace Essay
Essay on Peace
The Importance Of Peace
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What Is Peace Essay
PLSI 120/.DS_Store
__MACOSX/PLSI 120/._.DS_Store
PLSI 120/articles/Annan In Larger Freedom FA 2005.pdf
"In Larger Freedom": Decision Time at the UN
Author(s): Kofi Annan
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 3 (May - Jun., 2005), pp. 63-74
Published by: Council on Foreign Relations
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20034350 .
Accessed: 16/08/2012 01:53
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
.
Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign
Affairs.
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n Larger Freec omn
Decision Time at the UN
Kofi Annan
OUR SHARED VULNERABILITY
As K A New York investment banker who walks past Ground Zero
every day on her way to work what today's biggest threat is. Then ask
an illiterate 12-year-old orphan in Malawi who lost his parents to
AIDS. You Will get two very different answers. Invite an Indonesian
fisherman mourning the loss of his entire family and the destruction
of his village from the recent, devastating tsunami to tell you what he
fears most. Then ask a villager in Darfiur, stalked by murderous militias
and fearftil of bombing raids. Their answers, too, are likely to diverge.
Different perceptions of what is a threat are often the biggest
obstacles to international cooperation. But I believe that in the twenty
first century they should not be allowed to lead the world's governments
to pursue very different priorities or to work at cross-purposes. Today's
threats are deeply interconnected, and they feed off of one another. The
misery of people caught in unresolved civil conflicts or of populations
mired in extreme poverty, for example, may increase their attraction
to terrorism. The mass rape of women that occurs too often in today's
conflicts makes the spread of HIV and AIDS all the more likely.
In fact, all of us are vulnerable to what we think of as dangers that
threaten only other people. Millions more of sub-Saharan Africa's
inhabitants would plunge below the poverty line if a nuclear terrorist
attack against a financial center in the United States caused a massive
downturn in the global economy. By the same token, millions ofAmer
icans could quickly become infected if, naturally or through malicious
KOFI ANNAN is Secretary-General of the United Nations.
[63]
Kofi Ann.
Vietnam War Essay | Essay on Vietnam War for Students and Children in .... The Vietnam War Essay - PHDessay.com. Introduction To The Vietnam War History Free Essay Example. 25+ Unique Vietnam War Essay Topics For College Students. War Essay: Topics You Can Use. Top 63 Vietnam War Essay Topics For History Papers. The Vietnam War In History - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. The Vietnam War - A-Level History - Marked by Teachers.com. Critically Analyse the Vietnam War in 1963 Essay Example | StudyHippo.com. The Vietnam War in U.S history - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. Vietnam War Essay - Monica Zolczer (mnz20) – Churchill College 1 From .... Vietnam War Essay | Modern History - Year 11 HSC | Thinkswap. Essay websites: Vietnam war photo essay. About Vietnam War - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. What is Vietnam War known for? - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. 004 Essay Example Vietnam War Was The Cold Inevitable Questions Gcse .... Autumn 2009, History 279 (The Vietnam War) - Second essay. Formidable Vietnam War Essay ~ Thatsnotus. why did the us lose the vietnam war essay.
Career Plan Essay Sample. Sample Career Plan Academic Degree EngineeringPatricia Lewis
(PDF) The Career Planning Essay. 008 Essay Example Future Career Plan Sample 617907 ~ Thatsnotus. 025 Career Plan Essay Example Year Development Template Ideas Of .... 007 Career Development Essay Example Plans Template Plan Planni Outline .... Paragraph or short essay using future indefinite tense it could be your .... Rough Draft Examples - You got canned rough draft outline / Resume .... My Career Plan Essay Sample - 616 Words - NerdySeal. 005 Essay On Career ~ Thatsnotus. 008 Future Career Plan Essay Sample 617907 Example ~ Thatsnotus. Essay career plan | My career essays. What Are Your Career Goals Related To The Healthcare Field Essay .... Creating a Career Development Plan Essay Example | StudyHippo.com. Sample Career Plan | Academic Degree | Engineering. Importance career planning essay. 020 Essay Example Career ~ Thatsnotus. New Career Essay Examples PNG - scholarship. When choosing a job, the salary is the most important consideration .... My Career Goals Essay Example Free Essay Example. Career Plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words. Career Essay. Essay about my career plans - writefiction581.web.fc2.com. Planning a Comparative Essay Worksheet - Planning a Comparative Essay .... Career Planning Essay - c. What is career planning? Describe how you .... 019 Career Plan Essay Example ~ Thatsnotus. Career plan essay - gcisdk12.web.fc2.com. Career Planner Archives » NursingStudy.Org Career Plan Essay Sample
this is due in 7 hours....... must have done in 7 hours.... must.docxkbrenda
this is due in 7 hours....... must have done in 7 hours....
must write at least 5 paragraphs
Essay Question:
How did the New Deal change the role of government in the economy and society of the United States? Why did the change come about? In your answer, make clear the major achievements and limitations of the New Deal and the political factors that led to its success. It will be helpful to use the concepts “social welfare state” and “laissez faire,” and to contrast the New Deal with earlier government policies.
Write an original essay of about five paragraphs that
makes use of the sources provided
to answer the prompt. Structure your answer with a clear thesis statement in the first sentence, and supporting examples and reasoning in subsequent paragraphs. Choose specific examples from the sources provided below (1-7). ONLY use the sources below. You can not use other sources
1. Franklin Roosevelt, "First Inaugural Address" (1933)
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments, so that there will be an end to speculation with other people's money; and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
Source: Franklin Roosevelt, "First Inaugural Address." March 4, 1933.
2. Franklin Roosevelt, "Statement on Signing the Social Security Act" (1935)
Today a hope of many years' standing is in large .
Federalist Papers No 15 Insufficiency to Preserve the UnionChuck Thompson
FEDERALIST No. 15. The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union. Liberty Education Series on Gloucester, Virginia Links and News. Visit us for more incredible content. Free Mp3 music downloads, free printable coupons, free national job searches, classic TV and Movies and so much more.
Take a look at these primary documents that give us insight into the events that led to US involvement in the Vietnam war (Documents 1-5) and an idea of public perception (6-8)
A comprehensive power point of Ken Cloke's presentations on the work of Mediators Beyond Borders and the principles contained in his book Conflict Revolution: Mediating Evil, War, Injustice and Terrorism or How Mediators Can Help Save the Planet (images courtesy of the internet & not Ken's responsibility)
CHAPTER4 Bui lding Positive Peace I t is important t.docxtiffanyd4
CHAPTER4
Bui lding "Positive Peace"
I t is important to be against war. But it is not enough. We also need to be in favor o f something- something positive and affirm ing: na mely, peace. Peace studies is u nique not only because it is multid iscip linary a nd forth-
rightly proclaims its adherence to "values" but also because it identifies positive visions of
peace as being greater tha n tl1e a bsence of war.
The "pos itive peace" toward whim peace studies strives may be, if anyth ing, even
more challengi ng than the prevention o f war. It is a variatio n on what has been called the
"dog-car problem." Imagine a dog that has spent years barking and run ning after cars.
Then, o ne day, it catmes one. What does it do with it? What would devotees of peace do
w ith the world if they had the opportunity?
This is not a useless exercise because before any future ca n be esta blished, it must first
be imagined. And moreover, unl ike our hypothetical car-m asing dog, the estab lishment
of positive peace is not an ali-or-noth ing p heno meno n. The movement toward positive
peace is likely to be halting and fragme ntary, w ith substantial success along certain dimen-
s ions and likely failures along others. O n bala nce, the project is formidable, nothing less
than a funda mental effort to retl1ink the relatio nship of h uman beings to earn otl1er and
to their shared planet. If war and its causes are difficult to define- and this is assu red ly
the case- positive peace is even more elus ive. (It ca n even be da ngerous, because d isagree-
ments over what constitutes a desirable "peace" ca n lead to war.)
Earlier, we briefly considered "j ust war" doctrine. The co nditio ns for a "just peace"
are no less stren uo us or importa nt. The releva nt issues include-but are not limited to-
aspirations for h uman rights, economic fa irness and opportunity, democratization, and
environmenta l well-being and sustainabili ty. Nonetheless, there is no agreement as to
what, specifically, is des ired or how much e mphasis to place on earn goal.
The pursuit of positive peace nonethe less leads to certain agreed princip les, one of
which is a minimization of vio lence, not o nly the overt vio lence of war, but also what
has been called "structural violence," a co ndition that is typically built into many social
and cultural institutions. A s lavehold ing society may be at peace in that it is not literally at
1 61
162 Build ing ·rositive Peace•
war, but it is also rife w ith structural vio lence. Structu ral violence has the effect of deny-
ing people importa nt rights s uch as economic opportunity, socia l a nd politica l equality,
a sense of fulfillme nt and se lf-worth, and access to a healthy natural environment. When
people starve to d eath, or even go hungry, a kind of vio lence is taking place. Simi larly,
when huma n beings s uffe r from diseases that are preventable, when they are denied a
decent education, hous ing, an o.
. According to your textbook, Contrary to a popular misconception.docxmadlynplamondon
.
According to your textbook, “Contrary to a popular misconception in the West, homosexuality is not universally stigmatized. Based on the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample of 186 societies, Crapo (1995) found that only 31% of people stigmatized homosexual behavior, while the remainder either considered homosexual experimentation to be a normal developmental phase of preadult life (38%), accepted committed adult same-sex relationships as an alternative form of marriage (18%), or even required same-sex relationships among all males during a period that preceded their being permitted to marry heterosexually (12%)” (Crapo, 2013, p.161).
In America, the historical stigmatization of homosexuality is a product of (Points : 1)
enculturation.
cultural relativism.
minimalism.
universal moral values.
Question 2.
2.
Which of the following is an example of an
etic
statement about Americans? (Points : 1)
July 4th is a federal holiday, and I enjoy having the day off from work. I usually spend time with my family and hang out at the pool.
The Fourth of July is the day we adopted the Declaration of Independence, declaring our independence from the British in 1776. This had a huge impact on the entire course of history, leading to the Revolutionary War and the creation of the best country in the world, the United States of America.
The fireworks displays are my favorite part of the Fourth of July. I also march in the local parade.
Americans celebrate the 4th of July as the day they declared independence from colonial powers in 1776. Food is often cooked outside on grills, even though most houses have electric ovens inside. It is very hot outside in the middle of summer, and although many people have electronic cooling devices called air conditioners within their homes, much of the day is spent outside. At night, explosives are set off in community gatherings to celebrate this holiday. Remarkably, very few people are hurt during these displays.
