No government can sustain itself in a democratic capitalist society without the support of the majority of the population, the majority of the National Congress and the economic power. The economic disaster of the Bolsonaro government aggravated by the creation of the Coronavirus will cause him to lose the support of the business community and will be the end of his government. The current moment is demanding Bolsonaro's immediate removal from the Presidency of the Republic because he lost the conditions to govern the country. In turn, the Coronavirus crisis requires that the powers of the Republic and the Brazilian population are united in the fight against the enemy common. Bolsonaro does not contribute to achieving this goal.

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WHY BOLSONARO ACT IRRESPONSIBLY AND CRIMINAL IN THE FIGHT
AGAINST CORONAVIRUS IN BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado*
In order to have governability in Brazil, the Bolsonaro government needs to count on the
support of the economically dominant classes (bourgeoisie) and meet the demands of the
various subordinate social classes (petty bourgeoisie, urban and rural proletariat and
lump-proletariat) in order to obtain the support of Civil Society, as well as it must have a
broad political base of support in Parliament to obtain the approval of its legislative
projects. This, therefore, is the tripod of governability in Brazil: 1) support from
economically dominant social classes; 2) support from the majority of the population, and
3) support from the majority of Parliament. In short, governance is about the government's
ability to carry out public policies with the support of the ruling classes, the population
and Parliament.
In Brazil, the bourgeoisie, which is classified as the ruling class and the State, through
their state-owned companies, own the means of production. The social classes that do not
have the means of production concern the petty bourgeoisie, the urban and rural
proletariat and the lumpemproletariat, which are classified as subordinate classes. The
petty bourgeoisie concerns the middle class or urban middle classes who have the same
values and aspirations as the bourgeoisie. The proletariat is one that has no livelihood
except its labor force, which it sells for wages to survive. The lumpemproletariat, in turn,
is the part of the population socially located below the proletariat formed by miserable
fractions.
The bourgeoisie is constituted in Brazil by two groups: 1) great entrepreneurs of the
productive sector and entrepreneurs linked to the financial sector, etc. having a contingent
of 9 thousand members; and, 2) small and medium-sized entrepreneurs whose number is
5.7 million people. The petty bourgeoisie is comprised of the upper middle class
(executives of national private companies, executives of multinational companies, senior
government bureaucrats and executives of state-owned companies), traditional middle
class (civil servants and self-employed professionals) and intellectuals (lawyers in large
offices, university professors, academics, journalists, artists, filmmakers, etc.) whose
number is 108 million inhabitants. The urban and rural proletariat are workers in industry,
agriculture, commerce and services that total 46 million inhabitants in Brazil and the
lumpemproletariat, also called "povão", is made up of 40.3 million people.
Bolsonaro is losing the conditions of governability with the rejection of the vast majority
of the population and the majority of the National Congress. In order not to lose his last
bastion of support with the holders of economic power (businessmen), he advocates the
end of the social isolation advocated by the scientific community to fight the Coronavirus
with his thesis that Brazil cannot stop under the pretext of preventing the worsening of
the economic crisis that is in the interest of the ruling classes. Bolsonaro knows that losing
the support of economic power will be the end of his government because he no longer
has the support of the majority of the population and the majority of the National
Congress. This explains Bolsonaro's irresponsible, criminal and genocidal act to remain
in power at the cost of about 500,000 deaths in Brazil, according to the University of
Oxford, which will occur if his thesis that “Brazil cannot stop” prevails.
No government can sustain itself in a democratic capitalist society without the support of
the majority of the population, the majority of the National Congress and the economic
power. The economic disaster of the Bolsonaro government aggravated by the creation

2. 2
of the Coronavirus will cause him to lose the support of the business community and will
be the end of his government. The current moment is demanding Bolsonaro's immediate
removal from the Presidency of the Republic because he lost the conditions to govern the
country. In turn, the Coronavirus crisis requires that the powers of the Republic and the
Brazilian population are united in the fight against the enemy common. Bolsonaro does
not contribute to achieving this goal.
Bolsonaro's stay in power tends to generate social upheaval and political-institutional
instability with unpredictable consequences. In view of this perspective, it is needed that,
according to the Constitution, Bolsonaro be removed from the Presidency of the Republic
by his mental insanity due to the recent acts he has been practicing that can lead to the
death of 478 thousand Brazilians with his defense of the end of social isolation to fight
coronavirus. Remotion of Bolsonaro from the Presidency of the Republic by his mental
insanity would be the solution that would allow Bolsonaro to be removed from power
without the need for impeachment for the 17 crimes of responsibility that he has been
practicing systematically because it would require a lot of time to materialize. Bolsonaro
out of power for the good of Brazil!
* Fernando Alcoforado, 80, awarded the medal of Engineering Merit of the CONFEA / CREA System,
member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor in Territorial Planning and Regional
Development by the University of Barcelona, university professor and consultant in the areas of
strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is author of the
books Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem
Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os
condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de
Barcelona,http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora
Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos
na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social
Development- The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Müller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG,
Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (Viena- Editora e Gráfica,
Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate
ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores
Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), Energia no Mundo
e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015), As
Grandes Revoluções Científicas, Econômicas e Sociais que Mudaram o Mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba,
2016), A Invenção de um novo Brasil (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2017), Esquerda x Direita e a sua
convergência (Associação Baiana de Imprensa, Salvador, 2018, em co-autoria) and Como inventar o futuro
para mudar o mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2019).