President Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" Speech (1941)
To the Congress of the United States:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the
history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American
security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. . . .
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other
Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. In no case, however, had a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the
procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and their children, we
oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the Americas.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to
our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on
failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world deconstruction. We should remember
that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread
over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that
tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in
every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations still at peace. During sixteen
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our
borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that
defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will
be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations and their resources g ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (DustiBuckner14
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (.docxpetehbailey729071
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un.
Lindbergh, charles a. war and peace two historic speeches - journal of hist...RareBooksnRecords
This document contains the full text of two historic speeches given by Charles Lindbergh in the late 1930s and early 1940s advocating for American neutrality in World War II. In the first speech from 1939, Lindbergh argues against repealing the arms embargo, extending credit to belligerent nations, and allowing American shipping in danger zones, saying these actions would draw the US into the war. In the second speech from 1940, Lindbergh expresses his view that problems in Europe cannot be solved by American interference and that maintaining independence and strong defense will help keep the US out of future European wars. He intends to speak candidly rather than tailoring his message for popularity.
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. cargillfilberto
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. .docxaulasnilda
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
Making the World Safe for Democracy” Woodrow Wilson Asks for War.docxsmile790243
Woodrow Wilson asks Congress to declare war on Germany to make the world safe for democracy. He argues that Germany's unrestricted submarine warfare threatens all shipping and violates international law. Germany has also threatened neutral countries like the US. Wilson says the US must enter the war to defend basic human rights and stand up against autocratic governments that do not respect self-governance or neutrality. Declaring war will allow the US to aid the allies in fighting for peace, justice, and democracy.
5916, 129 PMEisenhowers Farewell Address to the Nation.docxalinainglis
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 1 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the
Nation
January 17, 1961
Good evening, my fellow Americans: First, I should like to express my
gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have
given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special
thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after a half century of service of our country, I shall lay
down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the
authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on questions of great moment,
the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of
the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-
war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the nation well rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should
go forward. So my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have
been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and
among nations.
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 2 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
A vital element in keeping
the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms
must be mighty, ready for
instant action, so that no
potential aggressor may be
tempted to risk his own
destruction.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
Any failure traceable t.
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.SantosConleyha
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.
[I took action] under the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, "for the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and Government in the island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters…"
…The Government of Spain…responds by treating the reasonable demands of this Government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers.
I now recommend the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain…
2. Teller Amendment, Adopted by the Senate, April 19, 1898
[The United States] hereby disclaims any disposition of intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
3. Senator Alfred Beveridge (R-Indiana), in Congress, January 9, 1900.
. . . [J]ust beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. . . We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee of God, of the civilization of the world. . . Where shall we turn for consumers of our surplus?. . . China is our natural customer. . . [England, Germany and Russia] have moved nearer to China by securing permanent bases on her borders. The Philippines gives us a base at the door of all the East. . .
They [the Filipinos] are a barbarous race, modified by three centuries of contact with a decadent race [the Spanish]. . . It is barely possible that 1,000 men in all the archipelago are capable of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon sense. . .
The Declaration [of Independence] applies only to people capable of self-government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-government peoples to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you, who say the Declaration applies to all men, how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it to the Malay abroad.
4. President Woodrow Wilson, War Message to Congress, 1917
The Imperial German Government [announced that] it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.…
It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (DustiBuckner14
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un ...
DOCUMENT 4Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address to the Nation” (.docxpetehbailey729071
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be un.
Lindbergh, charles a. war and peace two historic speeches - journal of hist...RareBooksnRecords
This document contains the full text of two historic speeches given by Charles Lindbergh in the late 1930s and early 1940s advocating for American neutrality in World War II. In the first speech from 1939, Lindbergh argues against repealing the arms embargo, extending credit to belligerent nations, and allowing American shipping in danger zones, saying these actions would draw the US into the war. In the second speech from 1940, Lindbergh expresses his view that problems in Europe cannot be solved by American interference and that maintaining independence and strong defense will help keep the US out of future European wars. He intends to speak candidly rather than tailoring his message for popularity.
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. cargillfilberto
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
11217, 227 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. .docxaulasnilda
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 1 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of
office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the
wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member
of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate
post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude
that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among
nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at
home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It
1/12/17, 2:27 PMMilitary-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Page 2 of 4http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/indust.html
commands our whole attention, absorbs our ve ...
Making the World Safe for Democracy” Woodrow Wilson Asks for War.docxsmile790243
Woodrow Wilson asks Congress to declare war on Germany to make the world safe for democracy. He argues that Germany's unrestricted submarine warfare threatens all shipping and violates international law. Germany has also threatened neutral countries like the US. Wilson says the US must enter the war to defend basic human rights and stand up against autocratic governments that do not respect self-governance or neutrality. Declaring war will allow the US to aid the allies in fighting for peace, justice, and democracy.
5916, 129 PMEisenhowers Farewell Address to the Nation.docxalinainglis
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 1 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the
Nation
January 17, 1961
Good evening, my fellow Americans: First, I should like to express my
gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have
given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special
thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after a half century of service of our country, I shall lay
down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the
authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts
with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the
coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on questions of great moment,
the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of
the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-
war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to
serve the nation well rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should
go forward. So my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have
been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great
nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we
yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human
betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to
foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and
among nations.
5/9/16, 1:29 PMEisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
Page 2 of 5http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm
A vital element in keeping
the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms
must be mighty, ready for
instant action, so that no
potential aggressor may be
tempted to risk his own
destruction.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
Any failure traceable t.
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.SantosConleyha
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.
[I took action] under the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, "for the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and Government in the island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters…"
…The Government of Spain…responds by treating the reasonable demands of this Government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers.
I now recommend the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain…
2. Teller Amendment, Adopted by the Senate, April 19, 1898
[The United States] hereby disclaims any disposition of intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
3. Senator Alfred Beveridge (R-Indiana), in Congress, January 9, 1900.
. . . [J]ust beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. . . We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee of God, of the civilization of the world. . . Where shall we turn for consumers of our surplus?. . . China is our natural customer. . . [England, Germany and Russia] have moved nearer to China by securing permanent bases on her borders. The Philippines gives us a base at the door of all the East. . .
They [the Filipinos] are a barbarous race, modified by three centuries of contact with a decadent race [the Spanish]. . . It is barely possible that 1,000 men in all the archipelago are capable of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon sense. . .
The Declaration [of Independence] applies only to people capable of self-government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-government peoples to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you, who say the Declaration applies to all men, how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it to the Malay abroad.
4. President Woodrow Wilson, War Message to Congress, 1917
The Imperial German Government [announced that] it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.…
It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and ...
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.AbbyWhyte974
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.
[I took action] under the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, "for the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and Government in the island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters…"
…The Government of Spain…responds by treating the reasonable demands of this Government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers.
I now recommend the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain…
2. Teller Amendment, Adopted by the Senate, April 19, 1898
[The United States] hereby disclaims any disposition of intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
3. Senator Alfred Beveridge (R-Indiana), in Congress, January 9, 1900.
. . . [J]ust beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. . . We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee of God, of the civilization of the world. . . Where shall we turn for consumers of our surplus?. . . China is our natural customer. . . [England, Germany and Russia] have moved nearer to China by securing permanent bases on her borders. The Philippines gives us a base at the door of all the East. . .
They [the Filipinos] are a barbarous race, modified by three centuries of contact with a decadent race [the Spanish]. . . It is barely possible that 1,000 men in all the archipelago are capable of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon sense. . .
The Declaration [of Independence] applies only to people capable of self-government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-government peoples to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you, who say the Declaration applies to all men, how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it to the Malay abroad.
4. President Woodrow Wilson, War Message to Congress, 1917
The Imperial German Government [announced that] it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.…
It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and ...
Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic an.docxmadlynplamondon
Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic and shelter-in-place orders have impacted you personally, your family and friends, and society as a whole. Relate these impacts to one or more concepts, theory ( Karl Max, Emilie Durkheim, Max Weber, W.E.B. DuBois, Robert Merton, Michel Foucault.)
For example, write about classism and the impact staying at home has had on different classes of people (i.e. those who can work remotely at home vs. those who can’t work at all). You could also discuss new ways of connecting with others during this time, like Zoom, FaceTime, etc. Did social constructs change during this time? Will resocialization be an issue after the social distancing is relaxed? Or, you can talk about urban sociology and how Boston or your home city has changed due to the pandemic. Or, how has globalization changed? There are many possibilities – be creative!
Details:
· Introduce your topic and how/why it is relevant to what we learned this semester
· Describe the situation Include an explanation of the situation, specifics of the situation, how you feel about the situation and why.
· Situate your topic within at least one concept discussed this semester (i.e. class, race, crime & deviance).
o IMPORTANT: Cite at least 2 concepts or pieces of information from the readings or lecture. See under Format below on how to do it.
· Write a conclusion summarizing the major points you made in the paper.
Format: 3-5 pages double-spaced, Times New Roman size 12 font, 1 inch margins, indent your paragraphs instead of skipping lines. Use first person when writing (e.g. “The problems started when I left my parents’ house…”). Begin the paper with a title, your name, and date. Edit carefully for spelling and grammar.
Think about the current pandemic, explain how it relates and/or will relate to other general social issues (class, race, crime & deviance, etc ) AND relate it to one of the major sociologist theories.
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the.
1)Prepare According to the 2016 National Association of College a.docxmonicafrancis71118
1)Prepare: According to the 2016 National Association of College and Employers Report, the top five attributes – known as soft skills – employers seek in their new hires include: leadership, collaborative teamwork, effective communication, problem solving/critical thinking, and having a strong work ethic. Soft skills are skills that characterize relationships with other people or how you approach life and work. By developing your soft skills, you are working toward becoming a more intentional learner. Before completing this discussion, review the Week 1 Instructor Guidance for more information and definitions of each soft skill.
Minimum of 250 words and in complete sentences, ANSWER EACH questions BELOW:
1) Which are most important in your current life roles?
2) Based on your military experience, prioritize the five soft skills in the order that you think will be most critical to your professional success.
3) Describe 2-3 ways each of the soft skills can support you in your military experience. For example, you can say, “As a business owner, effective communication will be important because my success will depend on …”
4) Soft skills are not only developed in a career setting but are also developed through personal interactions. Choose one of the five soft skills and explain how you demonstrate the skill outside of the work environment.
"The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy" (1917) – Woodrow
Wilson
President Wilson delivered this address to Congress on April 2, 1917. In response to Germany's
increasingly indiscriminate submarine warfare against American merchant and passenger
vessels, Wilson requested that Congress declare war. He was not content, however, to lead the
nation to war merely in self-defense. Instead, he argued that America would be fighting to make
the world "safe for democracy." He later outlined this broader goal in his Fourteen Points.
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious,
choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor
constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the 3rd of
February last, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial
German government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all
restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to
approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of
the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since
April of last year the Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its
undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be
sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its su.
DOCUMENT 1Address by Woodrow Wilson, The World Must Be Made Safe .docxmadlynplamondon
DOCUMENT 1
Address by Woodrow Wilson, "The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy" (1917)
Document Background: President Wilson delivered this address to Congress on April 2, 1917. In response to Germany's increasingly indiscriminate submarine warfare against American merchant and passenger vessels, Wilson requested that Congress declare war. He was not content, however, to lead the nation to war merely in self-defense. Instead, he argued that America would be fighting to make the world "safe for democracy." He later outlined this broader goal in his Fourteen Points.
Woodrow Wilson:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the 3rd of February last, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed.
The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which ...
In his 1961 inaugural address, President John F. Kennedy pledged to defend freedom around the world, pay any price and bear any burden to ensure liberty's survival. He promised support for allies, new independent states, and developing nations, as well as a renewed commitment to the United Nations. Kennedy called for both sides in the Cold War to begin negotiations in good faith to reduce nuclear arms and prevent their proliferation.
The document summarizes the key points of the Atlantic Charter and President Roosevelt's State of the Union address that outlined a vision for the postwar world. The Atlantic Charter established that no territorial gains would be sought and territorial adjustments would respect the wishes of local peoples. All people had a right to self-determination. The address defined four essential freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want through economic cooperation, and freedom from fear through global disarmament.
The documents discuss US involvement in the Vietnam War and whether it was justified. Document 1 is a letter from South Vietnamese President Diem to US President Kennedy requesting additional military assistance against Communist forces attacking from the North. Document 2 is Kennedy's response agreeing to help defend South Vietnam's independence. Document 3 contains an excerpt from Truman's 1947 speech introducing the policy of containment against communist expansion. It established the precedent of supporting countries resisting subjugation.
The document provides perspectives from various individuals on why the US entered World War 1. It includes the views of Woodrow Wilson, a Latin American citizen, an American citizen, and a German citizen on the case that the US entered to make the world safe for democracy. It also covers the perspectives of a family member of a Lusitania victim, an American citizen, and a businessman on the case that the US was under attack despite its neutrality. Readers are prompted to consider these perspectives and form their own opinion on why the US joined the war.
The document provides perspectives from various individuals on why the US entered World War 1. It includes the views of Woodrow Wilson, a Latin American citizen, an American citizen, and a German citizen on the case that the US entered to make the world safe for democracy. It also covers the perspectives of a family member of a Lusitania victim, an American citizen, and a businessman on the case that the US was under attack despite its neutrality. Readers are prompted to consider these perspectives and form their own opinion on why the US joined the war.
The document presents 7 statements from American political leaders from the 19th and 20th centuries that characterize American foreign policy motivations during that time period. The statements range from George Washington advocating for avoiding permanent foreign alliances in 1796 to Donald Rumsfeld denying the US acts as an imperial power in 2003. The document seeks to explore how these statements define or relate to the concept of an "Empire" and whether the US could be considered an empire in the 20th century.
1LaClairNational Security Essay Of the many debates su.docxfelicidaddinwoodie
This document discusses three options for how the United States should handle an influx of Syrian refugees. The first option is to not allow any Syrians into the country due to concerns about potential terrorism. The second option is to keep borders open but implement strict screening of refugees. The third option presented is to continue allowing immigrants who can improve the country while strictly screening for potential threats. Finding the right balance of security and freedom is difficult but important.
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDO.docxarnoldmeredith47041
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDOM
Theodore Roosevelt
Woodrow Wilson
Theodore Roosevelt’s New Nationalism Speech (August 31, 1910)
A Speech Delivered at the Dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park in Osawatomie, Kansas
We come here to-day to commemorate one of the epoch-making events of the long struggle for the rights of man — the long struggle for the uplift of humanity. Our country — this great republic — means nothing unless it means the triumph of a real democracy, the triumph of popular government, and, in the long run, of an economic system under which each man shall be guaranteed the opportunity to show the best that there is in him. That is why the history of America is now the central feature of the history of the world; for the world has set its face hopefully toward our democracy; and, O my fellow citizens, each one of you carries on your shoulders not only the burden of doing well for the sake of your country, but the burden of doing well and of seeing that this nation does well for the sake of mankind.
There have been two great crises in our country’s history: first, when it was formed, and then, again, when it was perpetuated; and, in the second of these great crises — in the time of stress and strain which culminated in the Civil War, on the outcome of which depended the justification of what had been done earlier, you men of the Grand Army, you men who fought through the Civil War, not only did you justify your generation, but you justified the wisdom of Washington and Washington’s colleagues. If this Republic had been founded by them only to be split asunder into fragments when the strain came, then the judgment of the world would have been that Washington’s work was not worth doing. It was you who crowned Washington’s work, as you carried to achievement the high purpose of Abraham Lincoln.
Now, with this second period of our history the name of John Brown will forever be associated; and Kansas was the theatre upon which the first act of the second of our great national life dramas was played. It was the result of the struggle in Kansas which determined that our country should be in deed as well as in name devoted to both union and freedom; that the great experiment of democratic government on a national scale should succeed and not fail. In name we had the Declaration of Independence in 1776; but we gave the lie by our acts to the words of the Declaration of Independence until 1865; and words count for nothing except in so far as they represent acts. This is true everywhere; but, O my friends, it should be truest of all in political life. A broken promise is bad enough in private life. It is worse in the field of politics. No man is worth his salt in public life who makes on the stump a pledge which he does not keep after election; and, if he makes such a pledge and does not keep it, hunt him out of public life. I care for the great deeds of the past chiefly as spurs to drive us on.
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDO.docxsusannr
This document provides an overview of Theodore Roosevelt's "New Nationalism" political philosophy as expressed in a 1910 speech in Osawatomie, Kansas. In 3 sentences:
Roosevelt advocated for a stronger federal government to regulate large corporations and trusts in the interest of ordinary citizens, arguing that concentrated economic power could corrupt democracy if left unchecked. He drew on Lincoln's view that both capital and labor have rights, and called for "a square deal" with fair treatment and equal opportunity for all. Roosevelt sought to move beyond special interests and ensure the government and economy served the broad interests of the people.
Fascism, Adolf Hitler, National Socialism and the HolocaustJonathan Dresner
A discussion of the key ideas of Mussolini, Hitler and the National Socialists, focusing on the relatively mainstream roots - nationalism, fascism, racial theory - and the implementation of these ideas as policy targetting the Jews and other non-Aryan peoples.
HIST 1302 This assignment has several documents for you .docxpooleavelina
HIST 1302
This assignment has several documents for you to read and view in order to answer the five
required questions. Please follow any formatting guidelines and minimum length requirements as
set by your professor. Please take your time to analyze these documents and submit thoughtful
arguments supported by the evidence these documents provide.