Question 3.
3.
Which of the following is an example of an
etic
description of teen pregnancy in America? (Points : 1)
One of my friends in high school got pregnant in her sophomore year. She and the father decided to keep the baby, got married and just celebrated their 10thanniversary. They both finished college and have good jobs now. It just goes to show that people can overcome teen pregnancy and become successful parents.
Although popular opinion sometimes indicates otherwise, according to a statistical analysis from the US Department of Health and Services (2014), teen pregnancy rates have been steadily declining for the past twenty years. In America, most teenagers are not yet fully independent from their parents, as teenagers in other cultures sometimes are, so they are not ready to become parents. Since this issue has a huge impact on young women and men affected by it, this may account for the disparity between popular opinion and.
-How did artwork produced in America from 1945 to 1960 compare to ar.docxmadlynplamondon
-How did artwork produced in America from 1945 to 1960 compare to art made in Europe? Did the artwork change as the 20th century progressed? Include at least two (2) examples of artists and artworks to support your comparison. You do not need to include the image, but include artist name, title, media and date.
- Write 150 words, also cite the sources you use.
.
-Just thoughts and opinion on the reading-Consent and compen.docxmadlynplamondon
-Just thoughts and opinion on the reading
-Consent and compensation are two things that the Johns Hopkins doctors did not provide Henrietta Lacks. How are these ideas at odds?
-African Americans today face disparities in the health care system even today. How can Henrietta's story motivate change in our current system?
.
. The Questioned Documents Unit (QDU) provides forensic support .docxmadlynplamondon
. The Questioned Documents Unit (QDU) provides forensic support to federal, state and local law enforcement agencies by conducting examinations on evidence collected during their investigation as well as expert testimony concerning information contained in the reports. The Cryptanalysis and Racketeering Records Unit (CRRU) supports law enforcement by assisting in the analysis of cryptic communications such as codes found in letters, notes and diaries (FBI.gov).
After an individual is arrested, I will obtain fingerprints and photographs of the subject and complete a number of forms that are used to start a criminal file on the subject. I will use the Buccal Collection DNA test kit provided by the FBI on my subject. Once completed properly and submitted to the FBI, the kit will be sent to the Federal DNA Database Unit (FDDU). The FDDU will take the DNA test kit and upload it into NDIS creating a DNA profile for my subject. The subject’s DNA profile will be searched against unknown forensic profiles from crime scenes across the country. If my subject’s DNA matches with another crime from another state he can be charged for that crimes as well. In my opinion this is the most important service the FBI has. This allows all agencies to communicate and share information based off of DNA evidence. The flaw is that they need the criminal to be apprehended and processed in order for the DNA to be in the system.
In Knoxville Tennessee, FBI Emergency Response agents train how to excavate a body at the Body Farm. The agents pair up in teams with forensic anthropologists to learn how to best identify and excavate human remains to preserve the clues and pieces of evidence that decaying bodies may leave behind. The weeklong training gives agents step by step instructions while surprising the agents with twists and surprises during their excavations. This was very interesting to me because it helps put things into perspective. Teaches them to put the victim first, which will motivate them to slow down, be methodical with their techniques and be very thorough because it only can be done once.
respond to this discussion question 150 words
.
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PLSI 120/articles/Annan In Larger Freedom FA 2005.pdf
"In Larger Freedom": Decision Time at the UN
Author(s): Kofi Annan
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 3 (May - Jun., 2005), pp. 63-74
Published by: Council on Foreign Relations
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n Larger Freec omn
Decision Time at the UN
Kofi Annan
OUR SHARED VULNERABILITY
As K A New York investment banker who walks past Ground Zero
every day on her way to work what today's biggest threat is. Then ask
an illiterate 12-year-old orphan in Malawi who lost his parents to
AIDS. You Will get two very different answers. Invite an Indonesian
fisherman mourning the loss of his entire family and the destruction
of his village from the recent, devastating tsunami to tell you what he
fears most. Then ask a villager in Darfiur, stalked by murderous militias
and fearftil of bombing raids. Their answers, too, are likely to diverge.
Different perceptions of what is a threat are often the biggest
obstacles to international cooperation. But I believe that in the twenty
first century they should not be allowed to lead the world's governments
to pursue very different priorities or to work at cross-purposes. Today's
threats are deeply interconnected, and they feed off of one another. The
misery of people caught in unresolved civil conflicts or of populations
mired in extreme poverty, for example, may increase their attraction
to terrorism. The mass rape of women that occurs too often in today's
conflicts makes the spread of HIV and AIDS all the more likely.
In fact, all of us are vulnerable to what we think of as dangers that
threaten only other people. Millions more of sub-Saharan Africa's
inhabitants would plunge below the poverty line if a nuclear terrorist
attack against a financial center in the United States caused a massive
downturn in the global economy. By the same token, millions ofAmer
icans could quickly become infected if, naturally or through malicious
KOFI ANNAN is Secretary-General of the United Nations.
[63]
Kofi Ann.
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Career Plan Essay Sample. Sample Career Plan Academic Degree EngineeringPatricia Lewis
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this is due in 7 hours....... must have done in 7 hours.... must.docxkbrenda
this is due in 7 hours....... must have done in 7 hours....
must write at least 5 paragraphs
Essay Question:
How did the New Deal change the role of government in the economy and society of the United States? Why did the change come about? In your answer, make clear the major achievements and limitations of the New Deal and the political factors that led to its success. It will be helpful to use the concepts “social welfare state” and “laissez faire,” and to contrast the New Deal with earlier government policies.
Write an original essay of about five paragraphs that
makes use of the sources provided
to answer the prompt. Structure your answer with a clear thesis statement in the first sentence, and supporting examples and reasoning in subsequent paragraphs. Choose specific examples from the sources provided below (1-7). ONLY use the sources below. You can not use other sources
1. Franklin Roosevelt, "First Inaugural Address" (1933)
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments, so that there will be an end to speculation with other people's money; and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
Source: Franklin Roosevelt, "First Inaugural Address." March 4, 1933.
2. Franklin Roosevelt, "Statement on Signing the Social Security Act" (1935)
Today a hope of many years' standing is in large .
Federalist Papers No 15 Insufficiency to Preserve the UnionChuck Thompson
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Take a look at these primary documents that give us insight into the events that led to US involvement in the Vietnam war (Documents 1-5) and an idea of public perception (6-8)
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CHAPTER4 Bui lding Positive Peace I t is important t.docxtiffanyd4
CHAPTER4
Bui lding "Positive Peace"
I t is important to be against war. But it is not enough. We also need to be in favor o f something- something positive and affirm ing: na mely, peace. Peace studies is u nique not only because it is multid iscip linary a nd forth-
rightly proclaims its adherence to "values" but also because it identifies positive visions of
peace as being greater tha n tl1e a bsence of war.
The "pos itive peace" toward whim peace studies strives may be, if anyth ing, even
more challengi ng than the prevention o f war. It is a variatio n on what has been called the
"dog-car problem." Imagine a dog that has spent years barking and run ning after cars.
Then, o ne day, it catmes one. What does it do with it? What would devotees of peace do
w ith the world if they had the opportunity?
This is not a useless exercise because before any future ca n be esta blished, it must first
be imagined. And moreover, unl ike our hypothetical car-m asing dog, the estab lishment
of positive peace is not an ali-or-noth ing p heno meno n. The movement toward positive
peace is likely to be halting and fragme ntary, w ith substantial success along certain dimen-
s ions and likely failures along others. O n bala nce, the project is formidable, nothing less
than a funda mental effort to retl1ink the relatio nship of h uman beings to earn otl1er and
to their shared planet. If war and its causes are difficult to define- and this is assu red ly
the case- positive peace is even more elus ive. (It ca n even be da ngerous, because d isagree-
ments over what constitutes a desirable "peace" ca n lead to war.)
Earlier, we briefly considered "j ust war" doctrine. The co nditio ns for a "just peace"
are no less stren uo us or importa nt. The releva nt issues include-but are not limited to-
aspirations for h uman rights, economic fa irness and opportunity, democratization, and
environmenta l well-being and sustainabili ty. Nonetheless, there is no agreement as to
what, specifically, is des ired or how much e mphasis to place on earn goal.
The pursuit of positive peace nonethe less leads to certain agreed princip les, one of
which is a minimization of vio lence, not o nly the overt vio lence of war, but also what
has been called "structural violence," a co ndition that is typically built into many social
and cultural institutions. A s lavehold ing society may be at peace in that it is not literally at
1 61
162 Build ing ·rositive Peace•
war, but it is also rife w ith structural vio lence. Structu ral violence has the effect of deny-
ing people importa nt rights s uch as economic opportunity, socia l a nd politica l equality,
a sense of fulfillme nt and se lf-worth, and access to a healthy natural environment. When
people starve to d eath, or even go hungry, a kind of vio lence is taking place. Simi larly,
when huma n beings s uffe r from diseases that are preventable, when they are denied a
decent education, hous ing, an o.
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According to your textbook, “Contrary to a popular misconception in the West, homosexuality is not universally stigmatized. Based on the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample of 186 societies, Crapo (1995) found that only 31% of people stigmatized homosexual behavior, while the remainder either considered homosexual experimentation to be a normal developmental phase of preadult life (38%), accepted committed adult same-sex relationships as an alternative form of marriage (18%), or even required same-sex relationships among all males during a period that preceded their being permitted to marry heterosexually (12%)” (Crapo, 2013, p.161).
In America, the historical stigmatization of homosexuality is a product of (Points : 1)
enculturation.
cultural relativism.
minimalism.
universal moral values.
Question 2.
2.
Which of the following is an example of an
etic
statement about Americans? (Points : 1)
July 4th is a federal holiday, and I enjoy having the day off from work. I usually spend time with my family and hang out at the pool.
The Fourth of July is the day we adopted the Declaration of Independence, declaring our independence from the British in 1776. This had a huge impact on the entire course of history, leading to the Revolutionary War and the creation of the best country in the world, the United States of America.
The fireworks displays are my favorite part of the Fourth of July. I also march in the local parade.
Americans celebrate the 4th of July as the day they declared independence from colonial powers in 1776. Food is often cooked outside on grills, even though most houses have electric ovens inside. It is very hot outside in the middle of summer, and although many people have electronic cooling devices called air conditioners within their homes, much of the day is spent outside. At night, explosives are set off in community gatherings to celebrate this holiday. Remarkably, very few people are hurt during these displays.
Question 3.
