Political instability has assumed large proportions in recent times with the denunciation of investigated for corruption that commits not only the country's political class, but mainly the executive and legislative branches of government that are totally demoralized and contribute to become unviable the efforts of Michel Temer government to recover extremely deteriorated Brazilian economy. This situation adds to the fact that Michel Temer be rejected as Dilma Rousseff by the population, making it unable to demand sacrifices of the population to adopt the necessary measures to overcome the economic crisis that will affect the interests, particularly the middle class and urban and rural proletariat that tend to rebel making Brazil ungovernable. For these reasons, the ungovernability, which is the domain of the disorder, will be inevitable in Michel Temer government. This tends to generate social unrest and political and institutional instability with unpredictable consequences that require the convening of a National Constituent Assembly Exclusive to reorder the national life before the collapse of the political system in force in Brazil.

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DESTROYED THE TRIPOD OF GOVERNABILITY IN BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
To have governability in Brazil, the Brazilian government must have the support of the
economically ruling class (bourgeoisie) and meet the demands of various subaltern
classes (petty bourgeoisie, urban and rural proletariat and lumpenproletariat) for the
support of civil society and must have a broad political base support in Parliament for
the approval of their legislative projects. This is therefore the tripod of governability in
Brazil: 1) support of the economically ruling social classes; 2) support of the majority of
the population and 3) support of the majority of Parliament. In short, governability
concerns the government's ability to be able to carry out public policies with the support
of the ruling classes, the population and the Parliament.
In Brazil, holders of the means of production the bourgeoisie which is classified as the
ruling class and the state, through its state-owned enterprises. Social classes not owning
the means of production concern the petty bourgeoisie, the urban and rural proletariat
and the lumpenproletariat that are classified as lower classes. The petty bourgeoisie
concerns the middle class and urban middle classes who have the same values and
aspirations of the bourgeoisie. The proletariat is one that has no means of life except
their labor power he sells receiving wages to survive. The lumpenproletariat, in turn, is
the portion of the population located socially below the proletariat formed by miserable
fractions, not only devoid of economic resources, but also devoid of political
consciousness and class, and is therefore susceptible to serve bourgeois interests and
party political patronage.
The bourgeoisie is made in Brazil by two groups: 1) great entrepreneurs of the
productive sector and businessmen linked to the financial sector, etc. with a contingent
of 9,000 members; and, 2) small and medium entrepreneurs whose quota is 5.7 million
people. The petty bourgeoisie is made up of the upper middle class (national private
companies’ executives, executives of multinational companies, senior government
bureaucrats and state-owned enterprises executives), traditional middle class (civil
servants and liberal professionals) and intellectual (major office lawyers, university
professors, academics, journalists, artists, filmmakers, etc.) whose quota is 108 million.
The urban and rural proletariat are the industrial, agricultural, trade and services
workers totaling 46 million people in Brazil and the lumpenproletariat, also called
"common people", consists of 40.3 million people.
The removal of Dilma Rousseff of power had the support of the bourgeoisie made up of
large business of the productive sector and the financial sector thanks to the
incompetence demonstrated by her in the conduct of the national economy, as well as
the risk of loss of continuity of the capital accumulation process and the threat of losses
realization of their companies in the future. The vast majority of the petty bourgeoisie
supported the impeachment of Dilma Roussef evidenced by their active participation in
major events held in Brazil since 2013 because they felt threatened in their perspective
of social mobility, maintenance of their jobs and the loss of their purchasing power in
the face of catastrophic situation of the Brazilian economy. The Dilma Roussef
government had the support of the urban and rural proletariat, especially that linked the
major unions and labor unions in Brazil controlled by PT (Workers´Party) and the allied
parties and the lumpenproletariat, social base of the PT governments thanks social
programs “Bolsa Família” and “Minha Casa, Minha Vida”.

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After the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, Michel Temer assumes power facing also
governability problems. From the tripod of governability, Michel Temer has the support
of the ruling social classses (bourgeoisie) and the majority of Parliament. Michel Temer
is rejected by the majority of the population as much as Dilma Rousseff. The Michel
Temer condition of governability is currently higher than that of Dilma Rousseff who
did not have any support. To sustain in power, Michel Temer will have to make
concessions to the ruling classes and the members of Parliament because hardly win the
support of the vast majority of the population that only would occur with the retake of
economic development when would provide the increase in employment and income of
members of the middle class and the urban and rural proletariat. As for the
lumpenproletariat, the Michel Temer government must make concessions keeping the
social programs of Dilma Rousseff government to neutralize the influence of PT and
allies along to this social class.
Michel Temer government is faced, however, with immense difficulties to meet the
interests of the ruling classes that will only be satisfied if the Brazilian economy is
going to present a performance to ensure the profits of their companies. Hardly, the
Brazilian economy will be reactivated in its growth in a unstable political environment
as the current because Michel Temer does not count on the confidence of the population
because it is also, along with Dilma Rousseff, co-responsible for the political and
administrative debacle of Brazil and the executive and legislative powers are
demoralized by the presence of large number of politicians investigated for justice for
the crime of corruption. Most likely, none domestic and foreign investor will invest in
Brazil in a unstable political environment as the current and the possibility of return to
power of the incompetent government of Dilma Rousseff in the next 6 months if not
confirmed the impeachment by Brazilian Congress.
Political instability has assumed large proportions in recent times with the denunciation
of investigated by “Lava Jato” Operation that investigate crimes of corruption in
government committing virtually much of the country's political class contributing to
harm the Temer government efforts to recover the Brazilian economy and to feed
stagnation further that Brazil meets with serious social consequences. In this scenario,
the middle class, urban and rural proletariat and the lumpenproletariat would rebel
against the government making the country ungovernable. For these reasons, the
ungovernability, which is the domain of the disorder, will be inevitable in Michel Temer
government because he will not be able to ensure the continuity of the process of
capitalist accumulation for the benefit of the bourgeoisie and to redistribute income in
favor of the subaltern classes. This tends to generate social unrest and political and
institutional instability with unpredictable consequences whose solution will require the
convening of a National Constituent Assembly Exclusive to reorder the national life.
To cope with the ungovernability of the country, there must be the resignation of the
president of Republic (Michel Temer and Rousseff if she did not suffer impeachment)
and be constituted a provisional government headed by President of the Supreme Court
that is the only institution capable of mediate the political and social conflicts in Brazil
and convene a Constituent Assembly Exclusive to reorder the national life. The
National Constituent Assembly Exclusive would have the purpose: 1) to carry out the
reform of the country's political system with the institutionalization of the district vote
and reducing the number of parliamentarians and their stewardships in federal
parliaments, state and municipal, among other measures; 2) to promote the reform of the
State and Public Administration on a new basis; 3) to ban political parties and

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parliamentarians committed to corruption; 4) to form new political parties after the new
Constituent; and, 5) to call new general elections in the country, among other measures.
The Constituent Assembly Exclusive to be convened should institute also
parliamentarism and decide the end of the Senate with the institutionalization of the
unicameral system.
* Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2015).