Documents:
1. Excerpt of Theodore Roosevelt’s “Hyphenated Americans” Speech (October 12, 1915)
2. Excerpt of “Shut the Door” Speech (April 9, 1924)
3. Woody Guthrie’s “This Land is Your Land” (February 1940)
4. LOOK Magazine’s “How to Spot a Communist” (March 1947)
5. Political Cartoon “You read books, eh?” (April 24, 1949)
6. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy’s “Enemies from Within” Speech (February 9, 1950)
7. Excerpt of Port Huron Statement (June 15, 1962)
8. Black Panther Ten-Point Program (October 1966)
9. Caesar Chavez “Letter from Delano” (April 4, 1969)
10. Equal Rights Amendment (1972)
11. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (June 23, 1972)
12. George H.W. Bush on the signing of the Americans with Disabilities Act (July 26, 1990)
13. Maya Angelou “On the Pulse of the Morning” (January 20, 1993)
14. President-Elect Barack Obama’s Victory Speech (November 4, 2008)
Document 1: [excerpt] “Hyphenated Americans” Speech (1915)
Former President Theodore Roosevelt delivered the following speech to a meeting of the
Knights of Columbus in Carnegie Hall, New York City on October 12, 1915. With World
War I raging in Europe and across the globe, Roosevelt warned of the need for
preparedness amongst American citizens. Excerpts from this speech focus upon how
Roosevelt defined “Hyphenated Americans” and the importance of their
“Americanization” for the country’s strength and success in future conflicts.
FOUR centuries and a quarter have gone by since Columbus by discovering America opened the greatest era in
world history. Four centuries have passed since the Spaniards began that colonization on the main land which has
resulted in the growth of the nations of Latin-America. Three centuries have passed since, with the settlements on
the coasts of Virginia and Massachusetts, the real history of what is now the United States began. All this we
ultimately owe to the action of an Italian seaman in the service of a Spanish King and a Spanish Queen. It is
eminently fitting that one of the largest and most influential social organizations of this great Republic, a Republic in
which the tongue is English, and the blood derived from many sources, should, in its name, commemorate the great
Italian. It is eminently fitting to make an address on Americanism before this society.
DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES
We of the United States need above all things to remember that, while we are by blood and culture kin to each of the
nations of Europe, we are also separate from each of them. We are a new and -distinct nationality. We are
developing o ...
THE DOCUMENTSIntroduction to Documents 1–4The first set of doc.docxchristalgrieg
THE DOCUMENTS
Introduction to Documents 1–4
The first set of documents includes two anti-Jackson and two pro-Jackson political broadsides. Three were used in the campaign of 1828, and the fourth, entitled King Andrew the First, was created in 1832 after Jackson’s controversial veto of Congress’ rechartering of the Bank of the United States. What is the intended message of each broadside? How does each combine images and words to convey that message? [Note: These images can be found at http://www.isidore-of-seville.com/jackson/6-3.html.]
Introduction to Documents 5–8
The Benefits of Jacksonian Democracy
Each document in this set advances the merits of Jackson and his agenda. Document 5 is an editorial from a newspaper published shortly after Jackson took office that warns the Democrats not to become complacent, and Document 6 is an advertisement published during Jackson’s reelection campaign in 1832. Documents 7 and 8 are excerpts from pro-Jackson speeches, the former delivered in 1835 by the eminent historian and Democrat partisan George Bancroft, and the latter delivered in 1837 by Jackson himself as his farewell address to the American people. Based upon these selections, how did the Jacksonians define the American creed and why did they support this president? What assumptions underlay these selections?
DOCUMENT 5 From The Democratic Republican.
The causes which have produced so great an excitement among the freemen of these United States, during the late political conflict, have ceased, and genuine Republicanism has once more triumphed. Andrew Jackson has taken the chair of State, and his enemies and calumniators are humbled at his feet. In reflecting upon these important facts, and while we feel rejoiced at so signal a victory over the remnant of Aristocracy, there is imminent danger, that all this excitement and all this joy will be succeeded by apathy, and a criminal, fatal neglect of the important duties, which always devolve upon freemen. But, Heaven forbid, that the advantages which have been gained, and the pure principles, which have been so firmly established, by the recent victory, should be forgotten or neglected. Every man, we repeat it, every man has political duties devolving upon him, of a nature calculated to awaken attention and call forth his best energies. And, in this country of freedom, it would seem most astonishing, that any individual should be indifferent to the important concerns of the nation. It is indeed not sufficient, that we appear at the ballot boxes and cast our suffrages for our rulers—it is not sufficient, that we attach ourselves to a particular party and perform the ordinary duties of freemen—we must improve every opportunity of increasing our political knowledge and unite heart and hand in promoting the cause of liberty.
Are we essentially our own rulers?—and can we, with so great a consideration before us, be contented to yield to others the prerogative of judgment? That man is superlatively base ...
Khrushchev delivered a speech to the UN General Assembly criticizing increasing international tensions and the arms race between the Soviet Union and Western countries like the United States. He argued there were two competing visions for international relations - one that promoted cooperation and peace, and one that inflamed tensions through actions like the U.S. spy plane flights over Soviet territory. Khrushchev urged countries to pursue the path of peace, disarmament, and respect for sovereignty in order to reduce the risk of war.
Ronald Reagan was the 40th US President known for his conservative views advocating for less government and "peace through strength" in confronting the Soviet Union during the Cold War. As President from 1981-1988, Reagan implemented policies reducing the size of government and increasing defense spending to compete with the Soviet Union economically, militarily, and in space. His challenge to Gorbachev to "tear down this wall" and speeches promoting freedom helped accelerate the decline and fall of Soviet communism.
The document outlines the Biden administration's interim national security strategic guidance. It discusses the changing global security landscape characterized by challenges like pandemics, climate change, and technological advancements. It identifies priorities like defending American strength at home, promoting a favorable international balance of power, and leading a stable international system through alliances. The guidance stresses renewing partnerships and alliances, especially with NATO, European and Asian allies, while also expanding engagement in regions like the Americas, the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, and Africa.
The document is a collection of 6 sources related to US imperialism in 1898. It includes an artwork depicting Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders in Cuba, a political cartoon questioning how Uncle Sam would look after the war, the platform of the American Anti-Imperialist League opposing expansion into the Philippines, and a petition against the annexation of Hawaii. The sources showcase the debate in the US over expansionism after the Spanish-American War and the occupation of the Philippines in particular. Critics argued it violated principles of self-governance and democracy, while supporters viewed it as asserting American interests abroad.
1. The Incident Command System (ICS) is a tool forA. Co.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Incident Command System (ICS) is a tool for:
A. Command, control, and coordination at an incident
B. Interagency responses only
C. Multi-jurisdictional responses only
D. Responses involving first-response personnel only
2. ICS can be used to manage all types of incidents.
A. True
B. False
3. Federal law requires that ICS be used for all natural disasters.
A. True
B. False
4.The ICS General Staff includes:
A. Branch, Division, Group, and Unit managers
B. All managers of operational resources.
C. Planning, Operations, Logistics, and Finance/Administration Section Chiefs
D. Incident Commander and the Information, Safety, and Liaison Officers
5. All incidents, regardless of size, will have an Incident Commander.
A. True
B. False
6. In an ICS environment, the optimum span of control is:
A. Two (2) resources
B. Five (5) resources
C. Eight (8) resources
D. Ten (10) resources
7. Which section is responsible for providing incident facilities?
A. Planning
B. Operations
C. Logistics
D. Finance/Administration
8. Which section is responsible for documenting the status of resources, incident response, and developing the IAP?
A. Planning
B. Operations
C. Logistics
D. Finance/Administration
9. The Incident Commander is responsible for all the following EXCEPT:
A. Protecting life and property
B. Controlling resources assigned to the incident
C. Maintaining accountability
D. Coordinating the community-wide response
10. Given what you know about your agency, your job and you capabilities, where would you most likely be assigned in an ICS structure? To whom would you report? Be sure to include what your job is or would be during an event.
.
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slaver.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slavery in the United States. Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation over 3 years earlier. Why, then, was the Thirteenth Amendment issued? Was it necessary? How come?
2. The Fourteenth Amendment settled the question of who is a citizen of the United States. (anyone naturalized or born here). Why are Indians excluded?
3. Persons who are citizens may not be denied the right to vote according to the Fifteenth Amendment. The Civil Rights crises of the 1960s, and the work of Martin Luther King (and many others) sought, among other things, to assure that the right to vote was available to all. Why? The Fifteenth Amendment had been passed almost a hundred years earlier. How could persons be denied the ballot?
4. How could Andrew Johnson, Lincoln's successor, veto the Civil Rights Bill in 1866 when the 13th Amendment had already been passed in 1865? What issues did he cite to justify his veto? (Hint: look at the Johnson primary source)
5. The 14th Amendment. How does Foner explain the relationship between the Federal and the State as a result of the 14th Amendment?
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.
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Similar to President Roosevelts Four Freedoms Speech (1941) To t.docx
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.AbbyWhyte974
1. President William McKinley, letter to Congress, April 25, 1898.
[I took action] under the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, "for the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and Government in the island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters…"
…The Government of Spain…responds by treating the reasonable demands of this Government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers.
I now recommend the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain…
2. Teller Amendment, Adopted by the Senate, April 19, 1898
[The United States] hereby disclaims any disposition of intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
3. Senator Alfred Beveridge (R-Indiana), in Congress, January 9, 1900.
. . . [J]ust beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. . . We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee of God, of the civilization of the world. . . Where shall we turn for consumers of our surplus?. . . China is our natural customer. . . [England, Germany and Russia] have moved nearer to China by securing permanent bases on her borders. The Philippines gives us a base at the door of all the East. . .
They [the Filipinos] are a barbarous race, modified by three centuries of contact with a decadent race [the Spanish]. . . It is barely possible that 1,000 men in all the archipelago are capable of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon sense. . .
The Declaration [of Independence] applies only to people capable of self-government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-government peoples to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you, who say the Declaration applies to all men, how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it to the Malay abroad.
4. President Woodrow Wilson, War Message to Congress, 1917
The Imperial German Government [announced that] it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.…
It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and ...
Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic an.docxmadlynplamondon
Write 3-5 pages in which you discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic and shelter-in-place orders have impacted you personally, your family and friends, and society as a whole. Relate these impacts to one or more concepts, theory ( Karl Max, Emilie Durkheim, Max Weber, W.E.B. DuBois, Robert Merton, Michel Foucault.)
For example, write about classism and the impact staying at home has had on different classes of people (i.e. those who can work remotely at home vs. those who can’t work at all). You could also discuss new ways of connecting with others during this time, like Zoom, FaceTime, etc. Did social constructs change during this time? Will resocialization be an issue after the social distancing is relaxed? Or, you can talk about urban sociology and how Boston or your home city has changed due to the pandemic. Or, how has globalization changed? There are many possibilities – be creative!
Details:
· Introduce your topic and how/why it is relevant to what we learned this semester
· Describe the situation Include an explanation of the situation, specifics of the situation, how you feel about the situation and why.
· Situate your topic within at least one concept discussed this semester (i.e. class, race, crime & deviance).
o IMPORTANT: Cite at least 2 concepts or pieces of information from the readings or lecture. See under Format below on how to do it.
· Write a conclusion summarizing the major points you made in the paper.
Format: 3-5 pages double-spaced, Times New Roman size 12 font, 1 inch margins, indent your paragraphs instead of skipping lines. Use first person when writing (e.g. “The problems started when I left my parents’ house…”). Begin the paper with a title, your name, and date. Edit carefully for spelling and grammar.
Think about the current pandemic, explain how it relates and/or will relate to other general social issues (class, race, crime & deviance, etc ) AND relate it to one of the major sociologist theories.
DOCUMENT 4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (1961)
Document Background: On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave his farewell address to the nation. Over the previous two decades, the United States had undergone numerous significant changes, including World War II, the beginning of the Cold War, the Korean War, the emergence of nuclear weapons, a rapidly growing economy, and several substantial Civil Rights victories. Eisenhower, as a general and then as president, had been at the center of many of these. In his farewell address, Eisenhower focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and on the challenges facing the United States, including a warning about the growing power of the “military-industrial complex.”
Dwight D. Eisenhower:
I.
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the.
1)Prepare According to the 2016 National Association of College a.docxmonicafrancis71118
1)Prepare: According to the 2016 National Association of College and Employers Report, the top five attributes – known as soft skills – employers seek in their new hires include: leadership, collaborative teamwork, effective communication, problem solving/critical thinking, and having a strong work ethic. Soft skills are skills that characterize relationships with other people or how you approach life and work. By developing your soft skills, you are working toward becoming a more intentional learner. Before completing this discussion, review the Week 1 Instructor Guidance for more information and definitions of each soft skill.
Minimum of 250 words and in complete sentences, ANSWER EACH questions BELOW:
1) Which are most important in your current life roles?
2) Based on your military experience, prioritize the five soft skills in the order that you think will be most critical to your professional success.
3) Describe 2-3 ways each of the soft skills can support you in your military experience. For example, you can say, “As a business owner, effective communication will be important because my success will depend on …”
4) Soft skills are not only developed in a career setting but are also developed through personal interactions. Choose one of the five soft skills and explain how you demonstrate the skill outside of the work environment.
"The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy" (1917) – Woodrow
Wilson
President Wilson delivered this address to Congress on April 2, 1917. In response to Germany's
increasingly indiscriminate submarine warfare against American merchant and passenger
vessels, Wilson requested that Congress declare war. He was not content, however, to lead the
nation to war merely in self-defense. Instead, he argued that America would be fighting to make
the world "safe for democracy." He later outlined this broader goal in his Fourteen Points.
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious,
choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor
constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the 3rd of
February last, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial
German government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all
restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to
approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of
the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since
April of last year the Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its
undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be
sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its su.
DOCUMENT 1Address by Woodrow Wilson, The World Must Be Made Safe .docxmadlynplamondon
DOCUMENT 1
Address by Woodrow Wilson, "The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy" (1917)
Document Background: President Wilson delivered this address to Congress on April 2, 1917. In response to Germany's increasingly indiscriminate submarine warfare against American merchant and passenger vessels, Wilson requested that Congress declare war. He was not content, however, to lead the nation to war merely in self-defense. Instead, he argued that America would be fighting to make the world "safe for democracy." He later outlined this broader goal in his Fourteen Points.
Woodrow Wilson:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the 3rd of February last, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed.
The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which ...
In his 1961 inaugural address, President John F. Kennedy pledged to defend freedom around the world, pay any price and bear any burden to ensure liberty's survival. He promised support for allies, new independent states, and developing nations, as well as a renewed commitment to the United Nations. Kennedy called for both sides in the Cold War to begin negotiations in good faith to reduce nuclear arms and prevent their proliferation.
The document summarizes the key points of the Atlantic Charter and President Roosevelt's State of the Union address that outlined a vision for the postwar world. The Atlantic Charter established that no territorial gains would be sought and territorial adjustments would respect the wishes of local peoples. All people had a right to self-determination. The address defined four essential freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want through economic cooperation, and freedom from fear through global disarmament.
The documents discuss US involvement in the Vietnam War and whether it was justified. Document 1 is a letter from South Vietnamese President Diem to US President Kennedy requesting additional military assistance against Communist forces attacking from the North. Document 2 is Kennedy's response agreeing to help defend South Vietnam's independence. Document 3 contains an excerpt from Truman's 1947 speech introducing the policy of containment against communist expansion. It established the precedent of supporting countries resisting subjugation.
The document provides perspectives from various individuals on why the US entered World War 1. It includes the views of Woodrow Wilson, a Latin American citizen, an American citizen, and a German citizen on the case that the US entered to make the world safe for democracy. It also covers the perspectives of a family member of a Lusitania victim, an American citizen, and a businessman on the case that the US was under attack despite its neutrality. Readers are prompted to consider these perspectives and form their own opinion on why the US joined the war.
The document provides perspectives from various individuals on why the US entered World War 1. It includes the views of Woodrow Wilson, a Latin American citizen, an American citizen, and a German citizen on the case that the US entered to make the world safe for democracy. It also covers the perspectives of a family member of a Lusitania victim, an American citizen, and a businessman on the case that the US was under attack despite its neutrality. Readers are prompted to consider these perspectives and form their own opinion on why the US joined the war.
The document presents 7 statements from American political leaders from the 19th and 20th centuries that characterize American foreign policy motivations during that time period. The statements range from George Washington advocating for avoiding permanent foreign alliances in 1796 to Donald Rumsfeld denying the US acts as an imperial power in 2003. The document seeks to explore how these statements define or relate to the concept of an "Empire" and whether the US could be considered an empire in the 20th century.
1LaClairNational Security Essay Of the many debates su.docxfelicidaddinwoodie
This document discusses three options for how the United States should handle an influx of Syrian refugees. The first option is to not allow any Syrians into the country due to concerns about potential terrorism. The second option is to keep borders open but implement strict screening of refugees. The third option presented is to continue allowing immigrants who can improve the country while strictly screening for potential threats. Finding the right balance of security and freedom is difficult but important.
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDO.docxarnoldmeredith47041
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDOM
Theodore Roosevelt
Woodrow Wilson
Theodore Roosevelt’s New Nationalism Speech (August 31, 1910)
A Speech Delivered at the Dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park in Osawatomie, Kansas
We come here to-day to commemorate one of the epoch-making events of the long struggle for the rights of man — the long struggle for the uplift of humanity. Our country — this great republic — means nothing unless it means the triumph of a real democracy, the triumph of popular government, and, in the long run, of an economic system under which each man shall be guaranteed the opportunity to show the best that there is in him. That is why the history of America is now the central feature of the history of the world; for the world has set its face hopefully toward our democracy; and, O my fellow citizens, each one of you carries on your shoulders not only the burden of doing well for the sake of your country, but the burden of doing well and of seeing that this nation does well for the sake of mankind.