3.
Which of the following is an example of an
etic
description of teen pregnancy in America? (Points : 1)
One of my friends in high school got pregnant in her sophomore year. She and the father decided to keep the baby, got married and just celebrated their 10thanniversary. They both finished college and have good jobs now. It just goes to show that people can overcome teen pregnancy and become successful parents.
Although popular opinion sometimes indicates otherwise, according to a statistical analysis from the US Department of Health and Services (2014), teen pregnancy rates have been steadily declining for the past twenty years. In America, most teenagers are not yet fully independent from their parents, as teenagers in other cultures sometimes are, so they are not ready to become parents. Since this issue has a huge impact on young women and men affected by it, this may account for the disparity between popular opinion and.
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must
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the theory "Madeleine Leininger transcultural nursing theory"
please include references and cite within the answers
.
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Assignment file below...
.
. EDU 571 Week 5 Discussion 1 -
"Data Collection" Please respond to the following:
· Using your planned evaluation project, assume that the client paying for the evaluation has requested that you primarily use audio/visual interview and observation techniques. The client envisions using clips in the evaluation report and in marketing campaigns. Discuss the appropriateness, advantages, and disadvantages of using digital capabilities to capture sound, video, and photographs of the interviewees, focus groups, and observations. Provide reasons for opposing or supporting the request (partially or completely).
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·
EDU 571 Week 5 Discussion 2 -
"Benefits of Meta-Evaluation" Please respond to the following:
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EDU 571 Week 3 Target of Program Evaluation Plan, Part 1 -
Target of Program Evaluation Plan, Part 1
Assignment 1 is the first part of a five-part project to plan the various elements of a program evaluation for education. Select a program target from your school district, workplace, (e.g., business training program) or your university (where you are a student). For you to gain the most from the assignment, you should select a program that you are interested in, would like to see evaluated, and are able to obtain information about. (Possible programs include: student assessment, teacher assessment, pay for student achievement, new teacher or employee training, online classrooms, anti-bullying, gender equity for girls in math and science, school to work, retention of at-risk students, and schools of choice (charter schools), etc.). As you develop the entire plan, gather information, and receive feedback from your professor (or others), you should revise and refine each part of the project. Think of your professor as your project evaluator and supervisor who will help guide you so that you produce an outstanding, well-developed evaluation plan for the stakeholders.
Write a 1000 words paper in which you:
1. Describe three (3) elements of a worthy object for program evaluation - its type, the department administrating it, and target population.
2. Describe the program's history, primary purpose(s), and / or expected outcomes.
3. Explain three (3) reasons for selecting the program (e.g., program's value or lack of it, issues surrounding it, age, relevance, cost, impact on students, etc.).
4. Discuss three (3) advantages of evaluating the program at this time.
5. Discuss two (2) major constraints in conducting an evaluation on this program and a method of addressing them.
6. Use at least three (3) peer-reviewed academic resources in this assignment. Note: Wikipedia and many Websites do not qualify as academic resources. Peer-reviewed academic resources refer to articles and scholarly journals that are reviewe.
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.
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. Complete the prewriting for the progress report:
Prewriting prepares you to write and helps you organize your ideas.
You may print the lesson and jot notes for yourself on the paper, or you may write notes on your own.
You do not have to submit prewriting for any points, but don't skip this important step!
2. Complete a draft of the progress report:
Remember to use the memo format style in typing this progress report.
This report should be two or more pages when you are completed.
The draft will be much shorter than your final report.
Follow a logical structure: introduction, what is finished, what is underway, what is left to do, and a conclusion.
Use specifics such as dates, proper names, numbers, costs, etc.
Include one or more visuals may such as pictures, graphs, charts, tables, etc.
.
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-in "La doctora Barr" how does Mary Helen Ponce describe the traditional way Mexican-American women prepared for a childbirth in their community?
-how does Nilda feel about Sophies's presence in her home?
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-Write about a violent religious event in history.
(Ex. Muslim extremist acts in history, or the Christian crusades, etc.)
-Write about belief/reasoning/justification those certain people believe their actions have and affects of...
-(Identity)They're view of the world and themselves. Is it rationale or is it a problem. Why?
5-pages minimum
4-scholarly sources min. 2 of 4 book sources Need Dec. 2nd by 9pm.
.
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-This project is an opportunity to demonstrate the ability to analyze and write about music with clarity and purpose. Assume the role of a reviewer/critic who is applying for a job writing a music column for a progressive weblog catering to readers who on average have at least a bachelor's degree and are concerned with issues of justice and equality
-The CD reviewed is one that will allow reflection about how music can provide people the opportunity to imagine the lives and experiences of others different from oneself. Questions to guide reflection while listening should include:
1. Who are the peoples performing the music or who is the music about?
2.What type of life is presented through the music's lyrics and musical sound?
3.What themes or issues are presented by the music?
4. How do the various musical selections relate to each other?
5.What can be learned about people by listening to this CD?
6.Why should other people listen to this music?
-A list of CDs is available for this assignment. CDs may be downloaded for a fee from a preferred site.
-The review will need to include:
1.CD title, artist, genre, release date, etc
2.Background information about the artist or artists for those who may not be familiar.
-The review should be between 800 and 1000 words.
-Conventions of good writing (e.g., correct grammar, spelling, appropriate use of quotations, unctuation) should be observed throughout this project. Moreover, it is important to consider the audience and write in a style that is appropriate. Quotations or information from a primary or secondary source should be cited correctly using APA, Turabian, or MLA.
.
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2-8 Basing his decision on the same set of facts as given in Problem 2-7, Judge B rules that the survivors are not guilty because they were cut off from all civilized life, and in such a situation, the laws of nature apply, not manmade laws. To which school of legal thought does Judge B belong? Explain.
2-9 Basing her decision on the same set of facts as given in Problem 2-7, Judge C rules that the two survivors are not guilty because, according to a scientific survey of the community by a professional polling organization, the public believes that the survivors’ actions were defensible. To which school of legal thought does Judge C belong? Explain.
2-10 Imagine you are a sitting federal judge, and this case comes before you. A woman (x) charges another woman (y) with rape. Both have been partners for a five-year period. Both presently live in different states within the United States. Who would you decide the case in favor of? Explain, using one of the schools of thought outlined in this chapter.
2-11 Madison and his adult son lived in a house owned by Madison. At the request of the son, Marshall painted the house. Madison did not authorize the work, but he knew that it was being done and raised no objection. However, Madison refused to pay Marshall, arguing that he had not contracted to have the house painted. Marshall asked his attorney if Madison was legally liable to pay him. The attorney told Marshall that, in their state, several appellate court opinions had established that when a homeowner allows work to be done on his home by a person who would ordinarily expect to be paid, a duty to pay exists. The attorney stated that, on the basis of these precedents, it was advisable for Marshall to bring a suit to collect the reasonable value of the work he had done. Explain what the attorney meant by precedent and why the fact that precedent existed was significant.
2-12 Smith was involved in litigation in California. She lost her case in the trial court. She appealed to the California appellate court, arguing that the trial court judge had incorrectly excluded certain evidence. To support her argument, she cited rulings by the Supreme Court of North Dakota and the Supreme Court of Ohio. Both the North Dakota and Ohio cases involved facts that were similar to those in Smith’s case. Does the California court have to follow the decisions from North Dakota and Ohio? Support your answer.
.
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-1.
Are the three main elements of compensation systems—internal consistency, market competitiveness, and recognizing employee contributions—equally important, or do you believe that they differ in importance? If different, which do you believe is most important? Least important? Give your rationale.
use 1 online reference and
Martocchio, J. (2017). Strategic Compensation: A human resource management approach (9th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.
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- How do NHI and NHS systems compare with the health care system in the United States?
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Cite at least 2 peer reviewed journal/article. Write in APA format
.
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--Describe and analyze the ways in which Alfons Heck’s participation in the Hitler Youth and in the culture of Nazism served to craft his sense of purpose and identity. How are the acts of writing and reflection in his memoir also a means of crafting an identity for himself many decades later? A Child of Hitler: Germany in the Days when God Wore a Swastika Book by Alfons Heck All papers must be 2-4 pages in length, computer-printed, and double-spaced with one-inch margins. Use an appropriate citation style (either footnotes or internal citations).
.
------ Watch an online speechpresentation of 20 minutes or lo.docxmadlynplamondon
------
Watch an online speech/presentation of 20 minutes or longer.
( please cite the presentation you would use)
Write a speech analysis essay of
2-3 pages
I: List the speaker, date, location, & topic, and describe the audience. Describe each of these elements and analyze the effect that each of these elements had on the speaker and/or speech.
II: Describe and analyze the effectiveness of each part of the speaker's introduction (attention getter, revelation of topic, statement of credibility, statement of central idea, preview of main points).
III: Summarize each of the speaker's main points. What pattern of organization did the speaker utilize? Was this effective? Why or why not?
IV: Describe and analyze the effectiveness of the evidence/supporting material that the speaker used.
V: Describe and analyze the effectiveness of the speaker's language.
VI: Describe and analyze the effectiveness of the speaker's delivery.
VII: Describe and analyze the effectiveness of each part of the speaker's conclusion.
.
) Florida National UniversityNursing DepartmentBSN.docxmadlynplamondon
)
Florida National University
Nursing Department
BSN Program
NUR 4636-Community Health Nursing
Prof. Eddie Cruz, RN MSN
Please choose one infectious disease or communicable disease and present a 1,000 words essay including the follow;
Name of the disease including agents that cause Infectious/Communicable Disease, the mode of contamination or how it is spread.
The modes of prevention applying the three levels of prevention with at least one example of each one.
Prevalence and control of the condition according to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) including morbidity and mortality.
Implications of the disease in the community and the role of the community health nurse in the control and prevention of the disease.
The essay must be presented in a Word Document, APA format, Arial 12 font attached to the forum in the tab of the Discussion Question title “Infections/Communicable disease essay” and in the assignment tab under the exercise title “SafeAssign infectious/communicable disease”. A minimum of 3 references no older than 5 years must be used. If you use any reference from any website make sure they are reliable sites such as CDC, NIH, Institute of Medicine, etc.
There is a rubric attached to the assignment for your guidance.
Below please see the definitions of infectious disease and communicable disease. They are similar but differ in some characteristics.
Infectious diseases
are disorders caused by organisms — such as bacteria, viruses, fungi or parasites. Many organisms live in and on our bodies. They're normally harmless or even helpful. But under certain conditions, some organisms may cause
disease
. Some
infectious diseases
can be passed from person to person.