There have been two great crises in our country’s history: first, when it was formed, and then, again, when it was perpetuated; and, in the second of these great crises — in the time of stress and strain which culminated in the Civil War, on the outcome of which depended the justification of what had been done earlier, you men of the Grand Army, you men who fought through the Civil War, not only did you justify your generation, but you justified the wisdom of Washington and Washington’s colleagues. If this Republic had been founded by them only to be split asunder into fragments when the strain came, then the judgment of the world would have been that Washington’s work was not worth doing. It was you who crowned Washington’s work, as you carried to achievement the high purpose of Abraham Lincoln.
Now, with this second period of our history the name of John Brown will forever be associated; and Kansas was the theatre upon which the first act of the second of our great national life dramas was played. It was the result of the struggle in Kansas which determined that our country should be in deed as well as in name devoted to both union and freedom; that the great experiment of democratic government on a national scale should succeed and not fail. In name we had the Declaration of Independence in 1776; but we gave the lie by our acts to the words of the Declaration of Independence until 1865; and words count for nothing except in so far as they represent acts. This is true everywhere; but, O my friends, it should be truest of all in political life. A broken promise is bad enough in private life. It is worse in the field of politics. No man is worth his salt in public life who makes on the stump a pledge which he does not keep after election; and, if he makes such a pledge and does not keep it, hunt him out of public life. I care for the great deeds of the past chiefly as spurs to drive us on.
Theodore Roosevelt’s NEW NATIONALISM vs. Woodrow Wilson’s NEW FREEDO.docxsusannr
This document provides an overview of Theodore Roosevelt's "New Nationalism" political philosophy as expressed in a 1910 speech in Osawatomie, Kansas. In 3 sentences:
Roosevelt advocated for a stronger federal government to regulate large corporations and trusts in the interest of ordinary citizens, arguing that concentrated economic power could corrupt democracy if left unchecked. He drew on Lincoln's view that both capital and labor have rights, and called for "a square deal" with fair treatment and equal opportunity for all. Roosevelt sought to move beyond special interests and ensure the government and economy served the broad interests of the people.
Fascism, Adolf Hitler, National Socialism and the HolocaustJonathan Dresner
A discussion of the key ideas of Mussolini, Hitler and the National Socialists, focusing on the relatively mainstream roots - nationalism, fascism, racial theory - and the implementation of these ideas as policy targetting the Jews and other non-Aryan peoples.
HIST 1302 This assignment has several documents for you .docxpooleavelina
HIST 1302
This assignment has several documents for you to read and view in order to answer the five
required questions. Please follow any formatting guidelines and minimum length requirements as
set by your professor. Please take your time to analyze these documents and submit thoughtful
arguments supported by the evidence these documents provide.
Documents:
1. Excerpt of Theodore Roosevelt’s “Hyphenated Americans” Speech (October 12, 1915)
2. Excerpt of “Shut the Door” Speech (April 9, 1924)
3. Woody Guthrie’s “This Land is Your Land” (February 1940)
4. LOOK Magazine’s “How to Spot a Communist” (March 1947)
5. Political Cartoon “You read books, eh?” (April 24, 1949)
6. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy’s “Enemies from Within” Speech (February 9, 1950)
7. Excerpt of Port Huron Statement (June 15, 1962)
8. Black Panther Ten-Point Program (October 1966)
9. Caesar Chavez “Letter from Delano” (April 4, 1969)
10. Equal Rights Amendment (1972)
11. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (June 23, 1972)
12. George H.W. Bush on the signing of the Americans with Disabilities Act (July 26, 1990)
13. Maya Angelou “On the Pulse of the Morning” (January 20, 1993)
14. President-Elect Barack Obama’s Victory Speech (November 4, 2008)
Document 1: [excerpt] “Hyphenated Americans” Speech (1915)
Former President Theodore Roosevelt delivered the following speech to a meeting of the
Knights of Columbus in Carnegie Hall, New York City on October 12, 1915. With World
War I raging in Europe and across the globe, Roosevelt warned of the need for
preparedness amongst American citizens. Excerpts from this speech focus upon how
Roosevelt defined “Hyphenated Americans” and the importance of their
“Americanization” for the country’s strength and success in future conflicts.
FOUR centuries and a quarter have gone by since Columbus by discovering America opened the greatest era in
world history. Four centuries have passed since the Spaniards began that colonization on the main land which has
resulted in the growth of the nations of Latin-America. Three centuries have passed since, with the settlements on
the coasts of Virginia and Massachusetts, the real history of what is now the United States began. All this we
ultimately owe to the action of an Italian seaman in the service of a Spanish King and a Spanish Queen. It is
eminently fitting that one of the largest and most influential social organizations of this great Republic, a Republic in
which the tongue is English, and the blood derived from many sources, should, in its name, commemorate the great
Italian. It is eminently fitting to make an address on Americanism before this society.
DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES
We of the United States need above all things to remember that, while we are by blood and culture kin to each of the
nations of Europe, we are also separate from each of them. We are a new and -distinct nationality. We are
developing o ...
THE DOCUMENTSIntroduction to Documents 1–4The first set of doc.docxchristalgrieg
THE DOCUMENTS
Introduction to Documents 1–4
The first set of documents includes two anti-Jackson and two pro-Jackson political broadsides. Three were used in the campaign of 1828, and the fourth, entitled King Andrew the First, was created in 1832 after Jackson’s controversial veto of Congress’ rechartering of the Bank of the United States. What is the intended message of each broadside? How does each combine images and words to convey that message? [Note: These images can be found at http://www.isidore-of-seville.com/jackson/6-3.html.]
Introduction to Documents 5–8
The Benefits of Jacksonian Democracy
Each document in this set advances the merits of Jackson and his agenda. Document 5 is an editorial from a newspaper published shortly after Jackson took office that warns the Democrats not to become complacent, and Document 6 is an advertisement published during Jackson’s reelection campaign in 1832. Documents 7 and 8 are excerpts from pro-Jackson speeches, the former delivered in 1835 by the eminent historian and Democrat partisan George Bancroft, and the latter delivered in 1837 by Jackson himself as his farewell address to the American people. Based upon these selections, how did the Jacksonians define the American creed and why did they support this president? What assumptions underlay these selections?
DOCUMENT 5 From The Democratic Republican.
The causes which have produced so great an excitement among the freemen of these United States, during the late political conflict, have ceased, and genuine Republicanism has once more triumphed. Andrew Jackson has taken the chair of State, and his enemies and calumniators are humbled at his feet. In reflecting upon these important facts, and while we feel rejoiced at so signal a victory over the remnant of Aristocracy, there is imminent danger, that all this excitement and all this joy will be succeeded by apathy, and a criminal, fatal neglect of the important duties, which always devolve upon freemen. But, Heaven forbid, that the advantages which have been gained, and the pure principles, which have been so firmly established, by the recent victory, should be forgotten or neglected. Every man, we repeat it, every man has political duties devolving upon him, of a nature calculated to awaken attention and call forth his best energies. And, in this country of freedom, it would seem most astonishing, that any individual should be indifferent to the important concerns of the nation. It is indeed not sufficient, that we appear at the ballot boxes and cast our suffrages for our rulers—it is not sufficient, that we attach ourselves to a particular party and perform the ordinary duties of freemen—we must improve every opportunity of increasing our political knowledge and unite heart and hand in promoting the cause of liberty.
Are we essentially our own rulers?—and can we, with so great a consideration before us, be contented to yield to others the prerogative of judgment? That man is superlatively base ...
Khrushchev delivered a speech to the UN General Assembly criticizing increasing international tensions and the arms race between the Soviet Union and Western countries like the United States. He argued there were two competing visions for international relations - one that promoted cooperation and peace, and one that inflamed tensions through actions like the U.S. spy plane flights over Soviet territory. Khrushchev urged countries to pursue the path of peace, disarmament, and respect for sovereignty in order to reduce the risk of war.
Ronald Reagan was the 40th US President known for his conservative views advocating for less government and "peace through strength" in confronting the Soviet Union during the Cold War. As President from 1981-1988, Reagan implemented policies reducing the size of government and increasing defense spending to compete with the Soviet Union economically, militarily, and in space. His challenge to Gorbachev to "tear down this wall" and speeches promoting freedom helped accelerate the decline and fall of Soviet communism.
The document outlines the Biden administration's interim national security strategic guidance. It discusses the changing global security landscape characterized by challenges like pandemics, climate change, and technological advancements. It identifies priorities like defending American strength at home, promoting a favorable international balance of power, and leading a stable international system through alliances. The guidance stresses renewing partnerships and alliances, especially with NATO, European and Asian allies, while also expanding engagement in regions like the Americas, the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, and Africa.
The document is a collection of 6 sources related to US imperialism in 1898. It includes an artwork depicting Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders in Cuba, a political cartoon questioning how Uncle Sam would look after the war, the platform of the American Anti-Imperialist League opposing expansion into the Philippines, and a petition against the annexation of Hawaii. The sources showcase the debate in the US over expansionism after the Spanish-American War and the occupation of the Philippines in particular. Critics argued it violated principles of self-governance and democracy, while supporters viewed it as asserting American interests abroad.
Similar to President Roosevelts Four Freedoms Speech (1941) To t.docx (20)
1. The Incident Command System (ICS) is a tool forA. Co.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Incident Command System (ICS) is a tool for:
A. Command, control, and coordination at an incident
B. Interagency responses only
C. Multi-jurisdictional responses only
D. Responses involving first-response personnel only
2. ICS can be used to manage all types of incidents.
A. True
B. False
3. Federal law requires that ICS be used for all natural disasters.
A. True
B. False
4.The ICS General Staff includes:
A. Branch, Division, Group, and Unit managers
B. All managers of operational resources.
C. Planning, Operations, Logistics, and Finance/Administration Section Chiefs
D. Incident Commander and the Information, Safety, and Liaison Officers
5. All incidents, regardless of size, will have an Incident Commander.
A. True
B. False
6. In an ICS environment, the optimum span of control is:
A. Two (2) resources
B. Five (5) resources
C. Eight (8) resources
D. Ten (10) resources
7. Which section is responsible for providing incident facilities?
A. Planning
B. Operations
C. Logistics
D. Finance/Administration
8. Which section is responsible for documenting the status of resources, incident response, and developing the IAP?
A. Planning
B. Operations
C. Logistics
D. Finance/Administration
9. The Incident Commander is responsible for all the following EXCEPT:
A. Protecting life and property
B. Controlling resources assigned to the incident
C. Maintaining accountability
D. Coordinating the community-wide response
10. Given what you know about your agency, your job and you capabilities, where would you most likely be assigned in an ICS structure? To whom would you report? Be sure to include what your job is or would be during an event.
.
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slaver.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slavery in the United States. Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation over 3 years earlier. Why, then, was the Thirteenth Amendment issued? Was it necessary? How come?
2. The Fourteenth Amendment settled the question of who is a citizen of the United States. (anyone naturalized or born here). Why are Indians excluded?
3. Persons who are citizens may not be denied the right to vote according to the Fifteenth Amendment. The Civil Rights crises of the 1960s, and the work of Martin Luther King (and many others) sought, among other things, to assure that the right to vote was available to all. Why? The Fifteenth Amendment had been passed almost a hundred years earlier. How could persons be denied the ballot?
4. How could Andrew Johnson, Lincoln's successor, veto the Civil Rights Bill in 1866 when the 13th Amendment had already been passed in 1865? What issues did he cite to justify his veto? (Hint: look at the Johnson primary source)
5. The 14th Amendment. How does Foner explain the relationship between the Federal and the State as a result of the 14th Amendment?
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https://util.wwnorton.com/jwplayer?type=video&msrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-amendments-2.mp4&csrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-amendments-2.vtt&cp=1
.
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slavery in.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Thirteenth Amendment effectively brought an end to slavery in the United States. Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation over 3 years earlier. Why, then, was the Thirteenth Amendment issued? Was it necessary? How come?
2. The Fourteenth Amendment settled the question of who is a citizen of the United States. (anyone naturalized or born here). Why are Indians excluded?
3. Persons who are citizens may not be denied the right to vote according to the Fifteenth Amendment. The Civil Rights crises of the 1960s, and the work of Martin Luther King (and many others) sought, among other things, to assure that the right to vote was available to all. Why? The Fifteenth Amendment had been passed almost a hundred years earlier. How could persons be denied the ballot?
4. How could Andrew Johnson, Lincoln's successor, veto the Civil Rights Bill in 1866 when the 13th Amendment had already been passed in 1865? What issues did he cite to justify his veto? (Hint: look at the Johnson primary source)
5. The 14th Amendment. How does Foner explain the relationship between the Federal and the State as a result of the 14th Amendment?
https://util.wwnorton.com/jwplayer?type=video&msrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-johnson.mp4&csrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-johnson.vtt&cp=1
https://util.wwnorton.com/jwplayer?type=video&msrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/14th-amendment.mp4&csrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/14th-amendment.vtt&cp=1
https://util.wwnorton.com/jwplayer?type=video&msrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-amendments-2.mp4&csrc=/wwnorton.college.public/history/give/reconstruction-amendments-2.vtt&cp=1
.
1. The Fight for a True Democracyhttpswww.nytimes.com201.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Fight for a True Democracy
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/23/podcasts/1619-slavery-anniversary.html
(Follow the link to the podcast)
Directions:
Students will listen to this podcast and write 3 paragraphs about it. One paragraph should summarize the podcast episode, the second paragraph should discuss its significance in U.S. History, and the last paragraph should explain what the student thought about the podcast.
.
1. The article for week 8 described hip hop as a weapon. This weeks.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The article for week 8 described hip hop as a weapon. This week's reading makes several references to hip hop and spirituality? Can hip hop be described as a spiritual movement? Why or why not?
2. In the movie, "I Love Hip Hop in Morocco" on of the rappers repeatedly used the "N" word. Do you agree with his use of the "N" word for Moroccans? How did he justify its use?
.
1. The Hatch Act defines prohibited activities of public employees. .docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Hatch Act defines prohibited activities of public employees. Analyze the significance of these prohibitions with regard to an individual’s political actions. Provide a rationale for your response.
2. Analyze the key ethical challenges of privatization. Take a position on whether the private sector should be responsible for program outcomes of a public program or service. Provide a rationale for your response
.
1. The Case for Reparations” by Ta-Nehisi Coates (604-19) in Rere.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. “The Case for Reparations” by Ta-Nehisi Coates (604-19) in Rereading America
2. “Choosing a School for My Daughter in a Segregated City” (152) by Nikole Hannah-Jones3. “From Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum of Work” (136) by Jean Anyon
4. John Taylor Gatto's "Against School" (114) in Rereading America
How to Do Extra Credit: 1. 5 Paged Essay-Must Be Singled Spaced.
For 100 points do extra credit where you review a film, video, music video, or lecture or book that reflects the discussions in class. Write a paper on themes presented in the class reflected in one of those mediums. Consider the ideas about culture. Observe how culture and condition were presented. Think about what values were being preserved or dismantled. Then, write in third person, what was learned. The essay is in third person; don’t write you, we, our us, or me. It is not considered academic.
Question: What are the themes in the event that link to the course, and how do those themes represent social problems or ways to resolve those problems?
1st Paragraph 100 POINTS FOR ESSAY
Introduction: Write summary of the event, lecture, music video, or song. (5 sentences)
Thesis: Answer the questions above. (1-2 sentences)
2nd Paragraph
Point: Write what is the importance of the theme. (1-2 sentences)
Illustration A. Summary (3 sentences)
Illustration B. Quotation (1-2 lines)
Explanation:
A. Explain the importance of the quote (2 sentences)
B. Explain how the importance is linked to Anzaldua (2 sentences)
3rd Paragraph
Point: Write what is the importance of the theme. (1-2 sentences)
Illustration A. Summary (3 sentences)
Illustration B. Quotation (1-2 lines)
Explanation:
A. Explain the importance of the quote (2 sentences)
B. Explain how the importance is linked Anzaldua (2 sentences)
4th Paragraph
Point: Write what is the importance of the theme. (1-2 sentences)
Illustration A. Summary (3 sentences)
Illustration B. Quotation (1-2 lines)
Explanation:
A. Explain the importance of the quote (2 sentences)
B. Explain how the importance is linked to Anzaldua (2 sentences)
5th Conclusion: Write 3 sentences on what you learned you didn't know before. Write in third person.
.
1. Some people say that chatbots are inferior for chatting.Others di.docxstilliegeorgiana
This document contains 6 prompts for short essays on topics related to chatbots. The prompts cover debates about chatbot capabilities, financial benefits of chatbots, IBM Watson's goal of reaching 1 billion people by 2018, comparing chatbots on Facebook and WeChat, researching the role of chatbots in helping dementia patients, and how the Singapore government is working with Microsoft to develop chatbots for e-government services. Responses should be in APA format with 2 references and be 2 pages long.
1. Some people say that chatbots are inferior for chatting.Other.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Some people say that chatbots are inferior for chatting.Others disagree. Discuss.
2. Discuss the financial benefits of chatbots.
3. Discuss how IBM Watson will reach 1 billion people by 2018 and what the implications of that are.
4. Compare the chatbots of Facebook and WeChat. Which has more functionalities?
5. Research the role of chatbots in helping patients with dementia
6. Microsoft partners with the government of Singapore to develop chatbots for e-services. Find out how this is done.
APA format with 2 references.
2 pages
.
1. Some people say that chatbots are inferior for chatting. Others d.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Some people say that chatbots are inferior for chatting. Others disagree. Discuss.