Communicable
, or infectious
diseases
, are caused by microorganisms such as bacteria, viruses, parasites and fungi that can be spread, directly or indirectly, from one person to another. Some are transmitted through bites from insects while others are caused by ingesting contaminated food or water.
.
- Please answer question 2 at the end of the case.- cita.docxmadlynplamondon
- Please answer
question 2
at the end of the case.
- citations and references in
IEEE
style
( at least two)
- your answer should be in regards to the case
+
regarding the question itself.
Do it twice ( two different copies)
.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
In Odoo, the multi-company feature allows you to manage multiple companies within a single Odoo database instance. Each company can have its own configurations while still sharing common resources such as products, customers, and suppliers.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
Palestine last event orientationfvgnh .pptxRaedMohamed3
An EFL lesson about the current events in Palestine. It is intended to be for intermediate students who wish to increase their listening skills through a short lesson in power point.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
"Protectable subject matters, Protection in biotechnology, Protection of othe...
Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic an.docx
1. Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19
pandemic and shelter-in-place orders have impacted you
personally, your family and friends, and society as a whole.
Relate these impacts to one or more concepts, theory ( Karl
Max, Emilie Durkheim, Max Weber, W.E.B. DuBois, Robert
Merton, Michel Foucault.)
For example, write about classism and the impact staying at
home has had on different classes of people (i.e. those who can
work remotely at home vs. those who can’t work at all). You
could also discuss new ways of connecting with others during
this time, like Zoom, FaceTime, etc. Did social constructs
change during this time? Will resocialization be an issue after
the social distancing is relaxed? Or, you can talk about urban
sociology and how Boston or your home city has changed due to
the pandemic. Or, how has globalization changed? There are
many possibilities – be creative!
Details:
· Introduce your topic and how/why it is relevant to what we
learned this semester
· Describe the situation Include an explanation of the
situation, specifics of the situation, how you feel about the
situation and why.
· Situate your topic within at least one concept discussed
this semester (i.e. class, race, crime & deviance).
o IMPORTANT: Cite at least 2 concepts or pieces of
information from the readings or lecture. See under Format
below on how to do it.
· Write a conclusion summarizing the major points you made
in the paper.
Format: 3-5 pages double-spaced, Times New Roman size 12
font, 1 inch margins, indent your paragraphs instead of skipping
lines. Use first person when writing (e.g. “The problems started
2. when I left my parents’ house…”). Begin the paper with a title,
your name, and date. Edit carefully for spelling and grammar.
Think about the current pandemic, explain how it relates and/or
will relate to other general social issues (class, race, crime &
deviance, etc ) AND relate it to one of the major sociologist
theories.
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight
D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the
previous two decades, the United States had undergone
numerous significant changes, including World War II, the
beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of
nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several
substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and
then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his
farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the
Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States,
including a warning about the growing power of the “military-
industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our
country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in
traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the
Presidency is vested in my successor.
3. This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and
farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my
countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who
will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will
be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find
essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise
resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote
and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate
appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate
during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to
the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration
have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the
national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have
assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So,
my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on
my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much
together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has
witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these
involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is
today the strongest, the most influential and most productive
nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence,
we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend,
not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and
military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests
4. of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic
purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in
human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and
integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less
would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure
traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or
readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both
at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by
the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole
attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology--
global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and
insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to
be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called
for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of
crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward
steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a
prolonged and complex struggle--with liberty the stake. Only
thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted
course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether
foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring
temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could
become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A
huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of
unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic
expansion in basic and applied research--these and many other
possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be
suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
5. But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader
consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among
national programs-balance between the private and the public
economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage--
balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably
desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a
nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual;
balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare
of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack
of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and
their government have, in the main, understood these truths and
have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat.
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention
two only.
IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant
action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his
own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that
known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the
fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no
armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could,
with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can
no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we
have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry
of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men
and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment.
We annually spend on military security more than the net
6. income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a
large arms industry is new in the American experience. The
total influence-economic, political, even spiritual--is felt in
every city, every State house, every office of the Federal
government. We recognize the imperative need for this
development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave
implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved;
so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the
acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or
unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for
the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our
liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for
granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel
the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military
machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so
that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our
industrial-military posture, has been the technological
revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes
more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing
share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal
government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been
overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and
testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university,
historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific
7. discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of
research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a
government contract becomes virtually a substitute for
intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now
hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal
employment, project allocations, and the power of money is
ever present--and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as
we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite
danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a
scientific- technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to
integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the
principles of our democratic system--ever aiming toward the
supreme goals of our free society.
V.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of
time. As we peer into society's future, we--you and I, and our
government-must avoid the impulse to live only for today,
plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious
resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets
of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their
political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive
for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent
phantom of tomorrow.
VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America
knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid
8. becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be,
instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must
come to the conference table with the same confidence as do
we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military
strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations,
cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a
continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose
differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent
purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess
that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a
definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the
horror and the lingering sadness of war--as one who knows that
another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has
been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years--I
wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress
toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains
to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what
little I can to help the world advance along that road.
VII.
So--in this my last good night to you as your President--I thank
you for the many opportunities you have given me for public
service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find
some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find
ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I--my fellow citizens--need to be strong in our faith
that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with
justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle,
9. confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the
Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to
America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may
have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied
opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn
for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those
who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy
responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of
others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease
and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and
that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live
together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual
respect and love.
Transcription by the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
and Museum.
DOCUMENT 3
National Security Council 68 (1950)
Document Background: A central document of the Cold War,
the National Security Council 68 laid out the strategic
underpinnings for American foreign policy in the aftermath of
World War II. In this excerpt, the authors described the
background of the Soviet-American conflict, including the
intentions of the Americans and the Kremlin. They also
speculated about the best means to achieve American goals
while maintaining a free society. They rejected the doctrine of
preemptive war as repugnant to American sensibilities and
principles.
ANALYSIS
10. I. Background of the Present Crisis
Within the past thirty-five years the world has experienced two
global wars of tremendous violence. It has witnessed two
revolutions--the Russian and the Chinese--of extreme scope and
intensity. It has also seen the collapse of five empires--the
Ottoman, the Austro-Hungarian, German, Italian, and Japanese--
and the drastic decline of two major imperial systems, the
British and the French. During the span of one generation, the
international distribution of power has been fundamentally
altered. For several centuries it had proved impossible for any
one nation to gain such preponderant strength that a coalition of
other nations could not in time face it with greater strength. The
international scene was marked by recurring periods of violence
and war, but a system of sovereign and independent states was
maintained, over which no state was able to achieve hegemony.
Two complex sets of factors have now basically altered this
historic distribution of power. First, the defeat of Germany and
Japan and the decline of the British and French Empires have
interacted with the development of the United States and the
Soviet Union in such a way that power increasingly gravitated
to these two centers. Second, the Soviet Union, unlike previous
aspirants to hegemony, is animated by a new fanatic faith, anti-
thetical to our own, and seeks to impose its absolute authority
over the rest of the world. Conflict has, therefore, become
endemic and is waged, on the part of the Soviet Union, by
violent or non-violent methods in accordance with the dictates
of expediency. With the development of increasingly terrifying
weapons of mass destruction, every individual faces the ever-
present possibility of annihilation should the conflict enter the
phase of total war.
On the one hand, the people of the world yearn for relief from
the anxiety arising from the risk of atomic war. On the other
hand, any substantial further extension of the area under the
domination of the Kremlin would raise the possibility that no
coalition adequate to confront the Kremlin with greater strength
11. could be assembled. It is in this context that this Republic and
its citizens in the ascendancy of their strength stand in their
deepest peril.
The issues that face us are momentous, involving the fulfillment
or destruction not only of this Republic but of civilization
itself. They are issues which will not await our deliberations.
With conscience and resolution this Government and the people
it represents must now take new and fateful decisions.
II. Fundamental Purpose of the United States
The fundamental purpose of the United States is laid down in
the Preamble to the Constitution: ". . . to form a more perfect
Union, establish justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide
for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and
secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."
In essence, the fundamental purpose is to assure the integrity
and vitality of our free society, which is founded upon the
dignity and worth of the individual.
Three realities emerge as a consequence of this purpose: Our
determination to maintain the essential elements of individual
freedom, as set forth in the Constitution and Bill of Rights; our
determination to create conditions under which our free and
democratic system can live and prosper; and our determination
to fight if necessary to defend our way of life, for which as in
the Declaration of Independence, "with a firm reliance on the
protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each
other our lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor."
III. Fundamental Design of the Kremlin
The fundamental design of those who control the Soviet Union
and the international communist movement is to retain and
solidify their absolute power, first in the Soviet Union and
second in the areas now under their control. In the minds of the
Soviet leaders, however, achievement of this design requires the
12. dynamic extension of their authority and the ultimate
elimination of any effective opposition to their authority.
The design, therefore, calls for the complete subversion or
forcible destruction of the machinery of government and
structure of society in the countries of the non-Soviet world and
their replacement by an apparatus and structure subservient to
and controlled from the Kremlin. To that end Soviet efforts are
now directed toward the domination of the Eurasian land mass.
The United States, as the principal center of power in the non-
Soviet world and the bulwark of opposition to Soviet expansion,
is the principal enemy whose integrity and vitality must be
subverted or destroyed by one means or another if the Kremlin
is to achieve its fundamental design.
IV. The Underlying Conflict in the Realm of ideas and Values
between the U.S. Purpose and the Kremlin DesignA. NATURE
OF CONFLICT
The Kremlin regards the United States as the only major threat
to the conflict between idea of slavery under the grim oligarchy
of the Kremlin, which has come to a crisis with the polarization
of power described in Section I, and the exclusive possession of
atomic weapons by the two protagonists. The idea of freedom,
moreover, is peculiarly and intolerably subversive of the idea of
slavery. But the converse is not true. The implacable purpose of
the slave state to eliminate the challenge of freedom has placed
the two great powers at opposite poles. It is this fact which
gives the present polarization of power the quality of crisis.
The free society values the individual as an end in himself,
requiring of him only that measure of self-discipline and self-
restraint which make the rights of each individual compatible
with the rights of every other individual. The freedom of the
individual has as its counterpart, therefore, the negative
responsibility of the individual not to exercise his freedom in
ways inconsistent with the freedom of other individuals and the
positive responsibility to make constructive use of his freedom
13. in the building of a just society.
From this idea of freedom with responsibility derives the
marvelous diversity, the deep tolerance, the lawfulness of the
free society. This is the explanation of the strength of free men.
It constitutes the integrity and the vitality of a free and
democratic system. The free society attempts to create and
maintain an environment in which every individual has the
opportunity to realize his creative powers. It also explains why
the free society tolerates those within it who would use their
freedom to destroy it. By the same token, in relations between
nations, the prime reliance of the free society is on the strength
and appeal of its idea, and it feels no compulsion sooner or later
to bring all societies into conformity with it.
For the free society does not fear, it welcomes, diversity. It
derives its strength from its hospitality even to antipathetic
ideas. It is a market for free trade in ideas, secure in its faith
that free men will take the best wares, and grow to a fuller and
better realization of their powers in exercising their choice.
The idea of freedom is the most contagious idea in history,
more contagious than the idea of submission to authority. For
the breadth of freedom cannot be tolerated in a society which
has come under the domination of an individual or group of
individuals with a will to absolute power. Where the despot
holds absolute power--the absolute power of the absolutely
powerful will--all other wills must be subjugated in an act of
willing submission, a degradation willed by the individual upon
himself under the compulsion of a perverted faith. It is the first
article of this faith that he finds and can only find the meaning
of his existence in serving the ends of the system. The system
becomes God, and submission to the will of God becomes
submission to the will of the system. It is not enough to yield
outwardly to the system--even Gandhian non- violence is not
acceptable--for the spirit of resistance and the devotion to a
higher authority might then remain, and the individual would
not be wholly submissive.
The same compulsion which demands total power over all men
14. within the Soviet state without a single exception, demands
total power over all Communist Parties and all states under
Soviet domination. Thus Stalin has said that the theory and
tactics of Leninism as expounded by the Bolshevik party are
mandatory for the proletarian parties of all countries. A true
internationalist is defined as one who unhesitatingly upholds the
position of the Soviet Union and in the satellite states true
patriotism is love of the Soviet Union. By the same token the
"peace policy" of the Soviet Union, described at a Party
Congress as "a more advantageous form of fighting capitalism,"
is a device to divide and immobilize the non-Communist world,
and the peace the Soviet Union seeks is the peace of total
conformity to Soviet policy.
The antipathy of slavery to freedom explains the iron curtain,
the isolation, the autarchy of the society whose end is absolute
power. The existence and persistence of the idea of freedom is a
permanent and continuous threat to the foundation of the slave
society; and it therefore regards as intolerable the long
continued existence of freedom in the world. What is new, what
makes the continuing crisis, is the polarization of power which
now inescapably confronts the slave society with the free.
The assault on free institutions is world-wide now, and in the
context of the present polarization of power a defeat of free
institutions anywhere is a defeat everywhere. The shock we
sustained in the destruction of Czechoslovakia was not in the
measure of Czechoslovakia's material importance to us. In a
material sense, her capabilities were already at Soviet disposal.
But when the integrity of Czechoslovak institutions was
destroyed, it was in the intangible scale of values that we
registered a loss more damaging than the material loss we had
already suffered.
Thus unwillingly our free society finds itself mortally
challenged by the Soviet system. No other value system is so
wholly irreconcilable with ours, so implacable in its purpose to
destroy ours, so capable of turning to its own uses the most
dangerous and divisive trends in our own society, no other so
15. skillfully and powerfully evokes the elements of irrationality in
human nature everywhere, and no other has the support of a
great and growing center of military power.B. OBJECTIVES
The objectives of a free society are determined by its
fundamental values and by the necessity for maintaining the
material environment in which they flourish. Logically and in
fact, therefore, the Kremlin's challenge to the United States is
directed not only to our values but to our physical capacity to
protect their environment. It is a challenge which encompasses
both peace and war and our objectives in peace and war must
take account of it.
Thus we must make ourselves strong, both in the way in which
we affirm our values in the conduct of our national life, and in
the development of our military and economic strength.
We must lead in building a successfully functioning political
and economic system in the free world. It is only by practical
affirmation, abroad as well as at home, of our essential values,
that we can preserve our own integrity, in which lies the real
frustration of the Kremlin design.
But beyond thus affirming our values our policy and actions
must be such as to foster a fundamental change in the nature of
the Soviet system, a change toward which the frustration of the
design is the first and perhaps the most important step. Clearly
it will not only be less costly but more effective if this change
occurs to a maximum extent as a result of internal forces in
Soviet society.
In a shrinking world, which now faces the threat of atomic
warfare, it is not an adequate objective merely to seek to check
the Kremlin design, for the absence of order among nations is
becoming less and less tolerable. This fact imposes on us, in our
own interests, the responsibility of world leadership. It demands
that we make the attempt, and accept the risks inherent in it, to
bring about order and justice by means consistent with the
principles of freedom and democracy. We should limit our
requirement of the Soviet Union to its participation with other
nations on the basis of equality and respect for the rights of
16. others. Subject to this requirement, we must with our allies and
the former subject peoples seek to create a world society based
on the principle of consent. Its framework cannot be inflexible.
It will consist of many national communities of great and
varying abilities and resources, and hence of war potential. The
seeds of conflicts will inevitably exist or will come into being.
To acknowledge this is only to acknowledge the impossibility of
a final solution. Not to acknowledge it can be fatally dangerous
in a world in which there are no final solutions.
All these objectives of a free society are equally valid and
necessary in peace and war. But every consideration of devotion
to our fundamental values and to our national security demands
that we seek to achieve them by the strategy of the cold war. It
is only by developing the moral and material strength of the free
world that the Soviet regime will become convinced of the
falsity of its assumptions and that the pre-conditions for
workable agreements can be created. By practically
demonstrating the integrity and vitality of our system the free
world widens the area of possible agreement and thus can hope
gradually to bring about a Soviet acknowledgement of realities
which in sum will eventually constitute a frustration of the
Soviet design. Short of this, however, it might be possible to
create a situation which will induce the Soviet Union to
accommodate itself, with or without the conscious abandonment
of its design, to coexistence on tolerable terms with the non-
Soviet world. Such a development would be a triumph for the
idea of freedom and democracy. It must be an immediate
objective of United States policy.
There is no reason, in the event of war, for us to alter our
overall objectives. They do not include unconditional surrender,
the subjugation of the Russian peoples or a Russia shorn of its
economic potential. Such a course would irrevocably unite the
Russian people behind the regime which enslaves them. Rather
these objectives contemplate Soviet acceptance of the specific
and limited conditions requisite to an international environment
in which free institutions can flourish, and in which the Russian
17. peoples will have a new chance to work out their own destiny.
If we can make the Russian people our allies in the enterprise
we will obviously have made our task easier and victory more
certain.
The objectives outlined in NSC 20/4 (November 23, 1948) ...
are fully consistent with the objectives stated in this paper, and
they remain valid. The growing intensity of the conflict which
has been imposed upon us, however, requires the changes of
emphasis and the additions that are apparent. Coupled with the
probable fission bomb capability and possible thermonuclear
bomb capability of the Soviet Union, the intensifying struggle
requires us to face the fact that we can expect no lasting
abatement of the crisis unless and until a change occurs in the
nature of the Soviet system.C. MEANS
The free society is limited in its choice of means to achieve its
ends.
Compulsion is the negation of freedom, except when it is used
to enforce the rights common to all. The resort to force,
internally or externally, is therefore a last resort for a free
society. The act is permissible only when one individual or
groups of individuals within it threaten the basic rights of other
individuals or when another society seeks to impose its will
upon it. The free society cherishes and protects as fundamental
the rights of the minority against the will of a majority, because
these rights are the inalienable rights of each and every
individual.
The resort to force, to compulsion, to the imposition of its will
is therefore a difficult and dangerous act for a free society,
which is warranted only in the face of even greater dangers. The
necessity of the act must be clear and compelling; the act must
commend itself to the overwhelming majority as an inescapable
exception to the basic idea of freedom; or the regenerative
capacity of free men after the act has been performed will be
endangered.
The Kremlin is able to select whatever means are expedient in
seeking to carry out its fundamental design. Thus it can make
18. the best of several possible worlds, conducting the struggle on
those levels where it considers it profitable and enjoying the
benefits of a pseudo- peace on those levels where it is not ready
for a contest. At the ideological or psychological level, in the
struggle for men's minds, the conflict is worldwide. At the
political and economic level, within states and in the relations
between states, the struggle for power is being intensified. And
at the military level, the Kremlin has thus far been careful not
to commit a technical breach of the peace, although using its
vast forces to intimidate its neighbors, and to support an
aggressive foreign policy, and not hesitating through its agents
to resort to arms in favorable circumstances. The attempt to
carry out its fundamental design is being pressed, therefore,
with all means which are believed expedient in the present
situation, and the Kremlin has inextricably engaged us in the
conflict between its design and our purpose.
We have no such freedom of choice, and least of all in the use
of force. Resort to war is not only a last resort for a free
society, but it is also an act which cannot definitively end the
fundamental conflict in the realm of ideas. The idea of slavery
can only be overcome by the timely and persistent
demonstration of the superiority of the idea of freedom.
Military victory alone would only partially and perhaps only
temporarily affect the fundamental conflict, for although the
ability of the Kremlin to threaten our security might be for a
time destroyed, the resurgence of totalitarian forces and the re-
establishment of the Soviet system or its equivalent would not
be long delayed unless great progress were made in the
fundamental conflict.
Practical and ideological considerations therefore both impel us
to the conclusion that we have no choice but to demonstrate the
superiority of the idea of freedom by its constructive
application, and to attempt to change the world situation by
means short of war in such a way as to frustrate the Kremlin
design and hasten the decay of the Soviet system.
For us the role of military power is to serve the national
19. purpose by deterring an attack upon us while we seek by other
means to create an environment in which our free society can
flourish, and by fighting, if necessary, to defend the integrity
and vitality of our free society and to defeat any aggressor. The
Kremlin uses Soviet military power to back up and serve the
Kremlin design. It does not hesitate to use military force
aggressively if that course is expedient in the achievement of its
design. The differences between our fundamental purpose and
the Kremlin design, therefore, are reflected in our respective
attitudes toward and use of military force.
Our free society, confronted by a threat to its basic values,
naturally will take such action, including the use of military
force, as may be required to protect those values. The integrity
of our system will not be jeopardized by any measures, covert
or overt, violent or non-violent, which serve the purposes of
frustrating the Kremlin design, nor does the necessity for
conducting ourselves so as to affirm our values in actions as
well as words forbid such measures, provided only they are
appropriately calculated to that end and are not so excessive or
misdirected as to make us enemies of the people instead of the
evil men who have enslaved them.