2. Discuss the financial benefits of chatbots.
3. Discuss how IBM Watson will reach 1 billion people by 2018 and what the implications of that are.
4. Compare the chatbots of Facebook and WeChat. Which has more functionalities?
5. Research the role of chatbots in helping patients with dementia.
6.Microsoft partners with the government of Singapore to develop chatbots for e-services. Find out how this is done.
Note: Each question must be answered in 6-7 ines and refernces must be APA cited
.
1. Tell us about yourself and your personal journey that has to .docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Tell us about yourself and your personal journey that has to lead you to the University of the ABC. (Currently, I’m pursuing my masters in IT and next applying for Ph.D. In IT) in same ABC university
2. What are your research interests in the area of information technology? How did you become interested in this area of research?
3. What unique qualities do you think you have that will help you in being successful in this program? (Ph.D. IT Program)
4. How can obtaining a doctorate impact your contribution to the practices of information technology? Where do you see yourself after obtaining a doctorate from ABC?
.
1. Tell us what characteristics of Loma Linda University are particu.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Tell us what characteristics of Loma Linda University are particularly attractive and meaningful to you and why you have chosen to apply for advanced education.
(500 words)
2.
LLU believes deeply in integrating spiritual values into the educational experience. As a result, religion courses and chapel attendance are part of the curriculum. Tell us why you believe such a faith-based education would be of special benefit to you. (500 words)
3.
Tell us the desirable qualities that you see in yourself that you believe would aid us in considering your application. (1000 words)
4. Discuss how your spiritual origins, development, and experience have influenced and been integrated into your daily life. (1000 words)
.
1. Tell us about yourself and your personal journey that has lea.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Tell us about yourself and your personal journey that has lead you to University of the Cumberlands.
2. What are your research interests in the area of information technology? How did you become interested in this area of research?
3. What is your current job/career and how will this program impact your career growth?
4. What unique qualities do you think you have that will help you in being successful in this program?
5. How can obtaining a doctorate impact your contribution to the practices of information technology? Where do you see yourself after obtaining a doctorate from UC?
.
1. The Research paper will come in five parts. The instructions are.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The Research paper will come in five parts. The instructions are:
RESEARCH PAPER TOPIC
Impact of Women in Missions History
o
Part 2:
Refined topic, edited abstract, outline, and ten sources - Students will incorporate any changes to topic, outline the paper, write questions to be answered by the research, and submit ten sources. Submit Part 2 by 11:59 p.m. (ET) on Sunday of Module/Week 3.
Note:
Some will need to limit their topic. Others will need to expand their topic. This process should begin this week and continue until the final project is submitted.
DUE SUNDAY, MAY 31ST
o
Part 3:
Introduction and first five pages - Students will submit the introduction and first five pages of the research paper. Submit Part 3 by 11:59 p.m. (ET) on Sunday of Module/Week 4.
DUE FRIDAY, JUNE 5TH
o
Part 4:
Introduction and first ten pages - Students will submit introduction and first ten pages, incorporating changes made to initial submission. Submit Part 4 by 11:59 p.m. (ET) on Sunday of Module/Week 5.
DUE FRIDAY, JUNE 12TH
o
Part 5:
Complete research paper - Students will submit the complete research paper. The paper will be 5000-6000 words in the body of the paper, with a minimum of ten academic resources cited. Submit Part 5 by 11:59 p.m. (ET) on Sunday of Module/Week 7
DUE FRIDAY, JUNE 19TH
.
1. The minutiae points located on a fingerprint will help determine .docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The minutiae points located on a fingerprint will help determine the _________________ of a fingerprint since it has been empirically demonstrated that no two fingerprints are alike.
2. A fingerprint will remain ______________ during an individual's lifetime.
3. The epidermis is the outer layer of the skin, while the ___________ is the inner layer of the skin.
4. The ____________ is formed by ridges entering from one side of the print, rising and falling, and exiting on the opposite side (like a wave).
5. Level 2 includes locating and comparing _________________
.
1. The initial post is to be posted first and have 300-500 words.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The initial post is to be posted first and have 300-500 words
· The original post is substantive, showing depth of knowledge on the topic and requires 2 references. References are from LDRS 300 course text or readings.
· Substantive replies occur under two or more different threads, other than that belonging to you.
· Response posts to peers' original postings are respectful, show clear synthesis and evaluation of the content read, and provides depth, breath, or new insight to the topic.
· Be clearly written and contain no APA/spelling/grammatical errors
Use
APA Citations for all your sources and include an APA References list. (No Title Page, or other APA formatting is required)
Spelling and Grammar is important.
Discussion Question: Servant Leadership in a movie, book, or drama film you have enjoyed.
Based on our readings from
Lead Like Jesus
(Blanchard, Hodges, & Hendry, 2016),
Jesus on Leadership (Wilkes, 1998)
and thus far in the lectures of LDRS 300;
A Servant Leader models Jesus by having the following leadership traits
:
1. Followership.
2. Greatness in Service.
3. Takes Risks.
4. Shares Responsibility and Authority.
5. Practices
one of
the Being Habits or Doing Habits.
6. Embodies the Vision, Mission, and Values of the group.
7. Is a Performance Coach.
8. Displays Lessons Learned from The Work of a Carpenter.
Choose a character from a movie and discuss the following two questions.
1.
How did the character display TWO (2) traits of a Servant Leader like Jesus from the list above?
1.
Give
2 examples from the movie to support your position.
2. H
ow would you describe the EGO of this character in terms of the two ways EGO is discussed in this class? (
Edging God Out
Verses
Exalting God Only
)
1.
Give at least 2 examples from the movie to support your position.
.
1. The key elements of supplier measurement are quality, delivery, a.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. The key elements of supplier measurement are quality, delivery, and price. On the surface this appears to be a simple matter, but what are the complicating factors?
2. David Atkinson, the founder and Managing Director of Four Pillars, a management consulting and training company, states that “supplier relationship management is . . . process-focused. It’s a lot more about how the organization systematically plans, than it is about an ’interpersonal’ skill set of the procurement person or relationship manager.” Do you agree or disagree with this statement?
3. Supplier performance measurement is an essential lever for successful supplier management that encompasses both pre- and post-contract management. From this vantage point, how would you distinguish the focuses of supplier performance measurement undertaken pre-contract stage versus post-contract stage?
.
1. Search the Internet and locate an article that relates to the top.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Search the Internet and locate an article that relates to the topic of HACKING and summarize the reading in your own words. Your summary should be 2-3 paragraphs in length and uploaded as a TEXT DOCUMENT.
2. Do you feel the benefits of cloud computing are worth the threats and vulnerabilities? Have we arrived at a point where we can trust external agencies to secure our most precious data? Please explain your answer.
3. In a few short paragraphs, explain which cloud services you use (Google, Amazon, iCloud, Verizon, Microsoft One, Dropbox, etc) and what type of information you store (docs, photos, music, other files?). How much space do you have and what does this cost per month?
.
1. Text mining – Text mining or text data mining is a process to e.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Text mining – Text mining or text data mining is a process to extract high-quality information from the text. It is done through patterns and trends devised using statistical pattern learning. Firstly, the input data is structured. After structuring, patterns are derived from this structured data and finally, the output is evaluated and interpreted. The main applications of text mining include competitive intelligence, E-Discovery, National Security, and social media monitoring. It is a trending topic for the thesis in data mining.
Some research needs
Problem definition – In the first phase problem definition is listed i.e. business aims and objectives are determined taking into consideration certain factors like the current background and future prospective.
Data exploration – Required data is collected and explored using various statistical methods along with identification of underlying problems.
Data preparation – The data is prepared for modeling by cleansing and formatting the raw data in the desired way. The meaning of data is not changed while preparing.
Modeling – In this phase the data model is created by applying certain mathematical functions and modeling techniques. After the model is created it goes through validation and verification.
Evaluation – After the model is created, it is evaluated by a team of experts to check whether it satisfies business objectives or not.
Deployment – After evaluation, the model is deployed and further plans are made for its maintenance. A properly organized report is prepared with the summary of the work done.
Research paper Policy
· APA format
. https://apastyle.apa.org/
. https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/research_and_citation/apa_style/apa_formatting_and_style_guide/general_format.html
· Min number of pages are 15 pages
· Must have
. Contents with page numbers
. Abstract
. Introduction
. The problem
4. Are there any sub-problems?
4. Is there any issue need to be present concerning the problem?
. The solutions
5. Steps of the solutions
. Compare the solution to other solution
. Any suggestion to improve the solution
. Conclusion
. References
· Missing one of the above will result -5/30 of the research paper
· Paper does not stick to the APA will result in 0 in the research paper
Spring 2020 Name: ______________________________
MATH 175 – Test 2 (Show Your Work )
7. Given
5
cos2
18
q
=-
and
180270
q
<<
oo
, find values of
sin
q
and
cos
q
.
8. Verify that each of the following is a trigonometric identity.
22
1sin
sec2sectantan
1sin
q
qqqq
q
-
=-+
+
9. Give the exact value of
4
cos2arctan
3
æö
ç÷
èø
without using a calculator.
10. Solve
2cos2cos2
qq
=
for all exact solutions in degrees.
PAGE
1
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_1234567895.unknown
_1234567896.unknown
_1234567894.unknown
_1234567892.unknown
_1234567890.unknown
Information Systems for Business and Beyond (2019)
Information System.
1. Students need to review 3 different social media platforms that a.docxstilliegeorgiana
1. Students need to review 3 different social media platforms that are not mainstream.
a. TikTok
b. Lasso
c. Vero
d. Steemit
e. Caffeine
f. Houseparty
g. Amazon Spark
h. Anchor
i. Facebook for Creators
j. Foursquare Swarm
k. Facecast
l. Google My Business
m. Reddit
2. Provide background of how the platform started, who owns them and how big of a following they have?
3. What are the platforms demographics?
4. Strategies and Tools/Platforms – Strengths, Opportunities for Improvement, and recommendation for each platform.
5. Monitoring and Measuring what to measure? What analytics? What tools to use?
6. What companies are currently posting on this platform?
7. Develop 2 case examples of how companies are using this platform to engage with their customers? Include images of posts.
.
Walmart Business+ and Spark Good for Nonprofits.pdfTechSoup
"Learn about all the ways Walmart supports nonprofit organizations.
You will hear from Liz Willett, the Head of Nonprofits, and hear about what Walmart is doing to help nonprofits, including Walmart Business and Spark Good. Walmart Business+ is a new offer for nonprofits that offers discounts and also streamlines nonprofits order and expense tracking, saving time and money.
The webinar may also give some examples on how nonprofits can best leverage Walmart Business+.
The event will cover the following::
Walmart Business + (https://business.walmart.com/plus) is a new shopping experience for nonprofits, schools, and local business customers that connects an exclusive online shopping experience to stores. Benefits include free delivery and shipping, a 'Spend Analytics” feature, special discounts, deals and tax-exempt shopping.
Special TechSoup offer for a free 180 days membership, and up to $150 in discounts on eligible orders.
Spark Good (walmart.com/sparkgood) is a charitable platform that enables nonprofits to receive donations directly from customers and associates.
Answers about how you can do more with Walmart!"
LAND USE LAND COVER AND NDVI OF MIRZAPUR DISTRICT, UPRAHUL
This Dissertation explores the particular circumstances of Mirzapur, a region located in the
core of India. Mirzapur, with its varied terrains and abundant biodiversity, offers an optimal
environment for investigating the changes in vegetation cover dynamics. Our study utilizes
advanced technologies such as GIS (Geographic Information Systems) and Remote sensing to
analyze the transformations that have taken place over the course of a decade.
The complex relationship between human activities and the environment has been the focus
of extensive research and worry. As the global community grapples with swift urbanization,
population expansion, and economic progress, the effects on natural ecosystems are becoming
more evident. A crucial element of this impact is the alteration of vegetation cover, which plays a
significant role in maintaining the ecological equilibrium of our planet.Land serves as the foundation for all human activities and provides the necessary materials for
these activities. As the most crucial natural resource, its utilization by humans results in different
'Land uses,' which are determined by both human activities and the physical characteristics of the
land.
The utilization of land is impacted by human needs and environmental factors. In countries
like India, rapid population growth and the emphasis on extensive resource exploitation can lead
to significant land degradation, adversely affecting the region's land cover.
Therefore, human intervention has significantly influenced land use patterns over many
centuries, evolving its structure over time and space. In the present era, these changes have
accelerated due to factors such as agriculture and urbanization. Information regarding land use and
cover is essential for various planning and management tasks related to the Earth's surface,
providing crucial environmental data for scientific, resource management, policy purposes, and
diverse human activities.
Accurate understanding of land use and cover is imperative for the development planning
of any area. Consequently, a wide range of professionals, including earth system scientists, land
and water managers, and urban planners, are interested in obtaining data on land use and cover
changes, conversion trends, and other related patterns. The spatial dimensions of land use and
cover support policymakers and scientists in making well-informed decisions, as alterations in
these patterns indicate shifts in economic and social conditions. Monitoring such changes with the
help of Advanced technologies like Remote Sensing and Geographic Information Systems is
crucial for coordinated efforts across different administrative levels. Advanced technologies like
Remote Sensing and Geographic Information Systems
9
Changes in vegetation cover refer to variations in the distribution, composition, and overall
structure of plant communities across different temporal and spatial scales. These changes can
occur natural.
This presentation was provided by Steph Pollock of The American Psychological Association’s Journals Program, and Damita Snow, of The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), for the initial session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session One: 'Setting Expectations: a DEIA Primer,' was held June 6, 2024.
How to Add Chatter in the odoo 17 ERP ModuleCeline George
In Odoo, the chatter is like a chat tool that helps you work together on records. You can leave notes and track things, making it easier to talk with your team and partners. Inside chatter, all communication history, activity, and changes will be displayed.
This slide is special for master students (MIBS & MIFB) in UUM. Also useful for readers who are interested in the topic of contemporary Islamic banking.
Strategies for Effective Upskilling is a presentation by Chinwendu Peace in a Your Skill Boost Masterclass organisation by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan on 08th and 09th June 2024 from 1 PM to 3 PM on each day.
How to Manage Your Lost Opportunities in Odoo 17 CRMCeline George
Odoo 17 CRM allows us to track why we lose sales opportunities with "Lost Reasons." This helps analyze our sales process and identify areas for improvement. Here's how to configure lost reasons in Odoo 17 CRM
President Roosevelts Four Freedoms Speech (1941) To t.docx
1. President Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" Speech (1941)
To the Congress of the United States:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at
a moment unprecedented in the
history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at
no previous time has American
security been as seriously threatened from without as it is
today. . . .
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been
disturbed by events in other
Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European
nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in
the Pacific for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.
In no case, however, had a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our
independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States
as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an
ancient Chinese wall while the
procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our
children and their children, we
oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the
Americas.
2. Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to
contain only small threat of danger to
our own American future. But, as time went on, the American
people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own
democracy.
We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of
Versailles. We need not harp on
failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world
deconstruction. We should remember
that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of
"pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new
order of tyranny that seeks to spread
over every continent today. The American people have
unalterably set their faces against that
tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this
moment being directly assailed in
every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret
spreading of poisonous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in
nations still at peace. During sixteen
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of
democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on
the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty
to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to
report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly
3. involved in events far beyond our
borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly
waged in four continents. If that
defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe,
Asia, Africa and Australasia will
be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations
and their resources greatly
exceeds the sum total of the population and resources of the
whole of the Western Hemisphere—
many times over.
In times like these it is immature—and incidentally untrue—for
anybody to brag that an
unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied
behind its back, can hold off the
whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace
international generosity, or return of
true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of
expression, or freedom of religion—or
even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us
or for our neighbors. "Those,
who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little
temporary safety, deserve neither liberty
nor safety." As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we
are soft-hearted; but we cannot
afford to be soft-hearted. We must always be wary of those who
with sounding brass and a
tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must
especially beware of that small group
4. of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle
in order to feather their own
nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern
warfare could bring into our very
midst the physical attack which we must expect if the dictator
nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and
direct invasion from across the
seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power,
no such danger exists. Even if
there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy
would be stupid enough to attack
us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands
of miles of ocean, until it had
acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn
much from the lessons of the past
years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose
essential seaports were captured by
treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first
phase of the invasion of this
Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The
necessary strategic points would be
occupied by secret agents and their dupes—and great numbers
of them are already here, and in
Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they—
not we—will choose the time and
the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future
of all American Republics is
today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the
Congress is unique in our
history. That is why every member of the Executive branch of
5. the government and every
member of the Congress face great responsibility—and great
accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy
should be devoted primarily—almost
exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic
problems are now a part of the
great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs
has been based upon a decent
respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellowmen within
our gates, so our national policy in
foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights
and dignity of all nations, large
and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the
end.
Our national policy is this.
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without
regard to partisanship, we are
committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to full support of all those resolute peoples,
everywhere, who are resisting aggression
and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this
support, we express our
determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we
strengthen the defense and security
of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and
6. without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to the proposition that principles of morality and
considerations for our own security
will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by
aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.
We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of
other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial
difference between the two great parties
in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on
this line before the American
electorate. Today, it is abundantly evident that American
citizens everywhere are demanding and
supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of
obvious danger. Therefore, the
immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament
production. . . .
Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for
them as well as for ourselves. They
do not need man power. They do need billions of dollars worth
of the weapons of defense. . . .
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom.