But if war comes, what is the role of force? Unless we so use it
that the Russian people can perceive that our effort is directed
against the regime and its power for aggression, and not against
their own interests, we will unite the regime and the people in
the kind of last ditch fight in which no underlying problems are
solved, new ones are created, and where our basic principles are
obscured and compromised. If we do not in the application of
force demonstrate the nature of our objectives we will, in fact,
have compromised from the outset our fundamental purpose. In
the words of the Federalist (No. 28) "The means to be employed
must be proportioned to the extent of the mischief." The
mischief may be a global war or it may be a Soviet campaign
for limited objectives. In either case we should take no
avoidable initiative which would cause it to become a war of
annihilation, and if we have the forces to defeat a Soviet drive
20. for limited objectives it may well be to our interest not to let it
become a global war. Our aim in applying force must be to
compel the acceptance of terms consistent with our objectives,
and our capabilities for the application of force should,
therefore, within the limits of what we can sustain over the long
pull, be congruent to the range of tasks which we may
encounter.
...C. THE THIRD COURSE--WAR
Some Americans favor a deliberate decision to go to war against
the Soviet Union in the near future. It goes without saying that
the idea of "preventive" war--in the sense of a military attack
not provoked by a military attack upon us or our allies--is
generally unacceptable to Americans. Its supporters argue that
since the Soviet Union is in fact at war with the free world now
and that since the failure of the Soviet Union to use all-out
military force is explainable on grounds of expediency, we are
at war and should conduct ourselves accordingly. Some further
argue that the free world is probably unable, except under the
crisis of war, to mobilize and direct its resources to the
checking and rolling back of the Kremlin's drive for world
dominion. This is a powerful argument in the light of history,
but the considerations against war are so compelling that the
free world must demonstrate that this argument is wrong. The
case for war is premised on the assumption that the United
States could launch and sustain an attack of sufficient impact to
gain a decisive advantage for the free world in a long war and
perhaps to win an early decision.
The ability of the United States to launch effective offensive
operations is now limited to attack with atomic weapons. A
powerful blow could be delivered upon the Soviet Union, but it
is estimated that these operations alone would not force or
induce the Kremlin to capitulate and that the Kremlin would
still be able to use the forces under its control to dominate most
or all of Eurasia. This would probably mean a long and difficult
struggle during which the free institutions of Western Europe
and many freedom-loving people would be destroyed and the
21. regenerative capacity of Western Europe dealt a crippling blow.
Apart from this, however, a surprise attack upon the Soviet
Union, despite the provocativeness of recent Soviet behavior,
would be repugnant to many Americans. Although the American
people would probably rally in support of the war effort, the
shock of responsibility for a surprise attack would be morally
corrosive. Many would doubt that it was a "just war" and that
all reasonable possibilities for a peaceful settlement had been
explored in good faith. Many more, proportionately, would hold
such views in other countries, particularly in Western Europe
and particularly after Soviet occupation, if only because the
Soviet Union would liquidate articulate opponents. It would,
therefore, be difficult after such a war to create a satisfactory
international order among nations. Victory in such a war would
have brought us little if at all closer to victory in the
fundamental ideological conflict.
These considerations are no less weighty because they are
imponderable, and they rule out an attack unless it is
demonstrably in the nature of a counter-attack to a blow which
is on its way or about to be delivered. (The military advantages
of landing the first blow become increasingly important with
modem weapons, and this is a fact which requires us to be on
the alert in order to strike with our full weight as soon as we are
attacked, and, if possible, before the Soviet blow is actually
delivered.) If the argument of Chapter IV is accepted, it follows
that there is no "easy" solution and that the only sure victory
lies in the frustration of the Kremlin design by the steady
development of the moral and material strength of the free
world and its projection into the Soviet world in such a way as
to bring about an internal change in the Soviet system.
DOCUMENT 2
George Kennan, "Long Telegram" (1947)
Document Background: American diplomat George Kennan sent
this telegram from Moscow to advise the United States
government on how to deal with the Soviet government. As you
22. read this document, consider how Kennan defined the Soviet
system. Was this just another acceptable way of organizing
human society, or was Soviet communism an inherently
expansionist and aggressive ideology that needed to be met with
force before it would eventually threaten American freedom
abroad and at home?
861.00/2 - 2246: Telegram
The Charge in the Soviet Union (Kennan) to the Secretary of
State SECRET
Moscow, February 22, 1946--9 p.m. [Received February 22--3:
52 p.m.]
511. Answer to Dept's 284, Feb 3 [13] involves questions so
intricate, so delicate, so strange to our form of thought, and so
important to analysis of our international environment that I
cannot compress answers into single brief message without
yielding to what I feel would be dangerous degree of over-
simplification. I hope, therefore, Dept will bear with me if I
submit in answer to this question five parts, subjects of which
will be roughly as follows:
(1) Basic features of post-war Soviet outlook.
(2) Background of this outlook
(3) Its projection in practical policy on official level. (4) Its
projection on unofficial level.
(5) Practical deductions from standpoint of US policy.
I apologize in advance for this burdening of telegraphic
channel; but questions involved are of such urgent importance,
particularly in view of recent events, that our answers to them,
if they deserve attention at all, seem to me to deserve it at once.
There follows
23. Part 1: Basic Features of Post War Soviet Outlook, as Put
Forward by Official Propaganda Machine
Are as Follows:
(a) USSR still lives in antagonistic "capitalist encirclement"
with which in the long run there can be no permanent peaceful
coexistence. As stated by Stalin in 1927 to a delegation of
American workers:
"In course of further development of international revolution
there will emerge two centers of world significance: a socialist
center, drawing to itself the countries which tend toward
socialism, and a capitalist center, drawing to itself the countries
that incline toward capitalism. Battle between these two centers
for command of world economy will decide fate of capitalism
and of communism in entire world."
(b) Capitalist world is beset with internal conflicts, inherent in
nature of capitalist society. These conflicts are insoluble by
means of peaceful compromise. Greatest of them is that between
England and US.
(c) Internal conflicts of capitalism inevitably generate wars.
Wars thus generated may be of two kinds: intra-capitalist wars
between two capitalist states, and wars of intervention against
socialist world. Smart capitalists, vainly seeking escape from
inner conflicts of capitalism, incline toward latter.
(d) Intervention against USSR, while it would be disastrous to
those who undertook it, would cause renewed delay in progress
of Soviet socialism and must therefore be forestalled at all
costs.
(e) Conflicts between capitalist states, though likewise fraught
24. with danger for USSR, nevertheless hold out great possibilities
for advancement of socialist cause, particularly if USSR
remains militarily powerful, ideologically monolithic and
faithful to its present brilliant leadership.
(f) It must be borne in mind that capitalist world is not all bad.
In addition to hopelessly reactionary and bourgeois elements, it
includes (1) certain wholly enlightened and positive elements
united in acceptable communistic parties and (2) certain other
elements (now described for tactical reasons as progressive or
democratic) whose reactions, aspirations and activities happen
to be "objectively" favorable to interests of USSR These last
must be encouraged and utilized for Soviet purposes.
(g) Among negative elements of bourgeois-capitalist society,
most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends
of the people, namely moderate-socialist or social-democratic
leaders (in other words, non-Communist left-wing). These are
more dangerous than out-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least
march under their true colors, whereas moderate left-wing
leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to
seine interests of reactionary capital.
So much for premises. To what deductions do they lead from
standpoint of Soviet policy? To following:
(a) Everything must be done to advance relative strength of
USSR as factor in international society. Conversely, no
opportunity must be missed to reduce strength and influence,
collectively as well as individually, of capitalist powers.
(b) Soviet efforts, and those of Russia's friends abroad, must be
directed toward deepening and exploiting of differences and
conflicts between capitalist powers. If these eventually deepen
into an "imperialist" war, this war must be turned into
revolutionary upheavals within the various capitalist countries.
25. (c) "Democratic-progressive" elements abroad are to be utilized
to maximum to bring pressure to bear on capitalist governments
along lines agreeable to Soviet interests.
(d) Relentless battle must be waged against socialist and social-
democratic leaders abroad.
Part 2: Background of Outlook
Before examining ramifications of this party line in practice
there are certain aspects of it to which I wish to draw attention.
First, it does not represent natural outlook of Russian people.
Latter are, by and large, friendly to outside world, eager for
experience of it, eager to measure against it talents they are
conscious of possessing, eager above all to live in peace and
enjoy fruits of their own labor. Party line only represents thesis
which official propaganda machine puts forward with great skill
and persistence to a public often remarkably resistant in the
stronghold of its innermost thoughts. But party line is binding
for outlook and conduct of people who make up apparatus of
power--party, secret police and Government--and it is
exclusively with these that we have to deal.
Second, please note that premises on which this party line is
based are for most part simply not true. Experience has shown
that peaceful and mutually profitable coexistence of capitalist
and socialist states is entirely possible. Basic internal conflicts
in advanced countries are no longer primarily those arising out
of capitalist ownership of means of production, but are ones
arising from advanced urbanism and industrialism as such,
which Russia has thus far been spared not by socialism but only
by her own backwardness. Internal rivalries of capitalism do not
always generate wars; and not all wars are attributable to this
26. cause. To speak of possibility of intervention against USSR
today, after elimination of Germany and Japan and after
example of recent war, is sheerest nonsense. If not provoked by
forces of intolerance and subversion "capitalist" world of today
is quite capable of living at peace with itself and with Russia.
Finally, no sane person has reason to doubt sincerity of
moderate socialist leaders in Western countries. Nor is it fair to
deny success of their efforts to improve conditions for working
population whenever, as in Scandinavia, they have been given
chance to show what they could do.
Falseness of those premises, every one of which predates recent
war, was amply demonstrated by that conflict itself Anglo-
American differences did not turn out to be major differences of
Western World. Capitalist countries, other than those of Axis,
showed no disposition to solve their differences by joining in
crusade against USSR. Instead of imperialist war turning into
civil wars and revolution, USSR found itself obliged to fight
side by side with capitalist powers for an avowed community of
aim.
Nevertheless, all these theses, however baseless and disproven,
are being boldly put forward again today. What does this
indicate? It indicates that Soviet party line is not based on any
objective analysis of situation beyond Russia's borders; that it
has, indeed, little to do with conditions outside of Russia; that it
arises mainly from basic inner-Russian necessities which
existed before recent war and exist today.