We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our
organizing powers to give you the
strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you,
in ever-increasing numbers,
ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we
will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will
regard as a breach of international
law and as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare
to resist their aggression. Such
7. aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally
proclaim it so to be. When the
dictators are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for
an act of war on our part. They
did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to
commit an act of war. Their only
interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks
mutuality in its observance, and,
therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well
depend upon how effective and how
immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact
character of the emergency
situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's
hands must not be tied when the
Nation's life is in danger. We must all prepare to make the
sacrifices that the emergency—as
serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of
speed and efficiency in defense
preparations must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all
groups. A free nation has the right
to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to
take the lead in stimulating
effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The
best way of dealing with the few
slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them
by patriotic example, and, if that
fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by
armaments alone. Those who man our
defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must
have the stamina and courage
8. which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life
which they are defending. The
mighty action which we are calling for cannot be based on a
disregard of all things worth
fighting for.
The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the
things which have been done to
make its people conscious of their individual stake in the
preservation of democratic life in
America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people,
have renewed their faith and
strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to
protect. Certainly this is no time
to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which
are the root cause of the social
revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
There is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy
and strong democracy. The basic
things expected by our people of their political and economic
systems are simple. They are:
equality of opportunity for youth and for others; jobs for those
who can work; security for those
who need it; the ending of special privilege for the few; the
preservation of civil liberties for all;
the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and
constantly rising standard of
living.
These are the simple and basic things that must never be lost
sight of in the turmoil and
unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and
9. abiding strength of our economic
and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which
they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for
immediate improvement. As
examples: We should bring more citizens under the coverage of
old age pensions and
unemployment insurance. We should widen the opportunities for
adequate medical care. We
should plan a better system by which persons deserving or
needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the
willingness of almost all Americans to
respond to that call. . . .
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look
forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in
the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his
own way—everywhere in the
world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world
terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy
peace time life for its inhabitants—
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world
10. terms, means a worldwide
reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough
fashion that no nation will be in a
position to commit an act of physical aggression against any
neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis
for a kind of world attainable in
our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very
antithesis of the so-called new order
of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a
bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral
order. A good society is able to
face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike
without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been
engaged in change—in a perpetual
peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily,
quietly adjusting itself to changing
conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick-lime
in the ditch. The world order
which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working
together in a friendly, civilized
society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and
hearts of its millions of free men
and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.
Freedom means the supremacy
of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who
struggle to gain those rights or keep
11. them. Our strength is in our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
[From The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D.
Roosevelt, vol. 9 (New York: Macmillan
Co., 1940), pp. 663ff.]
University of Illinois Press and Immigration & Ethnic History
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and extend access to Journal of American Ethnic History.
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The Chinese Exclusion Example: Race, Immigration, and
American Gatekeeping, 1882-1924
Author(s): Erika Lee
Source: Journal of American Ethnic History, Vol. 21, No. 3
(Spring, 2002), pp. 36-62
Published by: on behalf of the University of Illinois Press
Immigration & Ethnic History
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The Chinese Exclusion Example:
Race, Immigration, and American
Gatekeeping, 1882-1924
ERIKA LEE
IN 1876, H. N. CLEMENT, a San Francisco lawyer, stood
before a
California State Senate Committee and sounded the alarm: "The
Chi
nese are upon us. How can we get rid of them? The Chinese are
13. com
ing. How can we stop them?"1 Clement's panicked cries and
portrayals
of Chinese immigration as an evil, "unarmed invasion" were
shared by
several witnesses before the committee which was charged with
investi
gating the "social, moral, and political effects" of Chinese
immigration.2
Testimony like Clement's was designed to reach a broad
audience, and
the committee hearings themselves were part of a calculated
political
attempt to nationalize the question of Chinese immigration.3
Their ef
forts proved successful when the United States Congress passed
the
Chinese Exclusion Act on 6 May 1882. This law prohibited the
immi
gration of Chinese laborers for a period of ten years and barred
all
Chinese immigrants from naturalized citizenship. Demonstrating
the class
bias in the law, merchants, teachers, students, travelers, and
diplomats
were exempt from exclusion.4
14. Historians have often noted that the Chinese Exclusion Act
marks a
"watershed" in United States history. Not only was it the
country's first
significant restrictive immigration law; it was also the first to
restrict a
group of immigrants based on their race and class, and it thus
helped to
shape twentieth-century United States race-based immigration
policy.5
This observation has become the standard interpretation of the
anti
Chinese movement, but until recently, most accounts of Chinese
exclu
sion have focused more on the anti-Chinese movement
preceding the
Chinese Exclusion Act rather than on the almost six decades of
the
exclusion era itself.6 Moreover, only a few scholars have begun
to fully
explore the meanings of this watershed and its consequences for
other
immigrant groups and American immigration law in general.7
Numerous
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Lee 37
questions remain: How did the effort to exclude Chinese
influence the
restriction and exclusion of other immigrant groups? How did
the
racialization of Chinese as excludable aliens contribute and
intersect
with the racialization of other Asian, southern and eastern
European,
and Mexican immigrants? How did the Chinese Exclusion Act
itself set
significant precedents for the admission, deportation,
documentation,
and surveillance of both new arrivals and immigrant
communities within
the United States?
What becomes clear is that the real significance of Chinese
exclusion
as a "watershed" is thus much greater than its importance as one
of the
first immigration laws and its significance for legal doctrine.
16. Certainly,
the Page Law (which excluded Asian contract labor and women
sus
pected of being prostitutes) and the Chinese Exclusion Act
provided the
legal architecture structuring and influencing twentieth-century
Ameri
can immigration policy.8 It is my argument, however, that
Chinese ex
clusion also introduced a "gatekeeping" ideology, politics, law,
and cul
ture that transformed the ways in which Americans viewed and
thought
about race, immigration, and the United States' identity as a
nation of
immigration. It legalized and reinforced the need to restrict,
exclude,
and deport "undesirable" and excludable immigrants. It
established Chi
nese immigrants?categorized by their race, class, and gender
relations
as the ultimate category of undesirable immigrants?as the
models by
which to measure the desirability (and "whiteness") of other
immigrant
groups. Lastly, the Chinese exclusion laws not only provided an
ex
17. ample of how to contain other threatening, excludable, and
undesirable
foreigners, it also set in motion the government procedures and
the
bureaucratic machinery required to regulate and control both
foreigners
arriving to and foreigners and citizens residing in the United
States.
Precursors to the United States Immigration and Naturalization
Service,
United States passports, "green cards," illegal immigration and
deporta
tion policies can all be traced back to the Chinese Exclusion Act
itself.
In the end, Chinese exclusion transformed not only the Chinese
immi
grant and Chinese American community; it forever changed
America's
relationship to immigration in general.
CHINESE EXCLUSION AND THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN
GATEKEEPING
The metaphor of "gates" and "gatekeepers" to describe the
United
States government's efforts to control immigration became
inscribed in
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38 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
national conversations about immigration during the twentieth
century.
A wide range of scholars and journalists have recently written
about
"guarding the gate," the "clamor at the gates," "the
gatekeepers," the
"guarded gate," "closing the gate," etc.9 Perhaps the best known
and
most recent use of the term is the United States Immigration and
Natu
ralization Service's Operation Gatekeeper, a militarized effort
initiated
in 1994 to restrict the illegal entry of Mexican immigrants into
the
United States near San Diego, California.10 Although
journalists,
policymakers, and academics use the gatekeeping metaphor
widely, there
19. has been little serious inquiry into how the United States has
come to
define itself as a gatekeeping nation or what that has actually
meant for
both immigrants and the nation in the past and present.
Defining and historicizing America's gatekeeping tradition
clearly
begins with Chinese immigration in the American West during
the late
nineteenth century. While Andrew Gyory has persuasively
argued that
the adoption of the anti-Chinese movement by national partisan
politi
cians led to the actual passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in
1882, it
was in California in the 1870s that politicians and anti-Chinese
activists
first began to talk about "closing America's gates" for the first
time.11
Explicit in the arguments for Chinese exclusion were several
elements
that would become the foundation of American gatekeeping
ideology:
racializing Chinese immigrants as permanently alien,
threatening, and
20. inferior on the basis of their race, culture, labor, and aberrant
gender
relations; containing the danger they represented by limiting
economic
and geographical mobility as well as barring them from
naturalized
citizenship through local, state, and federal laws and action; and
lastly,
protecting the nation from both further immigrant incursions
and dan
gerous immigrants already in the United States by using the
power of
the state to legalize the modes and processes of exclusion,
restriction,
surveillance, and deportation.12
Through the exclusion movement, both regional and national
politi
cians effectively claimed the right to speak for the rest of the
country
and to assert American national sovereignty in the name of
Chinese
exclusion. They argued that it was nothing less than the duty
and the
sovereign right of Californians and Americans to do so for the
good of
21. the country. H. N. Clement, the San Francisco lawyer who
testified at
the 1876 hearings, explicitly combined the themes of racial
difference,
the closed gate/closed door metaphor, and national sovereignty
to ar
ticulate this philosophy. "Have we any right to close our doors
against
one nation and open them to another?" he asked. "Has the
Caucasian
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Lee 39
race any better right to occupy this country than the
Mongolian?" His
answers to the above questions were an emphatic "Yes." Citing
contem
porary treatises on international law, Clement argued that the
greatest
fundamental right of every nation was self-preservation, and the
Chi
nese immigration question was nothing less than a battle for
America's
22. survival and future. "A nation has a right to do everything that
can
secure it from threatening danger and to keep at a distance
whatever is
capable of causing its ruin," he continued. We have a great right
to say
to the half-civilized subject from Asia, "You shall not come at
all."13
The federal case supporting Chinese exclusion only reinforced
the con
nection between immigration restriction and the sovereign
rights of na
tions. In 1889, the United States Supreme Court described
Chinese im
migrants as "vast hordes of people crowding in upon us" and as
"a
different race ... dangerous to [America's] peace and
security."14 The
nation's highest court thus affirmed the right of the federal
government
to exclude Chinese, and by doing so, it also established the
legal and
constitutional foundation for federal immigration restriction and
exclu
sion based on national sovereignty.
23. Building gates and making and enforcing United States
immigration
policy has always involved several overlapping concerns, goals,
and
variables.15 Immigrants have been excluded and restricted on
the basis
of their race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, moral standing,
health,
and political affiliation, among other factors. Some of these
justifica
tions for exclusion and restriction were more important during
certain
historical periods than others. But they often intersected and
overlapped
with each other, working separately and in concert with each
other to
regulate not only foreign immigration, but also domestic race,
class, and
gender relations within the United States. In turn, gatekeeping
became a
primary means of exerting social control over immigrant
communities
and protecting the American nation at large. Immigrant laborers
who
were considered a threat to American white working men were
sum
24. marily excluded on the basis of class. General restriction
laws?espe
cially those targeting immigrants suspected of immoral behavior
or "likely
to become public charges"?affected female immigrants
disproportion
ately. Immigrant disease and sexuality were monitored,
contained, and
excluded through immigration policy as well. Efforts to exclude
immi
grant groups on the basis of their alleged health menace to the
United
States constituted what Alan Kraut has called "medicalized
nativism,"
and the diseases considered most dangerous were explicitly tied
to
racialized assumptions about specific immigrant groups.16
Homosexuals
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40 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
were denied entry beginning in 1917 under clauses in general
25. immigra
tion laws related to morality and the barring of "constitutional
psycho
pathic inferiors."17 Race consistently played a crucial role in
distin
guishing between "desirable," "undesirable," and "excludable"
immi
grants. In doing so, gatekeeping helped to establish a framework
for
understanding race and racial categories and reflected,
reinforced, and
reproduced the existing racial hierarchy in the country.18 Thus,
America's
gates have historically been open only to some, while they have
re
mained closed to others.
Understanding the racialized origins of American gatekeeping
pro
vides a powerful counter-narrative to the popular "immigrant
paradigm,"
which celebrates the United States as a "nation of immigrants"
and
views immigration as a fulfillment of the "promise of American
democ
racy." As many critics have pointed out, this popular conception
26. of the
nation ignores the very real power of institutionalized racism in
exclud
ing immigrants and other people of color from full and equal
participa
tion in the American society, economy, and polity. Explicitly
barred
from the country, Asian immigrants do not fit easily into the
immigrant
paradigm mold, and instead, offer a different narrative
highlighting the
limits of American democracy.19 Instead of considering some
of the
traditional questions of immigration history such as assimilation
or cul
tural retention, a gatekeeping framework shifts our attention to
under
standing the meanings and consequences of immigration
restriction, exclu
sion, and deportation for both immigrant and non-immigrant
communities.
Reconceptualizing the United States as a "gatekeeping nation"
thus
provides an especially suitable framework for Asian and
Mexican immi
27. grants, two groups which have not only been among the largest
immi
grant populations in the West in the twentieth century, but have
also
caused the most debate and inspired new regulation.20 It does
not, how
ever, necessarily exclude European or other immigrants nor
does it func
tion only in periods of intense nativism. The restrictionist
ideology first
established with Asian immigrants came to be extended to other
immi
grant groups, including southern and eastern Europeans, as they
became
racialized as threats to the nation. In the West, whiteness
functioned in a
way that deflected much of the racialized anti-immigrant
sentiment away
from southern and eastern European immigrants, and nationally,
their
whiteness protected them from the more harsh exclusionary and
depor
tation laws that targeted Asians and Mexicans in the pre-World
War II
period.21 Nevertheless, once built, the "gates" of immigration
28. law and
the bureaucratic machinery and procedures established to admit,
examine,
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Lee 41
deny, deport, and naturalize immigrants have become extended
to all
immigrant groups in the twentieth century.
Gatekeeping and the new immigration legislation it entailed
also served
as an important?though often ignored?impetus to American state
building at the end of the nineteenth century.22 In the United
States, the
great migrations of Asian, Europeans, and Mexicans from the
1880s to
1924 coincided with and helped instigate an expansion of the
modern
administrative state. The regulation, inspection, restriction,
exclusion,
and deportation of immigrants required the establishment of a
29. state ap
paratus and bureaucracy to enforce the immigration laws and to
exercise
the state's control over its geographical borders as well as its
internal
borders of citizenship and national membership. Immigrants,
immigra
tion patterns, and immigrant communities were profoundly
affected by
the new laws and the ways in which they were enforced. The
ideology
and administrative processes of gatekeeping dehumanized and
criminalized immigrants, defining them as "unassimilable
aliens," "un
welcome invasions," "undesirables," "diseased," "illegal." But
even those
groups who were most affected played active roles in
challenging, nego
tiating, and shaping the new gatekeeping nation through their
interaction
with immigration officials and the state. Related to the growth
and cen
tralization of the administrative state, gatekeeping was also
inextricably
tied to the expansion of United States imperialism at the end of
the
30. nineteenth century. At the same time that the United States
began to
assert its national sovereignty by closing its gates to unwanted
foreign
ers, it was also expanding its influence abroad through military
and
economic force, and extended some of its immigration laws to
its new
territories. For example, following the annexation of Hawaii in
1898
and the end of the Spanish-American war, the Chinese
Exclusion laws
were extended to both Hawaii and the Philippines.23
Lastly, the construction and closing of America's gates to
various
"alien invasions" was instrumental in the formation of the
nation itself
and in articulating a definition of American national identity
and
belonging.24 Americans learned to define American-ness, by
excluding,
controlling, and containing foreign-ness. Likewise, through the
admis^
sion and exclusion of foreigners, the United States both asserted
31. its
sovereignty and reinforced its identity as a nation. Gatekeeping,
a prod
uct and result of Chinese exclusion, had?and continues to
have?pro
found influence on immigrant groups, twentieth-century
immigration
patterns, immigration control, and American national identity.
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42 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
THE EXAMPLE OF CHINESE EXCLUSION: RACE AND
RACIALIZATION
One of the most significant consequences of Chinese exclusion
was
that by establishing a gatekeeping ideology, politics, and
administration,
it provided a powerful framework, model, and set of tools to be
used to
understand and further racialize other threatening, excludable,
and unde
sirable aliens. Soon after the Chinese were excluded, calls to
restrict or
32. exclude other immigrants followed quickly, and the rhetoric and
strat
egy of these later campaigns drew important lessons from the
anti-Chinese
movement. For example, the class-based arguments and
restrictions in
the Chinese Exclusion Act were echoed in later campaigns to
bar con
tract laborers of any race. As Gwendolyn Mink has shown,
southern and
eastern European immigrants?like Chinese?were denounced as
"coo
lies, serfs, and slaves."25 The Democratic party made the
connections
explicit and blended the old anti-Chinese rhetoric into a more
general
ized racial nativism in its 1884 campaign handbook. Recalling
the great
success of Chinese exclusion, the Democrats pointed to a new
danger:
If it became necessary to protect the American workingmen on
the Pacific
slope from the disastrous and debasing competition of Coolie
labor, the
same argument now applies with equal force and pertinency to
the impor
33. tation of pauper labor from southern Europe.26
Such connections and arguments were significant. In 1885, the
Foran
Act prohibited the immigration of all contract laborers.27
The gender-based exclusions of the 1875 Page Act were also
dupli
cated in later government attempts to screen out immigrants,
especially
women, who were perceived to be immoral or guilty of sexual
mis
deeds. The exclusion of Chinese prostitutes led to a more
general exclu
sion of all prostitutes in the 1903 Immigration Act.28
Signifying a larger
concern that independent female migration was a moral
problem, other
immigration laws restricted the entry of immigrants who were
"likely to
become public charges" or who had committed a "crime
involving moral
turpitude."29 As Donna Gabbaccia has pointed out, such general
exclu
sion laws were theoretically "gender-neutral." In practice,
however, "any
unaccompanied woman of any age, marital status, or
background might
34. be questioned" as a potential public charge. Clauses in the 1891
Immi
gration Act excluded women on moral grounds. Sexual misdeeds
such
as adultery, fornication, and illegitimate pregnancy were all
grounds for
exclusion. Lastly, echoes of the "unwelcome invasion" of
Chinese and
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Lee 43
Japanese immigration were heard in nativist rhetoric focusing
on the
high birthrates of southern and eastern European immigrant
families.