At bottom of Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is
traditional and instinctive Russian sense of insecurity.
Originally, this was insecurity of a peaceful agricultural people
trying to live on vast exposed plain in neighborhood of fierce
nomadic peoples. To this was added, as Russia came into
contact with economically advanced West, fear of more
competent, more powerful, more highly organized societies in
27. that area. But this latter type of insecurity was one which
afflicted rather Russian rulers than Russian people; for Russian
rulers have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively
archaic in form fragile and artificial in its psychological
foundation, unable to stand comparison or contact with political
systems of Western countries. For this reason they have always
feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between
Western world and their own, feared what would happen if
Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners
learned truth about world within. And they have learned to seek
security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction
of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it.
It was no coincidence that Marxism, which had smoldered
ineffectively for half a century in Western Europe, caught hold
and blazed for first time in Russia. Only in this land which had
never known a friendly neighbor or indeed any tolerant
equilibrium of separate powers, either internal or international,
could a doctrine thrive which viewed economic conflicts of
society as insoluble by peaceful means. After establishment of
Bolshevist regime, Marxist dogma, rendered even more
truculent and intolerant by Lenin's interpretation, became a
perfect vehicle for sense of insecurity with which Bolsheviks,
even more than previous Russian rulers, were afflicted. In this
dogma, with its basic altruism of purpose, they found
justification for their instinctive fear of outside world, for the
dictatorship without which they did not know how to rule, for
cruelties they did not dare not to inflict, for sacrifice they felt
bound to demand. In the name of Marxism they sacrificed every
single ethical value in their methods and tactics. Today they
cannot dispense with it. It is fig leaf of their moral and
intellectual respectability. Without it they would stand before
history, at best, as only the last of that long succession of cruel
and wasteful Russian rulers who have relentlessly forced
country on to ever new heights of military power in order to
guarantee external security of their internally weak regimes.
28. This is why Soviet purposes must always be solemnly clothed in
trappings of Marxism, and why no one should underrate
importance of dogma in Soviet affairs. Thus Soviet leaders are
driven [by?] necessities of their own past and present position
to put forward which [apparent omission] outside world as evil,
hostile and menacing, but as bearing within itself germs of
creeping disease and destined to be wracked with growing
internal convulsions until it is given final Coup de grace by
rising power of socialism and yields to new and better world.
This thesis provides justification for that increase of military
and police power of Russian state, for that isolation of Russian
population from outside world, and for that fluid and constant
pressure to extend limits of Russian police power which are
together the natural and instinctive urges of Russian rulers.
Basically this is only the steady advance of uneasy Russian
nationalism, a centuries old movement in which conceptions of
offense and defense are inextricably confused. But in new guise
of international Marxism, with its honeyed promises to a
desperate and war torn outside world, it is more dangerous and
insidious than ever before.
It should not be thought from above that Soviet party line is
necessarily disingenuous and insincere on part of all those who
put it forward. Many of them are too ignorant of outside world
and mentally too dependent to question [apparent omission]
self-hypnotism, and who have no difficulty making themselves
believe what they find it comforting and convenient to believe.
Finally we have the unsolved mystery as to who, if anyone, in
this great land actually receives accurate and unbiased
information about outside world. In atmosphere of oriental
secretiveness and conspiracy which pervades this Government,
possibilities for distorting or poisoning sources and currents of
information are infinite. The very disrespect of Russians for
objective truth-- indeed, their disbelief in its existence--leads
them to view all stated facts as instruments for furtherance of
one ulterior purpose or another. There is good reason to suspect
29. that this Government is actually a conspiracy within a
conspiracy; and I for one am reluctant to believe that Stalin
himself receives anything like an objective picture of outside
world. Here there is ample scope for the type of subtle intrigue
at which Russians are past masters. Inability of foreign
governments to place their case squarely before Russian policy
makers--extent to which they are delivered up in their relations
with Russia to good graces of obscure and unknown advisors
whom they never see and cannot influence--this to my mind is
most disquieting feature of diplomacy in Moscow, and one
which Western statesmen would do well to keep in mind if they
would understand nature of difficulties encountered here.
Part 3: Projection of Soviet Outlook in Practical Policy on
Official Level
We have now seen nature and background of Soviet program.
What may we expect by way of its practical implementation?
Soviet policy, as Department implies in its query under
reference, is conducted on two planes: (1) official plane
represented by actions undertaken officially in name of Soviet
Government; and (2) subterranean plane of actions undertaken
by agencies for which Soviet Government does not admit
responsibility.
Policy promulgated on both planes will be calculated to serve
basic policies (a) to (d) outlined in part 1. Actions taken on
different planes will differ considerably, but will dovetail into
each other in purpose, timing and effect.
On official plane we must look for following:
(a) Internal policy devoted to increasing in every way strength
and prestige of Soviet state: intensive military-industrialization;
30. maximum development of armed forces; great displays to
impress outsiders; continued secretiveness about internal
matters, designed to conceal weaknesses and to keep opponents
in dark.
(b) Wherever it is considered timely and promising, efforts will
be made to advance official limits of Soviet power. For the
moment, these efforts are restricted to certain neighboring
points conceived of here as being of immediate strategic
necessity, such as Northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bornholm
However, other points may at any time come into question, if
and as concealed Soviet political power is extended to new
areas. Thus a "friendly Persian Government might be asked to
grant Russia a port on Persian Gulf. Should Spain fall under
Communist control, question of Soviet base at Gibraltar Strait
might be activated. But such claims will appear on official level
only when unofficial preparation is complete.
(c) Russians will participate officially in international
organizations where they see opportunity of extending Soviet
power or of inhibiting or diluting power of others. Moscow sees
in UNO not the mechanism for a permanent and stable world
society founded on mutual interest and aims of all nations, but
an arena in which aims just mentioned can be favorably
pursued. As long as UNO is considered here to serve this
purpose, Soviets will remain with it. But if at any time they
come to conclusion that it is serving to embarrass or frustrate
their aims for power expansion and if they see better prospects
for pursuit of these aims along other lines, they will not hesitate
to abandon UNO. This would imply, however, that they felt
themselves strong enough to split unity of other nations by their
withdrawal to render UNO ineffective as a threat to their aims
or security, replace it with an international weapon more
effective from their viewpoint. Thus Soviet attitude toward
UNO will depend largely on loyalty of other nations to it, and
on degree of vigor, decisiveness and cohesion with which those
31. nations defend in UNO the peaceful and hopeful concept of
international life, which that organization represents to our way
of thinking. I reiterate, Moscow has no abstract devotion to
UNO ideals. Its attitude to that organization will remain
essentially pragmatic and tactical.
(d) Toward colonial areas and backward or dependent peoples,
Soviet policy, even on official plane, will be directed toward
weakening of power and influence and contacts of advanced
Western nations, on theory that in so far as this policy is
successful, there will be created a vacuum which will favor
Communist-Soviet penetration. Soviet pressure for participation
in trusteeship arrangements thus represents, in my opinion, a
desire to be in a position to complicate and inhibit exertion of
Western influence at such points rather than to provide major
channel for exerting of Soviet power. Latter motive is not
lacking, but for this Soviets prefer to rely on other channels
than official trusteeship arrangements. Thus we may expect to
find Soviets asking for admission everywhere to trusteeship or
similar arrangements and using levers thus acquired to weaken
Western influence among such peoples.
(e) Russians will strive energetically to develop Soviet
representation in, and official ties with, countries in which they
sense Strong possibilities of opposition to Western centers of
power. This applies to such widely separated points as
Germany, Argentina, Middle Eastern countries, etc.
(f) In international economic matters, Soviet policy will really
be dominated by pursuit of autarchy for Soviet Union and
Soviet-dominated adjacent areas taken together. That, however,
will be underlying policy. As far as official line is concerned,
position is not yet clear. Soviet Government has shown strange
reticence since termination hostilities on subject foreign trade.
If large scale long term credits should be forthcoming, I believe
Soviet Government may eventually again do lip service, as it
32. did in 1930's to desirability of building up international
economic exchanges in general. Otherwise I think it possible
Soviet foreign trade may be restricted largely to Soviet's own
security sphere, including occupied areas in Germany, and that
a cold official shoulder may be turned to principle of general
economic collaboration among nations.
(g) With respect to cultural collaboration, lip service will
likewise be rendered to desirability of deepening cultural
contacts between peoples, but this will not in practice be
interpreted in any way which could weaken security position of
Soviet peoples. Actual manifestations of Soviet policy in this
respect will be restricted to arid channels of closely shepherded
official visits and functions, with superabundance of vodka and
speeches and dearth of permanent effects.
(h) Beyond this, Soviet official relations will take what might
be called "correct" course with individual foreign governments,
with great stress being laid on prestige of Soviet Union and its
representatives and with punctilious attention to protocol as
distinct from good manners.
Part 4: Following May Be Said as to What We May Expect by
Way of Implementation of Basic Soviet Policies on Unofficial,
or Subterranean Plane, i.e. on Plane for Which Soviet
Government Accepts no Responsibility
Agencies utilized for promulgation of policies on this plane are
following:
1. Inner central core of Communist Parties in other countries.
While many of persons who compose this category may also
appear and act in unrelated public capacities, they are in reality
working closely together as an underground operating
directorate of world communism, a concealed Comintern tightly
33. coordinated and directed by Moscow. It is important to
remember that this inner core is actually working on
underground lines, despite legality of parties with which it is
associated.
2. Rank and file of Communist Parties. Note distinction is
drawn between those and persons defined in paragraph 1. This
distinction has become much sharper in recent years. Whereas
formerly foreign Communist Parties represented a curious (and
from Moscow's standpoint often inconvenient) mixture of
conspiracy and legitimate activity, now the conspiratorial
element has been neatly concentrated in inner circle and ordered
underground, while rank and file--no longer even taken into
confidence about realities of movement--are thrust forward as
bona fide internal partisans of certain political tendencies
within their respective countries, genuinely innocent of
conspiratorial connection with foreign states. Only in certain
countries where communists are numerically strong do they now
regularly appear and act as a body. As a rule they are used to
penetrate, and to influence or dominate, as case may be, other
organizations less likely to be suspected of being tools of Soviet
Government, with a view to accomplishing their purposes
through [apparent omission] organizations, rather than by direct
action as a separate political party.
3. A wide variety of national associations or bodies which can
be dominated or influenced by such penetration. These include:
labor unions, youth leagues, women's organizations, racial
societies, religious societies, social organizations, cultural
groups, liberal magazines, publishing houses, etc.