Immigrant fecundity, it was claimed, would cause the "race
suicide" of
the Anglo-American race.30
Race clearly intersected with such class and gender-based
arguments
and continued to play perhaps the largest role in defining and
categoriz
35. ing which immigrant groups to admit or exclude. The arguments
and
lessons of Chinese exclusion were resurrected over and over
again dur
ing the nativist debates over the "new" immigrants from Asia,
Mexico,
and southern and eastern Europe, further refining and
consolidating the
racialization of these groups. In many ways, Chinese
immigrants?
racialized as the ultimate undesirable alien?became the model
by which
to measure the desirability of these new immigrants. David
Roediger
and James Barrett have suggested that the racialization of
certain immi
grant groups, and especially the racial vocabulary which
described Ital
ians as "guinea" and Slavic immigrants as "hunky" were
racialized in
relation to African Americans in the realms of labor and
citizenship.31
However, I suggest that in terms of immigration restriction, the
new
immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, Mexico, and
other parts
36. of Asia were more closely racialized along the Chinese
immigrant model,
especially in the Pacific Coast states. There, immigration and
whiteness
were defined most clearly in opposition to Asian-ness or
"yellowness."32
The persistent use of the metaphor of the closed gate combined
with the
rhetoric of "unwelcome invasions" most clearly reveals the
difference.
African Americans, originally brought into the nation as slaves
could
never really be "sent back" despite their alleged inferiority and
threat to
the nation. Segregation and Jim Crow legislation was mostly
aimed at
keeping African Americans "in their place." Chinese, who were
racialized
in ways that positioned them as polar opposites to "Americans"
also
clearly did not belong in the United States and were themselves
often
compared to blacks. But unlike African Americans, they could
be kept
at bay through immigration restriction. Thus, immigration laws
served
37. as the gates that had to be closed against the immigrant
invasion; an
argument made in relation to southern and eastern European and
Mexi
can immigrants, but never applied to African Americans.
As early twentieth-century nativist literature and organization
records
illustrate, the language of Chinese restriction and exclusion was
quickly
refashioned to apply to succeeding groups of immigrants. These
connec
tions?though clear to contemporary intellectuals, politicians,
and nativ
ists?have not been made forcefully enough by immigration
historians.
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44 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
Reflecting the intellectual segregation within immigration
history, many
have separated the study of European immigrants from Asians
and
38. Latinos, citing "different" experiences and problems.33 John
Higham,
the leading authority of American nativism claimed that the
anti-Asian
movements were "historically tangential" to the main currents
of Ameri
can nativism. Edith Abbott, who authored one of the first
comprehen
sive studies of immigration, argued that "the study of European
immi
gration should not be complicated for the student by confusing
it with
the very different problems of Chinese and Japanese
immigration." Carl
Wittke, considered a founder of the field, devoted much
attention to
Asians in his important survey of American immigration
history, but
argued that their history was "a brief and strange interlude in
the general
account of the great migrations to America."34 As many have
pointed
out, continued intellectual segregation within immigration
history is a
fruitless endeavor.35 In the case of exclusion, restriction, and
immigra
tion law, it is now clear that anti-Asian nativism was not only
39. directly
connected, but was in fact the dominant model for American
nativist
ideology and politics in the early twentieth century.
Following the exclusion of Chinese, Americans on the West
Coast
became increasingly alarmed with new immigration from Asia,
particu
larly from Japan, Korea, and India. Californians portrayed the
new im
migration as yet another "Oriental invasion," and San Francisco
news
papers urged readers to "step to the front once more and battle
to hold
the Pacific Coast for the white race."36 Like the Chinese before
them,
these new Asian immigrants were also considered to be threats
due to
their race and their labor. The Japanese were especially feared,
because
of their great success in agriculture and their tendency to settle
and start
families in the United States (as compared to the Chinese who
were
40. mostly sojourners). The political and cultural ideology that
came to be
used in the anti-Japanese movement immediately connected the
new
Japanese threat with the old Chinese one. Headlines in San
Francisco
newspapers talked of "Another phase in the Immigration from
Asia"
and warned that the "Japanese [were] Taking the Place of the
Chinese."
Moreover, similar charges of being unassimilable and
exploitable cheap
labor were made against the Japanese. And because the Japanese
were
supposedly even more "tricky and unscrupulous" as well as
more "ag
gressive and warlike" than the Chinese, they were considered
even "more
objectionable."37 Political leaders made the connections
explicit. Denis
Kearney, the charismatic leader of the Workingmen's party
which spear
headed the anti-Chinese movement in San Francisco during the
1870s,
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Lee 45
found the Chinese and Japanese "problems" to be synonymous
to each
other. A Sacramento reporter recorded Kearney in 1892 berating
the
"foreign Shylocks [who] are rushing another breed of Asiatic
slaves to
fill up the gap made vacant by the Chinese who are shut out by
our
laws ... Japs
... are being brought here now in countless numbers to
demoralize and discourage our domestic labor market." Kearney
mus
ingly ended his speech with "The Japs Must Go!"?a highly
original
revision of his "the Chinese Must Go!" rallying cry from the
1870s.38 In
1901, James D. Phelan, mayor of San Francisco spearheaded the
Chi
nese Exclusion Convention of 1901 and centered it around the
theme
42. "For Home, Country, and Civilization." Later, in 1920 he ran
for the
United States Senate under the slogan, "Stop the Silent
Invasion" (of
Japanese).39
The small population of Asian Indian immigrants also felt the
wrath
of nativists, who regarded them as the "most objectionable of
all Orien
tals" in the United States.40 In 1905, the San Francisco-based
Japanese
Korean Exclusion League renamed itself the Asiatic Exclusion
League
in an attempt to meet the new threat. Newspapers complained of
"Hindu
Hordes" coming to the United States. Indians were "dirty,
diseased,"
"the worst type of immigrant... not fit to become a citizen.
.. and
entirely foreign to the people of the United States." Their
employment
by "moneyed capitalists" as expendable cheap labor and India's
large
population "teeming with millions upon millions of emaciated
sickly
Hindus existing on starvation wages" also hearkened back to the
43. charges
of a cheap labor invasion made against Chinese and Japanese
immi
grants.41
Likewise, the racialized definitions of Mexican immigrants also
re
ferred back to Chinese immigration. Long classified as racial
inferiors,
Mexican immigrants often served as replacement agricultural
laborers
following the exclusion of Asian immigrants.42 Although their
immigra
tion was largely protected by agricultural and industrial
employers through
the 1920s, Mexican immigrants were long-standing targets of
racial
nativism, and many of the arguments directed towards Mexicans
echoed
earlier charges lobbied at the Chinese. Because the legal,
political, and
cultural understanding of Chinese immigrants as permanent
foreigners
had long been established, nativists' direct connections between
Chinese
and Mexicans played a crucial role in racializing Mexicans as
foreign.
As Mae Ngai has shown for the post-1924 period, characterizing
Mexi
44. cans as foreign, rather than the natives of what used to be their
former
homeland, "distanced them both from Anglo-Americans
culturally and
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46 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
from the Southwest as a region" and made it easier to restrict,
deport,
and criminalize Mexicans as "illegal."43
Nativists used the Chinese framework to characterize Mexicans
as
foreign on the basis of two main arguments: racial inferiority
and racial
unassimilability. George P. Clemens, the head of the Los
Angeles County
Agricultural Department explained that Asians and Mexicans
were ra
cially inferior to whites because they were physically highly
suitable for
the degraded agricultural labor in which they were often
45. employed. The
tasks involved were those "which the Oriental and Mexican due
to their
crouching and bending habits are fully adapted, while the white
is physi
cally unable to adapt himself to them."44 While Chinese were
consid
ered to be biologically inferior due to their status as heathens
and their
alleged inability to assimilate in an Anglo-American mold,
Mexicans
were degraded as an ignorant "hybrid race" of Spanish and
Indian ori
gin.45 As Mexican immigration increased, fears of a foreign
invasion of
cheap, unassimilable laborers similar to the Chinese one rippled
through
out the nativist literature. Major Frederick Russell Burnham
warned that
"the whole Pacific Coast would have been Asiatic in blood
today except
for the Exclusion Acts. Our whole Southwest will be racially
Mexican
in three generations unless some similar restriction is placed
upon them."46
46. (Burnham, of course, conveniently ignored the fact that the
Southwest?
as well as most of the American West?had already been
"racially
Mexican" long before he himself had migrated west.) V.S.
McClatchy,
editor of the Sacramento Bee warned that the "wholesale
introduction of
Mexican peons" presented California's "most serious problem"
in the
1920s.47 Increased Mexican migration to Texas was especially
contested,
and nativists there explicitly pointed to the example of
California and
Chinese immigration to allude to their state's future. "To
Mexicanize
Texas or Orientalize California is a crime," raged one
nativist.48 Chester
H. Rowell argued that the Mexican invasion was even more
detrimental
than the Chinese one, because at least the "Chinese coolie"?"the
ideal
human mule"?would not "plague us with his progeny. His wife
and
children are in China, and he returns there himself when we no
longer
need him." Mexicans, he argued, might not be so compliant or
47. easy to
send back.49
The comparisons between Chinese and Mexicans continued.
Other
nativists extended the Chinese racial unassimilability argument
to Mexi
cans by claiming that they "can no more blend into our race
than can the
Chinaman or the Negro."50 Anti-Mexican nativists increasingly
issued a
call for restriction by explicitly framing the new Mexican
immigration
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Lee 47
problem within the old argument for Chinese exclusion. Railing
against
the need for cheap Mexican labor, Major Burnham blamed the
immigra
tion promoters of the 1920s just as Denis Kearney had blamed
the
capitalists and their "Chinese pets" during the 1870s. "It is the
48. old
Chinese stuff, an echo of the [18]70s, word for word!" wrote
Burnham.
Moreover, Burnham also viewed that immigration laws?and
specifi
cally the same types of exclusionary measures used against the
Chi
nese?were the only remedy: "Let us refuse cheap labor. Let us
restrict
Mexican immigration and go steadily on to prosperity and
wealth just as
we did after the Asiatic Exclusion Acts were passed."51 In
many nativ
ists' minds, the image of Mexicans merged with that of the
biologically
inferior, unassimilable, and threatening Chinese immigrant.
At the same time, some of the race and class based theories and
arguments used against Asians and Mexicans were being applied
to
certain European immigrant groups as well, especially in the
Northeast
ern United States, where most European immigrants first landed
and
settled. As John Higham and Matthew Frye Jacobson have
49. shown, a
sense of "absolute difference" which already divided white
Americans
from people of color was extended to certain European
nationalities.
Because distinctive physical differences between native white
Ameri
cans and European immigrants were not readily apparent, racial
nativ
ists "manufactured" racial difference. Boston intellectuals like
Nathaniel
Shaler, Henry Cabot Lodge, and Francis Walker all promoted an
elabo
rate set of racial ideas that marked southern and eastern
Europeans as
different and inferior, a threat to the nation. A new nativist
group, the
Immigration Restriction League, (IRL) was formed in Boston in
1894.52
In response to the increase in immigration from southern and
eastern
Europe, many nativists began to identify and elaborate upon this
new
threat. In many ways, they began to make direct connections
50. between
the "new" European immigrants and the established Asian
threat. Both
groups were racially inferior to Anglo-Saxons, and their use as
cheap
labor threatened native-born Anglo-American workingmen.
Both Ital
ians and French Canadians were explicitly compared to Chinese
immi
grants. Italians were even given the dubious honor of being
called the
"Chinese of Europe" and French Canadians were labeled the
"Chinese
of the Eastern States." As Donna Gabaccia has argued, Chinese
and
Italians "occupied an ambiguous, overlapping and intermediary
position
in the binary racial schema." Neither black nor white, both were
seen as
inbetween?"yellow," "olive," or "swarthy." Their use as cheap
labor
also linked the two together. Italians were often called
"European coo
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48 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
lies" or "padrone coolies." The large-scale migration of Italians
to other
countries also prompted similar versions of invasion rhetoric
used against
the Chinese. An Australian restrictionist argued in 1891 that the
country
was "in danger of the Chinese of Europe flowing into our
shores."53
French Canadians were compared to Chinese immigrants due to
their
alleged inability to assimilate to Anglo-American norms. An
1881 Mas
sachusetts state agency report charged that French Canadians
were the
"Chinese of the Eastern States" because "they care nothing for
our
institutions.. .. They do not come to make a home among us, to
dwell
with us as citizens.... Their purpose is merely to sojourn a few
years as
aliens."54 In 1891, Henry Cabot Lodge opined that the Slovak
52. immi
grants?another threatening group?"are not a good acquisition for
us
to make, since they appear to have so many items in common
with the
Chinese."55 Lothrop Stoddard, another leading nativist, went
even fur
ther by arguing that Eastern Europeans were not only "like the
Chi
nese;" they were in fact part Asian. Eastern Europe, he
explained, was
situated "next door" to Asia, and had already been invaded by
"Asiatic
hordes" over the past two thousand years. As a result, the Slavic
peoples
were mongrels, "all impregnated with Asiatic Mongol and Turki
blood."56
Such explicit race and class-based connections to Chinese
immigra
tion were effective in defining and articulating nativists'
problems with
newer immigrants. The old Chinese exclusion rhetoric was one
with
which Americans were familiar by the 1910s, and it served as a
strong
foundation from which to build new nativist arguments on the
53. national
level. The Immigration Restriction League used this tactic
masterfully.
In a 1908 letter to labor unions, the organization affirmed that
Chinese
immigration was the ultimate evil, but warned that the Orient
was "only
one source of the foreign cheap labor which competes so
ruinously with
our own workmen," The IRL charged that the stream of other
immi
grants from Europe and Western Asia was "beginning to flow,"
and
without proper measures to check it, it would "swell, as did the
coolie
labor, until it overwhelms one laboring community after
another."57
In another letter to politicians, the IRL defined the issues and
political
positions even more clearly. The letter asked congressmen and
senators
across the country to identify the "classes of persons" who were
desired
and not desired in their state. The IRL made this task simple by
offering
them pre-set lists of groups they themselves deemed "desirable"
54. and
"undesirable." The politicians needed only to check the groups
in order
of preference. In the "desired" categories, "Americans, native
born"
topped the list. "Persons from northern Europe" came second.
British,
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Lee 49
Scandanavians [sic], and Germans were also included. In
contrast, Asi
atics, Southern and Eastern Europeans, illiterates, and the
generic "for
eign born" were all lumped together in the second list of
supposed
unwanted and excludable immigrants.58 The IRL could make no
clearer
statement: the new threat from Europe and the old threat from
Asia were
one.
55. Due to different regional politics and dynamics of race relations
and
definitions of whiteness, divergent opinions about the
connections be
tween the old Asian immigration problem and the new European
one
existed on the West Coast. On the one hand, the danger posed
by the
two groups was explicitly connected and fed off of each other.
The
virulent anti-Asian campaigns broadened appeals to preserve
"America
for all Americans" and called into question just who was and
who was
not a "real American." The San Francisco-based Asiatic
Exclusion League
implied that all aliens were dangerous to the country and passed
a
resolution that aliens should be disarmed in order to prevent
insurrec
tion. Other nativists in California expressed fears of the
degraded immi
gration entering the country from both Asia and Europe.59
Homer Lea,
for example, the author and leading proponent of the "Yellow
56. Peril"
theory of Japanese domination of America, warned that the
growing
immigration from Europe augmented the Japanese danger by
"sapping
America's racial strength and unity."60 The California branch of
the
Junior Order United American Mechanics, a long-lived nativist
group,
allied themselves with the Asiatic Exclusion League and
announced that
southern Europeans were semi-Mongolian.61
On the other hand, demonstrating the importance of regional
dynam
ics in the continuing consolidation of the construction of
whiteness,
some West Coast nativists made very careful distinctions
between clos
ing America's gates to Asians while leaving them open to
Europeans. In
a continuation of the West's campaign to preserve a "white
man's fron
tier," Western nativists tended to privilege whiteness at the
expense of
people of color. Significantly, many of the leading nativists
were Euro
57. pean immigrants or first generation American themselves.62
Denis
Kearney, leader of the anti-Chinese Workingmen's Party was an
Irish
immigrant. James D. Phelan, leader of the anti-Japanese
movement, was
Irish American. In the multi-racial West, the claims to and
privileges of
whiteness were important. The best expression of this sentiment
oc
curred during the 1901 Chinese Exclusion Convention, an event
orga
nized to lobby for the permanent exclusion of Chinese
immigrants. While
attendees rallied around the convention theme of protecting the
Ameri
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50 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
can "home, country, and civilization," keynote speakers strongly
de
fended an open-door policy towards all European immigrants. In
58. an
impassioned speech, A. Sbarboro, (an Italian immigrant/Italian
Ameri
can himself) president of the Manufacturers' and Producers'
Associa
tion, declared that in California:
We want the Englishman, who brings with him capital, industry
and
enterprise; the Irish who build and populate our cities; the
Frenchmen,
with his vivacity and love of liberty; the industrious and thrifty
Italians,
who cultivate the fruit, olives, and vines?who come with poetry
and
music from the classic land of Virgil, the Teutonic race, strong,
patient,
and frugal; the Swedes, Slavs, and Belgians; we want all good
people
from all parts of Europe. To these, Mr. Chairman, we should
never close
our doors, for although when the European immigrant lands at
Castle
Garden he may be uncouth and with little money, yet soon by
his thrift
and industry he improves his condition; he becomes a worthy
citizen and
59. the children who bless him mingle with the children of those
who came
before him, and when the country calls they are always ready
and willing
to defend the flag to follow the stars and stripes throughout the
world.63
Sbarboro, by explicitly including Italians and Slavs, indeed, all
immi
grants from all parts of Europe, with the older stock of
immigrants from
France, Sweden, Germany, and Belgium, made clear that the
difference
to be made was not among European nationalities, but between
Euro
pean and, in this case, Asian immigrants. Membership in the
white race
was tantamount. The southern and eastern European might
arrive at the
nation's ports as poor and "uncouth," but they were assimilable,
he
explained. The environment of the United States would
"improve his
condition" and make him a "worthy citizen." Lest doubts still
remained
60. among his audience, Sbarboro refined his assimilation argument
to point
to the second generation. He explained that the European
immigrant's
children would mingle with native-born American children and
in learn
ing the true ideals of American citizenship, they would become
such
patriots, that they would defend their beloved homeland
throughout the
world. The belief that second-generation Chinese would do the
same
was unimaginable.
These distinctions were important. The debates about
immigration
from southern and eastern Europe, Asia, and Mexico were
clearly con
nected to earlier debates concerning Chinese immigration, and
an in
creasing number of politicians, policy makers, and Americans
across the
country disregarded Sbarbaro's pleas to keep America's doors
open to
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Lee 51
"all good people from all parts of Europe" and supported
restrictions on
immigration from southern and eastern Europe. Nevertheless,
Sbarboro's
attempts to differentiate European immigrants from Asians
pointed to
significant distinctions in the ways in which European, Asian,
and Mexi
can immigrants were racially constructed and regulated by
immigration
law. First, southern and eastern European immigrants came in
much
greater numbers than did the Chinese, and their whiteness
secured them
the right of naturalized citizenship, while Asians were
consistently de
nied naturalization by law and in the courts.64 This claim and
privilege
of whiteness gave European immigrants more access to and
opportuni
ties of full participation in the larger American polity, economy,
and
society. Although they were eventually greatly restricted, they
62. were
never excluded like Asians. For example, as Mae Ngai has
shown, the
1924 Immigration Act applied the invented category of
"national ori
gins" to Europeans?a classification that presumed a shared
whiteness
with white Americans and which separated them from non-
Europeans.
The Act thus established the "legal foundations
... for European immi
grants [to] becom[e] Americans." Chinese, Japanese, Korean,
Filipino
and Asian Indian immigrants were codified as "aliens ineligible
to citi
zenship."65
Mexican immigration differed from both southern and eastern
Euro
pean and Asian immigration on a range of issues. First was
Mexico's
proximity to the United States and the relatively porous United
States
Mexico border which facilitated migration to and from the
United States.
As historians have shown, Mexican immigrants were treated
63. differently,
even considered "safe" from mainstream nativism due to their
status as
long-term residents and their propensity to be "birds of
passage," return
ing home after the agricultural season ended, and thus, not
settling in the
United States permanently.66 Mexico's own contentious history
with the
United States and the "legacy of conquest" also colored United
States
Mexican relations, racialized Mexicans as inferiors, and
structured Mexi
can immigrant and Mexican American life within the United
States in
ways that contrasted sharply with other immigrant groups. In
the post
1924 period, Mexicans would be categorized as "illegal," an all-
encom
passing racial category which not only negated any claim of
belonging
in a conquered homeland, but also extended to both Mexican
immi
grants and Mexican Americans.67
These significant differences functioned to shape both
immigration
64. regulation and immigrant life in distinct ways for these groups.
Still, the
rhetoric and tools of gatekeeping, first established by Chinese
exclusion,
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52 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
were instrumental in defining the issues for all groups and set
important
precedents for twentieth-century immigration. Race, gender, and
class
based arguments were used to categorize Asian, southern and
eastern
European, and Mexican immigrants as inferior, undesirable, and
even
dangerous to the United States. Each group held its own unique
position
within the hierarchy of race and immigration, but all eventually
became
subjected to an immigration ideology and law designed to limit
their
65. entry into the United States.
By the early twentieth century, the call to "close the gates" was
not
only sounded in relation to Chinese immigration, but to
immigration in
general. Thomas Bailey Aldrich, poet and former editor of the
Atlantic
Monthly reacted to the new immigrants from southern and
eastern Eu
rope arriving in Boston in 1892 by publishing "The Unguarded
Gates,"
a poem demonizing the new arrivals as a "wild motley throng
... accents
of menace alien to our air."68 Just as H. N. Clement had
suggested
"closing the doors" against Chinese immigration in 1876,
Madison Grant,
the well-known nativist and leader of the Immigration
Restriction League
called for "closing the flood gates" against the "new
immigration" from
southern and eastern Europe in 1914.69 At the same time, Frank
Julian
Warne, another nativist leader, warned that unregulated
immigration
from Europe was akin to "throwing open wide our gates to all
66. the races
of the world."70
The solution, all agreed, lay in immigration policy, and a
succession
of federal laws were passed to increase the control and
regulation of
threatening and inferior immigrants. The Immigration Act of
1917 re
quired a literacy test for all adult immigrants, tightened
restrictions on
suspected radicals, and as a concession to politicians on the
West Coast,
denied entry to aliens living within a newly-erected
geographical area
called the "Asiatic Barred Zone." With this zone in place, the
United
States effectively excluded all immigrants from India, Burma,
Siam, the
Malay States, Arabia, Afghanistan, part of Russia, and most of
the
Polynesian Islands.71 The 1921 and 1924 Immigration Acts
drastically
restricted immigration from southern and eastern Europe and
perfected
the exclusion of all Asians, except for Filipinos.72 Although
Filipino and
67. Mexican immigration remained exempt from the 1924 Act,
Filipinos
were excluded in 1934.73 Both Filipinos and Mexicans faced
massive
deportation and repatriation programs during the Great
Depression. By
the 1930s, the cycle that had begun with Chinese exclusion was
made
complete.74
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Lee 53
THE EXAMPLE OF CHINESE EXCLUSION: IMMIGRATION
REGULATION
The concepts of race and immigration that developed out of
Chinese
exclusion provided the ideological structure to which other
immigrant
groups were compared and racialized. The passage of the
Chinese Ex
clusion Act also ushered in drastic changes in immigration
regulation
68. itself and set the foundation for twentieth-century policies
designed not
only for the inspection and processing of newly-arriving
immigrants,
but also for the control of potentially dangerous immigrants
already in
the country. Written into the act itself were five major changes
in immi
gration regulation. All would become standard means of
inspecting,
processing, admitting, tracking, punishing, and deporting
immigrants in
the United States. First, the Exclusion Act laid the foundation
for the
establishment of the country's first federal immigrant
inspectors. While
the Bureau of Immigration was not established until 1894 and
did not
gain jurisdiction over the Chinese exclusion laws until 1903, the
inspec
tors for Chinese immigrants (under the auspices of the United
States
Customs Service) were the first to be authorized to act as
immigration
officials on behalf of the federal government.75 Prior to the
passage of
69. the 1875 Page Law and the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882,
there was
neither a trained force of government officials and interpreters
nor the
bureaucratic machinery with which to enforce the new law. As
George
Anthony Peffer has illustrated, enforcement of the Page Law
first estab
lished the role of the United States collector of customs as
examiner of
Chinese female passengers and their documents, thereby
establishing an
important?though often overlooked?prototype for immigration
legis
lation and inspection.76 Sections four and eight of the Chinese
Exclusion
Act extended the duties of these officials to include the
examination of
all arriving Chinese. Inspectors were also required to examine
and clear
Chinese laborers departing the United States as well.77
Second, the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion laws set in
motion
the federal government's first attempts to identify and record
the move
70. ments, occupations, and financial relationships of immigrants,
returning
residents, and native-born citizens. Because of the complexity
of the
laws and immigration officials' suspicions that Chinese were
attempting
to enter the country under fraudulent pretenses, the
government's en
forcement practices involved an elaborate tracking system of
registra
tion documents, certificates of identity, and voluminous
interviews of
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54 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
individuals and their families.78 Section four of the Exclusion
Act estab
lished "certificates of registration" for departing laborers. Such
certifi
cates were to contain the name, age, occupation, last place of
residence,
personal description, and facts of identification of the Chinese
71. laborer.
This information was also recorded in specific registry-books to
be kept
in the customs-house. The certificate entitled the holder to
"return and
re-enter the United States upon producing and the delivering the
[docu
ment] to the collector of customs." The laborer's return
certificate is the
first reentry document issued to an immigrant group by the
federal
government, and it served as an equivalent passport facilitating
re-entry
into the country. Chinese remained the only immigrant group
required
to hold such re-entry permits (or passports) until 1924, when the
new
Immigration Act of that year issued?but did not require?reentry
per
mits for other aliens.79
As other scholars have pointed out, the documentary
requirements
established for Chinese women emigrating under the Page Law
and
exempt class Chinese (merchants, teachers, diplomats, students,
travel
ers) applying for admission under the exclusion laws also set in
72. motion
an "early version ofthat system of 'remote control' involving
passports
and visas" in which United States consular officials in China
and Hong
Kong verified the admissibility of immigrants prior to their
departure
for the United States. While the original Exclusion Act of 1882
placed
this responsibility in the hands of Chinese government officials
alone,
an 1884 amendment gave United States diplomatic officers the
task of
verifying the facts so that the so-called "section six certificates"
re
quired of exempt class Chinese could be considered "prima
facie evi
dence of right of re-entry."80
Eventually, in an effort to crack down on illegal entry and
residence,
the Chinese Exclusion laws were amended to require all Chinese
resi
dents already in the country to possess "certificates of
residence" and
"certificates of identity" that served as proof of their legal entry
and
lawful right to remain in the country. These precursors to
73. documents
now commonly known as "green cards," were first outlined in
the 1892
Geary Act and 1893 McCreary Amendment, which required
Chinese
laborers to register with the federal government. The resulting
certifi
cates of residence contained the name, age, local residence and
occupa
tion of the applicant (or "Chinaman" as the act noted), as well
as a
photograph. Any Chinese laborer found within the jurisdiction
of the
United States without a certificate of residence was to be
"deemed and
adjudged to be unlawfully in the United States," and vulnerable
to arrest
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Lee 55
and deportation.81 The Bureau of Immigration used its
administrative
74. authority to demand a similar "certificate of identity" for all
exempt
class Chinese merchants, teachers, travelers, students, and
others begin
ning in 1909. While the Bureau believed that such certificates
would
serve as "indubitable proof of legal entry" and thus, protection
for legal
immigrants and residents, it also subjected all non-laborer
Chinese?
who were supposed to be exempt from the exclusion laws?to the
same
system of registration and surveillance governing Chinese
laborers. Ap
parently, the plan was an extension of an existing system of
registration
used for Chinese Americans entering the mainland from
Hawaii.82 Other
immigrants were not required to hold similar documents proving
their
lawful residence until 1928 when "immigrant identification
cards" were
first issued to new immigrants arriving for permanent residence.
These
were eventually replaced by the "alien registration receipt
75. cards" (i.e.,
"green cards") after 1940.83
The issuance and institutionalization of such documentary
require
ments verifying Chinese immigrants' rights to enter, re-enter,
and re
main in the country codified a highly organized system of
control and
surveillance over the Chinese in America. Much of the
rationalization
behind such documentary requirements stemmed from the
prejudiced
belief that it was, as California Congressman Thomas Geary
explained,
"impossible to identify [one] Chinaman [from another.]"84
Although it
was an unprecedented form of immigration regulation and
surveillance
at the time, this method of processing and tracking immigrants
eventu
ally became central to America's control of immigrants and
immigration
in the twentieth century.
In addition to establishing a system of registering and tracking
immi
76. grants, the Chinese Exclusion Act set another precedent by
defining
illegal immigration as a criminal offense. It declared that any
person
who secured certificates of identity fraudulently or through
imperson
ation was to be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, fined $1000,
and
imprisoned for up to five years. Any persons who knowingly
aided and
abetted the landing of "any Chinese person not lawfully entitled
to enter
the United States" could also be charged with a misdemeanor,
fined, and
imprisoned for up to one year.85
Defining and punishing illegal immigration directly led to the
estab
lishment of the country's first modern deportation laws as well,
and one
of the final sections of the Act declared that "any Chinese
person found
unlawfully within the United States shall be caused to be
removed there
from to the country from whence he came."86 These initial
forays into
77. This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Sat, 23 Aug
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56 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
federal regulation of immigration would be even further
codified and
institutionalized seven years later in the Immigration Act of
1891.87
CONCLUSION
The passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882
fundamentally
transformed both immigration to the United States and the
country's
relationship to immigration. It was the first of many restriction
and
exclusion laws, but its significance goes far beyond the legal
realm.
Chinese exclusion helped re-define the very ways in which
Americans
saw and defined race in relation to other immigrant groups and
trans
formed America's relationship to immigration in general. The
end result
78. was a nation that embraced the notion of guarding America's
gates
against "undesirable" foreigners in order to protect Americans.
Gatekeeping became a national reality and was extended to
other immi
grant groups throughout the early twentieth century. Both the
rhetoric
and the tools used in the battle over Chinese exclusion were
repeated in
later debates over immigration. In many ways, Chinese
immigrants be
came the models by which others were measured. Nativists
repeatedly
pointed to ways in which the new Asians, Mexicans, and
Europeans
were "just like" the Chinese. They also argued that similar
restrictions
should be established. By 1924, the cycle begun with Chinese
exclusion
was complete, and gatekeeping had changed from being the
exception to
the rule. Immigration inspectors and inspections, passport and
other
documentary requirements, the surveillance and criminalization
79. of im
migration and the deportation of immigrants found to be in the
country
illegally all became standard operating procedures in the United
States.
Nativists no longer needed to ask "how can we stop
immigrants?" They
had found the answer in Chinese exclusion.
NOTES
Numerous people have read earlier versions of this article, and I
have benefited
greatly from their comments: David Roediger, George Anthony
Peffer, Paul Spickard,
Catherine Ceniza Choy, Jigna Desai, Pat McNamara, Liping
Wang, Claire Fox, and
Claudia Sadowski-Smith, and the anonymous reader from the
Journal. Michael
LeMay provided early guidance.
1. California State Senate, Special Committee on Chinese
Immigration, Chinese
Immigration: It's Social, Moral, and Political Effect
(Sacramento, 1878), p. 275.
2. San Francisco Alta California, 6 April 1876, as cited in
Andrew Gyory,
Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act
(Chapel Hill, N.C.,
80. 1998), p. 78.
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Lee 57
3. Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate, p. 78; Gwendolyn Mink,
Old Labor and
New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union,
Party, and State, 1875
1920 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986), p. 73.
4. Act of May 6, 1882 (22 Stat. 58).
5. Roger Daniels, "No Lamps Were Lit for Them: Angel Island
and the Histori
ography of Asian American Immigration," Journal of American
Ethnic History, 17,
1 (Fall 1997): 4; Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate, pp. 1, 258-9.
6. Recent exceptions are Lucy Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers:
Chinese Immi
grants and the Shaping of Modern Immigration Law (Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1995);
Sucheng Chan, ed. Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese
Community in America,
1882-1943 (Philadelphia, 1994); Sucheng Chan and K. Scott
Wong, eds. Claiming
America: Constructing Chinese American Identities During the
81. Exclusion Era (Phila
delphia, 1998); Mae Ngai, "Legacies of Exclusion: Illegal
Chinese Immigration
During the Cold War Years," Journal of American Ethnic
History, 18, 1 (Fall
1998): 3-35.
7. Lucy Salyer has demonstrated how Chinese exclusion shaped
the doctrine
and administration of modem immigration law. Lucy Salyer,
Laws Harsh as Tigers,
pp. xvi-xvii.
8. On the Page Law, see George Anthony Peffer, If They Don't
Bring Their
Women Here: Chinese Female Immigration Before Exclusion
(Urbana, 111., 1999).
9. For example, see Michael C. LeMay, Gatekeepers:
Comparative Immigra
tion Policy (New York, 1989); Michael C. LeMay, From Open
Door to Dutch
Door: An Analysis of U.S. Immigration Policy Since 1820 (New
York, 1987);
Nathan Glazer, Clamor at the Gates: The New American
Immigration (San Fran
cisco, 1985); Norman L. and Naomi Flink Zucker. The Guarded
Gate: The Reality
of American Refugee Policy (New York, 1987); Andrew Gyory,
Closing the Gate.
10. Richard Rayner, "Illegal? Yes. Threat? No," New York
Times Magazine, 1
82. January 1996; Daniel B. Wood, "Controlling Illegal
Immigration?But at a Price,"
Christian Science Monitor, 4 October 1999; "Fifth Year of
Operation Gatekeeper
Stirs Debate" Siskind's Immigration Bulletin, (October 1999),
available from http://
wwxv.visalaw.com/99oct/21oct99.html.
11. Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate, pp. 1-2.
12. On the anti-Chinese movement, see in general, Mary R.
Coolidge, Chinese
Immigration (New York, 1909); Neil Gotanda, "Exclusion and
Inclusion: Immigra
tion and American Orientalism," in Across the Pacific: Asian
Americans and Glo
balization, ed. Evelyn Hu-DeHart (Philadelphia, 1999), pp. 129-
132; Gyory, Clos
ing the Gate, Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in
Popular Culture (Phila
delphia, 1999), pp. 51-64; Karen J. Leong, "A Distant and
Antagonistic Race:"
Constructions of Chinese Manhood in the Exclusionist Debates,
1869-1878," in
Across the Great Divide: Cultures of Manhood in the American
West, ed. Laura
McCall, Matthew Basso, Dee Garceau (New York, 2000), pp.