4. International organizations which can be similarly penetrated
through influence over various national components. Labor,
youth and women's organizations are prominent among them.
Particular, almost vital importance is attached in this
connection to international labor movement. In this, Moscow
34. sees possibility of sidetracking western governments in world
affairs and building up international lobby capable of
compelling governments to take actions favorable to Soviet
interests in various countries and of paralyzing actions
disagreeable to USSR
5. Russian Orthodox Church, with its foreign branches, and
through it the Eastern Orthodox Church in general.
6. Pan-Slav movement and other movements (Azerbaijan,
Armenian, Turcoman, etc.) based on racial groups within Soviet
Union.
7. Governments or governing groups willing to lend themselves
to Soviet purposes in one degree or another, such as present
Bulgarian and Yugoslav Governments, North Persian regime,
Chinese Communists, etc. Not only propaganda machines but
actual policies of these regimes can be placed extensively at
disposal of USSR
It may be expected that component parts of this far-flung
apparatus will be utilized in accordance with their individual
suitability, as follows:
(a) To undermine general political and strategic potential of
major western powers. Efforts will be made in such countries to
disrupt national self confidence, to hamstring measures of
national defense, to increase social and industrial unrest, to
stimulate all forms of disunity. All persons with grievances,
whether economic or racial, will be urged to spelt redress not in
mediation and compromise, but in defiant violent struggle for
destruction of other elements of society. Here poor will be set
against rich, black against white, young against old, newcomers
against established residents, etc.
(b) On unofficial plane particularly violent efforts will be made
35. to weaken power and influence of Western Powers of [on]
colonial backward, or dependent peoples. On this level, no
holds will be barred. Mistakes and weaknesses of western
colonial administration will be mercilessly exposed and
exploited. Liberal opinion in Western countries will be
mobilized to weaken colonial policies. Resentment among
dependent peoples will be stimulated. And while latter are being
encouraged to seek independence of Western Powers, Soviet
dominated puppet political machines will be undergoing
preparation to take over domestic power in respective colonial
areas when independence is achieved.
(c) Where individual governments stand in path of Soviet
purposes pressure will be brought for their removal from office.
This can happen where governments directly oppose Soviet
foreign policy aims (Turkey, Iran), where they seal their
territories off against Communist penetration (Switzerland,
Portugal), or where they compete too strongly, like Labor
Government in England, for moral domination among elements
which it is important for Communists to dominate. (Sometimes,
two of these elements are present in a single case. Then
Communist opposition becomes particularly shrill and savage.
[)]
(d) In foreign countries Communists will, as a rule, work
toward destruction of all forms of personal independence,
economic, political or moral. Their system can handle only
individuals who have been brought into complete dependence on
higher power. Thus, persons who are financially independent--
such as individual businessmen, estate owners, successful
farmers, artisans and all those who exercise local leadership or
have local prestige, such as popular local clergymen or political
figures, are anathema. It is not by chance that even in USSR
local officials are kept constantly on move from one job to
another, to prevent their taking root.
36. (e) Everything possible will be done to set major Western
Powers against each other. Anti- British talk will be plugged
among Americans, anti-American talk among British.
Continentals, including Germans, will be taught to abhor both
Anglo-Saxon powers. Where suspicions exist, they will be
fanned; where not, ignited. No effort will be spared to discredit
and combat all efforts which threaten to lead to any sort of
unity or cohesion among other [apparent omission] from which
Russia might be excluded. Thus, all forms of international
organization not amenable to Communist penetration and
control, whether it be the Catholic [apparent omission]
international economic concerns, or the international fraternity
of royalty and aristocracy, must expect to find themselves under
fire from many, and often [apparent omission].
(f) In general, all Soviet efforts on unofficial international plane
will be negative and destructive in character, designed to tear
down sources of strength beyond reach of Soviet control. This is
only in line with basic Soviet instinct that there can be no
compromise with rival power and that constructive work can
start only when Communist power is doming But behind all this
will be
applied insistent, unceasing pressure for penetration and
command of key positions in administration and especially in
police apparatus of foreign countries. The Soviet regime is a
police regime par excellence, reared in the dim half world of
Tsarist police intrigue, accustomed to think primarily in terms
of police power. This should never be lost sight of in ganging
Soviet motives.
Part 5: [Practical Deductions From Standpoint of US Policy]
In summary, we have here a political force committed
fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent
37. modus vivendi that it is desirable and necessary that the internal
harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life
be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken,
if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force has
complete power of disposition over energies of one of world's
greatest peoples and resources of world's richest national
territory, and is borne along by deep and powerful currents of
Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far
flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries,
an apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by
people whose experience and skill in underground methods are
presumably without parallel in history. Finally, it is seemingly
inaccessible to considerations of reality in its basic reactions.
For it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is
not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly
being tested and re-formed, but a grab bag from which
individual items are selected arbitrarily and tendenciously to
bolster an outlook already preconceived. This is admittedly not
a pleasant picture. Problem of how to cope with this force in
[is] undoubtedly greatest task our diplomacy has ever faced and
probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of
departure from which our political general staff work at present
juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same
thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in
war, and if necessary, with no smaller outlay in planning effort.
I cannot attempt to suggest all answers here. But I would like to
record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve-
-and that without recourse to any general military conflict. And
in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a
more encouraging nature I should like to make:
(1) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither
schematic nor adventunstic. It does not work by fixed plans. It
does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason,
and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can
easily withdraw--and usually does when strong resistance is
38. encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient
force and makes clear his readiness to use …
DOCUMENT 1
Address by Franklin D. Roosevelt, "Four Freedoms" (1941)
Document Background: On January 6, 1941, more than two
years after World War II began, President Franklin D. Roosevelt
delivered this address to Congress. In this speech, Roosevelt
called for more American support to the Allied nations currently
at war with the Axis powers in what would become known at
World War II. FDR also used the speech to describe the broader
threats that Nazism and Italian Fascism posted to the world.
Less than a year after this speech, Japanese forces attacked U.S.
military installations at Pearl Harbor, officially bringing the
United States into the war on the Allied side.
Franklin D. Roosevelt:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at
a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the
word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has
American security been as seriously threatened from without as
it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our Government under the
Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our
history have related to our domestic affairs. Fortunately, only
one of these--the four-year War Between the States--ever
threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one hundred
and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have
forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been
disturbed by events in other Continents. We had even engaged
in two wars with European nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in
the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the
principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious
threat been raised against our national safety or our continued
39. independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States
as a nation has at all times maintained clear, definite
opposition, to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient
Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.
Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose
enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the
Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was
proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars
following the French Revolution.
While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the
United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies
and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to
vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that
neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was
aiming at domination of the whole world.
In like fashion from 1815 to 1914-- ninety-nine years-- no
single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against
our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power
sought to establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of
the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It
is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to
contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.
But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize
what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own
democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of
Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to
deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should
remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the
kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and
which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that
seeks to spread over every continent today. The American
40. people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this
moment being' directly assailed in every part of the world--
assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous
propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote
discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the
whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on
the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty
to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union,"
I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the
safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly
involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly
waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population
and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia
will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the
total of those populations and their resources in those four
continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and
the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-many
times over.
In times like these it is immature--and incidentally, untrue--for
anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and
with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole
world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace
international generosity, or return of true independence, or
world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of
religion -or even good business.
Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our
neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to
purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor
safety."
As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are
41. softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.
We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and
a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.
We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men
who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to
feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern
warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack
which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this
war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and
direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the
British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if
there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy
would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the
United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it
had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-
particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports
were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of
years.
The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be
the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points
would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes- and great
numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-
not we--will choose the time and the place and the method of
their attack.
That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in
serious danger.
That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in
our history.
That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the
Government and every member of the Congress faces great
responsibility and great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy
42. should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively--to meeting this
foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of
the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based
upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our
fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign
affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and
dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of
morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without
regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive
national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support
of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting
aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our
Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that
the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the
defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the
proposition that principles of morality and considerations for
our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace
dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know
that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other
people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial
difference between the two great parties in respect to that
national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the
American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that
American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting
speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in
our armament production.
Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.
43. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are
being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule;
in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in
some cases--and I am sorry to say very important cases--we are
all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our
plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress
during the past year. Actual experience is improving and
speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.
And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in
charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability,
and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus
far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low,
our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two
illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are
working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to
catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are
working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production
of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of
implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty
comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new
plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must
first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow
steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all
times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain
information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize,
which, in the interests of our own security and those of the
nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in
confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our
44. safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new
appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have
begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to
manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many
kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in
actual war with aggressor nations.
Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for
them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but
they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of
defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all
in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they
must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for
the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with
which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.
I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to
continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting
their orders into our own program. Nearly all their materiel
would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities,
considering what is best for our own security, we are free to
decide how much should be kept here and how much should be
sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic
resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own
defense.
For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable
time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or,
at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can
produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our
energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you
the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send
you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.
45. This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the
threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of
international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies
which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of
war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon
us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not
wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an
act of war.
Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which
lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an
instrument of oppression.
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well
depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our
aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency
situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's
hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger.
We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-
almost as serious as war itself--demands. Whatever stands in the
way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give
way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all
groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of
business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in
stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own
groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers
in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and,
if that fails, to use the sovereignty of Government to save
Government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by
armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those
behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and
the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner
of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are
46. calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth
fighting for.
The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the
things which have been done to make its people conscious of
their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in
America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people,
have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the
institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the
social and economic problems which are the root cause of the
social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a
healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our
people of their political and economic systems are simple. They
are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and
constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight
of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern
world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and
political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they
fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for
immediate improvement.
As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age
pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or
needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the
47. willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in
taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater
portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation
than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed,
to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax
payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly
before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting
patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look
forward to a world founded upon four essential human
freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in
the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his
own way--everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world
terms, means economic understandings which will secure to
every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world
terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a
point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a
position to commit an act of physical aggression against any
neighbor--anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis
for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.
That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new
order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the
crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral
order. A good society is able to face schemes of world
domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been
engaged in change -- in a perpetual peaceful revolution -- a
48. revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to
changing conditions--without the concentration camp or the
quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly,
civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and
hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in
freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the
supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to
those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can
be no end save victory.
Transcription by the Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library
and Museum.