131-148; Charles
McClain, Jr., In Search of Equality: Chinese Struggle against
Discrimination in
83. Nineteenth-Century America (Berkeley, Calif., 1994); Mink,
Old Labor and New
Immigrants', Peffer, If They Don't Bring Their Women Here;
Salyer, Laws Harsh as
Tigers', Alexander Saxton, Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the
Anti-Chinese Move
ment in California (Berkeley, Calif., 1971); K. Scott Wong,
"Immigration and
Race: The Politics and Rhetoric of Exclusion," in Many
Americas: Critical Per
spectives on Race, Racism, and Ethnicity, ed. Gregory Campbell
(Dubuque, IA,
1998), pp. 231-244.
13. California State Senate, Special Committee on Chinese
Immigration, Chi
nese Immigration, pp. 276-7, emphasis original.
14. Chan Chae Ping v. United States (130 US 581, 1889). In
1893, the Court
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58 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
also ruled that Congress had the right to exclude and deport
unwanted aliens in
84. 1893 in Fong Yue Ting v. United States (149 US 698,1893).
15. Erika Lee, "Immigrants and Immigration Law: A State of
the Field Assess
ment," Journal of American Ethnic History, 18, 4 (Summer,
1999): 85-114; Elliott
Barkan and Michael LeMay, U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Laws and Issues
(Westport, Conn., 1999), p. xxii.
16. Alan Kraut, Silent Travelers: Germs, Genes, and the
"Immigrant Menace"
(Baltimore, 1994), p. 3.
17. Immigration Act of 1917 (39 Stat. 874). My thanks to
Margot Canaday for
this citation.
18. Immigration policy directly shaped American "racial
formation," what
Michael Omi and Howard Winant have explained as the "socio-
historical process
by which racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed,
and destroyed."
Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the
United States From the
1960s to the 1990s (1986; New York, 1994), p. 55. For a study
on immigration
policy and racial formation in the post-1924 period, see Mae
Ngai. "The Architec
ture of Race in American Immigration Law," Journal of
American History, 86,1
(June 1999): 67-92; and Mae Ngai. "Illegal Aliens and Alien
85. Citizens: United
States Immigration Policy and Racial Formation, 1924-1945"
(Ph.D. diss., Colum
bia University, 1998). On critical race theory and the law, see
Sally Engle Merry,
Colonizing Hawaii: The Cultural Power of Law (Princeton, N.J.,
2000), p. 17;
Patricia Ewick and Susan S. Silbey, The Common Place of Law:
Stories from
Everyday Life (Chicago, 1998).
19. Donna Gabaccia, "Is Everywhere Nowhere? Nomads,
Nations, and the Im
migrant Paradigm of United States History," Journal of
American History, 86, 3
(1999): 1115-1134; George J. Sanchez, "Race, Nation, and
Culture in Recent Im
migration Studies," Journal of American Ethnic History, 18, 4
(Summer, 1999):
66-84; Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural
Politics (Durham,
N.C., 1996), p. ix.
20. Bill Ong Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America
Through Immigration
Policy, 1850-1990 (Stanford, Calif., 1993). See also Jose David
Saldivar, Border
Matters: Remapping American Cultural Studies (Berkeley,
Calif., 1997), pp. 96-7;
Ali Behdad, "INS and Outs: Producing Delinquency at the
Border," Aztlan, 23, 1
86. (Spring, 1998): 103-113; Timothy J. Dunn, The Militarization
of the U S.-Mexico
Border, 1978-1992 (Austin, Tex., 1996).
21. Mae Ngai, "The Architecture of Race," pp. 67-92.
22. I use Michael Omi and Howard Winant's definition of the
state as being
composed of institutions, the policies they carry out, the
conditions and rules which
support and justify them, and the social relations in which they
are imbedded.
Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the
United States, 83. See
also, John Torpey, The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance,
Citizenship, and the
State (New York, 2000), p. 1; David Palumbo-Liu,
Asian/American: Historical
Crossings of a Racial Frontier (Stanford, Calif., 1999), p. 31;
Alan Kraut, Silent
Travelers, pp. 48-9; Anistide Zolberg, "The Great Wall Against
China: Responses
to the First Immigration Crisis, 1885-1925" in Migration
History: Old Paradigms
and New Perspectives, ed. Jan and Leo Lucassen (Bern, 1999),
pp. 291-316; and
Aristide Zolberg, "Matters of State: Theorizing Immigration
Policy," in The Hand
book to International Migration: The American Experience, ed.
C. Hirschman et al.
87. (New York, 1999), pp. 71-93.
23. Act of July 7, 1898: Annexation of Hawaiian Islands (31
Stat. 141) and Act
of April 30, 1900: Regarding the Territory of Hawaii (31 Stat.
161); Act of April
29, 1902: Chinese Immigration Prohibited (32 Stat. 176). On
imperialism and im
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Lee 59
migration in general, see Matthew Frye Jacobson, Barbarian
Virtues: The United
States Encounters Foreign Peoples at Home and Abroad, 1876-
1917 (New York,
2000), pp. 26-38.
24. Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts, p. ix; David Thelen, "The
Nation and Beyond:
Transnational Perspective on United States History," Journal of
American History,
86, 3 (1999): 966.
25. Congressional Record, 48th Cong., 2d sess. (February 13,
1885), p. 1634; as
cited in Mink, Old Labor and New Immigrants, p. 109.
26. Democratic National Committee, The Political Reformation
of 1884: A Demo
88. cratic Campaign Handbook (1884); as cited in Gwendolyn Mink,
Old Labor and
New Immigrants, p. 107.
27. Act of February 26, 1885 (also known as the Alien Contract
Labor Law and
the Foran Act) (23 Stat. 332).
28. Act of March 3, 1903 (32 Stat. 1222).
29. The 1882 Regulation of Immigration Act (Act of August 3,
1882; 22 Stat.
214) also excluded lunatics, convicts, and idiots. The 1891
Immigration Act added
polygamists and "persons suffering from a loathsome or
dangerous contagious dis
ease." (Act of March 3, 1891; 26 Stat. 1084).
30. Donna Gabaccia, From the Other Side: Women, Gender, and
Immigrant
Life in the US, 1820-1990 (Bloomington, Ind., 1994), p. 37.
31. James Barrett and David Roediger, "Inbetween Peoples:
Race, Nationality
and the 'New Immigrant' Working Class," Journal of American
Ethnic History, 16,
3 (1997): 8-9.
32. Recent studies on racial formation in the West illustrate the
importance of
moving beyond the white and black binary. See Neil Foley, The
White Scourge:
89. Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture
(Berkeley, Calif.,
1997); Tomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical
Origins of White Su
premacy in California (Berkeley, Calif., 1994); Chris Friday,
"In DueTime: Narra
tives of Race and Place in the Western United States," in Race,
Ethnicity, and
Nationality in the United States: Toward the Twenty-First
Century, ed., Paul Wong
(Boulder, Colo., 1999), pp. 102-152.
33. As David Roediger and James Barrett have pointed out, part
of the problem
in immigration history has been a lack of attention to race (as
opposed to ethnicity)
within the field. "Typical" immigration history, they write, has
largely been "the
story of newcomers becoming American, of their holding out
against becoming
American or, at best, of their changing America in the process
of discovering new
identities." Worse, they argue, is the misguided conflation of
race with ethnicity.
Stark differences between the racialized status of African
Americans, Latinos, Ameri
can Indians, and Asian Americans and European immigrants,
they explain, meant
that "the latter eventually became ethnic." James Barrett and
David Roediger,
90. "Inbetween Peoples," pp. 4-6.
34 John Higham, Preface to the Second Edition and Afterword,
Strangers in the
Land (New York, 1978). Higham implied that he was wrong in
this interpretation,
but offered no substantive corrective. See also Edith Abbot,
Historical Aspects of
the Immigration Problem; Select Documents (Chicago, 1926), p.
ix; Carl Wittke,
We Who Built America; The Saga of the Immigrant (New York,
1939), p. 458.
Many of these oversights were first pointed out by Roger
Daniels in "Westerners
from the East: Oriental Immigrants Reappraised," Pacific
Historical Review, 35
(1966) and "No Lamps Were Lit for Them," pp. 3-18.
35. Donna Gabaccia. "Is Everywhere Nowhere?" pp. 1115-1135;
George
Sanchez, "Race, Nation, and Culture," pp. 66-84.
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60 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
91. 36. "Shut the Gates to the Hindu Invasion," San Francisco
Examiner, 16 June
1910; "The Watchdog States," San Francisco Post, 24 May
1910.
37. San Francisco Bulletin, 4 May 1891, as cited in Roger
Daniels, Asian
America, p. 111. "Proceedings of the Asiatic Exclusion
League," July, 1911 (Allied
Printing, San Francisco, 1911).
38. Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese
Movement in
California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley,
Calif., 1962), p. 20.
39. Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans?an Interpretive History
(Boston, 1991),
p. 44.
40. "Advance Guard of Hindu Horde Has Arrived," San
Francisco Examiner, 1
August 1910, as cited in Lucy Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, p.
127.
41. San Francisco Daily News, 20 September 1910.
42. George Sanchez writes that "Mexicans rapidly replaced the
Japanese
as a
major component of the agricultural labor force." George
Sanchez, Becoming Mexi
92. can American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los
Angeles, 1900-1945
(New York, 1993), p. 19.
43. Mae Ngai, "The Architecture of Race," p. 91.
44. Abraham Hoffman, Unwanted Mexican Americans in the
Great Depression:
Repatriation Pressures, 1929-1939 (Tuscon, Ariz., 1974), p. 10.
45. Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor
Whites in
Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley, Calif., 1997), p. 54.
46. Frederick Russell Burnham, "The Howl for Cheap Mexican
Labor," in The
Alien in Our Midst or Selling Our Birthright for a Mess of
Pottage, ed. Madison
Grant and Charles Stewart Davison (New York, 1930), p. 48.
See also Neil Foley,
White Scourge, p. 51.
47. V. S. McClatchy, "Oriental Immigration"; Neil Foley, White
Scourge, pp.
195, 197.
48. Foley, The White Scourge, p. 55.
49. Chester H. Rowell, "Why Make Mexico an Exception?"
Survey, 1 May
1931; and idem, "Chinese and Japanese Immigrants," Annals of
the American Acad
emy, 34 (September, 1909): 4; as cited in Foley, The White
Scourge, p. 53.
93. 50. Frederick Russell Burnham, "The Howl for Cheap Mexican
Labor," p. 45.
51. Ibid., p. 48
52. John Higham, Strangers in the Land, pp. 132-3.
53. Donna Gabaccia, "The Yellow Peril' and the 'Chinese of
Europe,'" pp.
177-9.
54. Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Twelfth
Annual Report of the
Bureau of Statistics of Labor (Boston, 1881), pp. 469-70. My
thanks to Florence
Mae Waldron for this citation.
55. Lodge was quoting the U.S. Consul in Budapest. Henry
Cabot Lodge, "The
Restriction of Immigration," North American Review, 152
(1891): 30-32, 35; Mat
thew Frye Jacobson, Barbarian Virtues, pp. 76-7.
56. Lothrop Stoddard, "The Permanent Menace from Europe," in
The Alien in
Our Midst, ed. Grant and Davison, pp. 227-8.
57. J.H. Patten, Asst. Secretary, Immigration Restriction
League, Letter to Unions,
15 October 1908, Scrapbooks, Immigration Restriction League
Collection, 1894
1912, Boston Public Library, Boston, Massachusetts.
58. J.H. Patten, Asst. Secretary, Immigration Restriction League
to Congress
men and Senators, n.d., ibid.
94. 59. Asiatic Exclusion League, Proceedings, Feb. 1908, pp. 19,
71, and Decem
ber, 1908, pp. 17, 19; John Higham, Strangers in the Land, p.
166.
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Lee 61
60. Homer Lea, The Valor of Ignorance (New York, 1909), pp.
124-8; John
Higham, Strangers in the Land, p. 172.
61. Congressional Record, 61 Cong., 1 Sess., 9174; Asiatic
Exclusion League,
Proceedings, (February, 1908), pp. 55, 57; John Higham,
Strangers in the Land, p.
174.
62. As David Roediger, Noel Ignatiev, and Matthew Frye
Jacobson have shown,
Irish and southern and eastern European immigrants commonly
constructed and
asserted their "whiteness" by allying themselves (and sometimes
leading) racist
95. campaigns against African Americans, Native Americans, and
Asian and Mexican
immigrants. See David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness:
Race and the Making of
the American Working Class (New York, 1991); Matthew Frye
Jacobson, White
ness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the
Alchemy of Race (Cam
bridge, Mass., 1998); Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became
White (New York,
1995).
63. San Francisco Call, 22 November 1901.
64. Ian F. Haney Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction
of Race (New
York 1996).
65. Ngai, "The Architecture of Race," p. 70.
66. Lawrence Cardoso, Mexican Emigration to the United
States, 1891-1931
(Tucson, Ariz., 1980), p. 22; George J. Sanchez, Becoming
Mexican American, p.
20; Abraham Hoffman, Unwanted Mexican Americans in the
Great Depression, pp.
30-32.
67. Ngai, "The Architecture of Race," p. 91.
68. Barbara Miller Solomon, Ancestors and Immigrants: A
Changing New En
gland Tradition (Chicago, 1956), pp. 82-88; Matthew Frye
96. Jacobson, Barbarian
Virtues, p. 181.
69. Madison Grant, The Alien in Our Midst, p. 23.
70. Frank Julian Warne, The Immigrant Invasion (New York,
1913), p. 295.
71. Immigration Act of 1917, (39 Stat. 874).
72. The Quota Act of 1921 (42 Stat. 5, section 2); Immigration
Act of 1924, (43
Stat. 153). See generally, John Higham, Strangers in the Land,
pp. 308-24.
73. Robert A. Divine, American Immigration Policy, 1924-1952,
(New York,
1957), p. 60; H. Brett Melendy, "The Filipinos in the United
States," in Norris
Hundley, ed., The Asian-American: The Historical Experience,
ed. Norris Hundley
(Santa Barbara, Calif. 1976), pp. 115-6, 119-25.
74. One recent estimate places the number of Mexicans,
including American
bom children who were returned to Mexico at one million. See
Francisco E.
Balderrama and Raymond Rodriguez, Decade of Betrayal:
Mexican Repatriation in
the 1930s (Albuquerque, N. Mex., 1995), p. 122.
75. The Bureau of Immigration was established under the Act of
August 18,
1894 (28 Stat. 390). In 1900, Congress transferred the
administration of the exclu
97. sion laws to the commissioner-general of immigration, but the
everyday enforce
ment of the law still remained with the immigration officials in
the Customs Ser
vice. In 1903, all Chinese immigration matters were placed
under the control of the
Bureau of Immigration and its parent department, the newly
created Department of
Commerce and Labor. "An act to establish the Department of
Commerce and
Labor," (32 Stat. L., 825).
76. The Page Law was also enforced by U.S. Consuls in Hong
Kong. Act of
March 3, 1875 (18 Stat. 477) George Anthony Peffer, If They
Don't Bring Their
Women Here, pp. 58-9; Wen-hsien Chen, "Chinese Immigration
Under Both Ex
clusion and Immigration Laws," (Ph.D. diss., University of
Chicago, 1940), p. 91.
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62 Journal of American Ethnic History / Spring 2002
77. Act of May 6, 1882, (22 Stat. 58).
98. 78. See, for example, the Chinese Arrival Files, Port of San
Francisco, RG 85,
Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service,
National Archives, Pacific
Region, San Bruno, CA.
79. Act of May 26, 1924: The Immigration Act of 1924 (43 Stat.
153); e-mail
communication with Marian Smith, Historian, U.S. Immigration
and Naturalization
Service, 24 October 2000.
80. Section 4, Act of May 6, 1882, (22 Stat. 58); Act of July 5,
1884 (23 Stat.
115); Mary R. Coolidge, Chinese Immigration, pp. 183-5;
George Anthony Peffer,
If They Don't Bring Their Women Here', John Torpey, The
Invention of the Pass
port, pp. 97-9.
81. Section 7, Act of May 5, 1892, "Geary Act," (27 Stat. 25)
and Section 2,
Act of November 3, 1893, "McCreary Amendment," (28 Stat. 7).
82. United States, Department of Commerce, Annual Report of
the Commis
sioner-General of Immigration for Fiscal Year 1903 (1903), 156
dina Annual Report
of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for Fiscal Year
1909 (1909), 131.
83. The use of "immigrant identification cards"
99. was first begun under U.S.
Consular regulations
on July 1, 1928. The "alien registration receipt cards,"
com
monly known as "green cards" were the product of the Alien
Registration Act of
1940 and the corresponding INS Alien Registration Program.
Act of June 28, 1940
(54 Stat. 670); e-mail communication with Marian Smith,
Historian, U.S. Immigra
tion and Naturalization Service, 26 October 2000; Marian
Smith, "Why Isn't the
Green Card Green?"
http://www.ins.usdoj.gov/graphics/aboutins/history/articles/
Green.htm.
84. Mary R. Coolidge, Chinese Immigration, pp. 209-33; John
Torpey, The
Invention of the Passport, p. 100.
85. Sections 7 and 11, Act of May 6, 1882, (22 Stat. 58). This
second clause
added to existing terms of punishment first established by the
Page Law for any
persons caught "importing" either Asian contract laborers or
prostitutes. Act of
March 3, 1875 (18 Stat. 477).
86. Section 12, Act of May 6, 1882, (22 Stat. 58).
87. This law established the Office of Superintendent of
Immigration, outlined