This work aims at exploring the relation between Mercosur's political agenda on borders and the local interactions at these spaces in the light of the 'left turn' in South America (2002-2014). This brief conjuncture analysis found that the 'regionalism by the left' did not foster structural changes in Mercosur nor resolved issues of coordination necessary for the border, regionalization dynamics to leave the informal sphere in which they reside
This document provides an introduction to a conceptual framework for analyzing strategic urban planning in major global cities. It discusses relevant literature at the global, regional/national, and city levels. At the global level, it examines debates around economic globalization and its impacts on urban restructuring and hierarchies. It also discusses the influence of global environmental issues. At the regional/national level, it explores the roles of economic regions, trade blocs, and changing relationships between international, national, and subnational governance. At the city level, it discusses how global pressures interact with urban politics and decision-making over strategic planning priorities and outcomes. The conceptual framework aims to integrate influences across these scales to understand how strategic urban agendas are constructed.
Brzezinski The Geostrategic Triad Living With China, Europe And Russia (2...guestaab442
This document provides an introduction and overview of a monograph on the United States' strategic priorities and engagement with major powers in Eurasia. It discusses how the success of US international engagement in the 21st century will depend on its relationships with China, Japan, Russia, and Europe. Specifically, it outlines two "Eurasian power triangles" that are important for the US - one between the US, EU, and Russia, and another between the US, Japan, and China. The document introduces Zbigniew Brzezinski's analysis of these relationships and the strategic considerations that should guide the US approach in each case.
This document summarizes the phases of political development in India since independence. It discusses how the Congress party's initial monopoly on power led to a period of "romantic politics" focused on ideological issues rather than practical problems. This neglect of organization allowed a new rural political elite to emerge that now seeks political ascendancy. The coming decades may see an intensifying struggle for power between this new rural leadership and the existing urbanized elite, marking India's entry into a new phase of "politics of backwardness."
This document provides a summary of a study titled "Politics and Society in North Africa and the Middle East between Reform and Conflict. Trends in Development up to the Year 2010". The study analyzes political, economic, and social developments in the region, and identifies key risk factors and areas of potential conflict. It finds that governments have largely been unwilling or unable to implement reforms to modernize their economies and societies. Socioeconomic challenges like unemployment, poverty and lack of resources could trigger further conflicts. Ideological debates around cultural and religious identity have also intensified and may hinder reforms. The study concludes that without concerted long-term strategies to promote structural reform and modernization, socio-political conflicts in the region will likely continue
This study attempts to examine the main theories and theorists of geopolitical imagination, arguing for an intrinsic relationship between traditional geopolitics and the development of international relations, both in theory and in practice. Not only have political geographers been made aware of civil rights unrest and other social conflicts, but they have become interested in public policy issues through their work in urban geography. The fast-paced suburb and the associated need to locate new highways, bridges, and desirable facilities such as schools, supermarkets, and hospitals on the one hand, and harmful facilities such as landfills and polluting industries on the other, have brought to the fore on location conflicts and issues of social and racial justice.
Magda Cardenas – Women and peacebuilding in Georgia ddcentr
Women-to-women diplomacy offers opportunities for peacebuilding in frozen conflicts like those between Georgia and the breakaway territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. These conflicts are based on territorial and separatist aspirations related to perceived ethnic differences, though there was historically inter-ethnic coexistence. Women's grassroots organizations employ a bottom-up approach of "people-to-people diplomacy" to build trust across communities and offer dialogue. This paper analyzes how women's initiatives contribute to peacebuilding by addressing the roots of polarization and identifying common ground through humanizing others and acknowledging shared gender experiences that transcend ethnicity. The empirical research examines experiences of women's organizations in Georgia and their efforts to
Deconstructing the “Arab Spring”: A Constrcutivist AnalysisAbdeslam Badre, PhD
This paper aims to provide an alternative analysis of the Arab Spring revolutions through a constructivist lens. It examines the historical and political contexts that fueled public uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa region. Additionally, it discusses how neighboring powers like Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran are seeking to influence outcomes and shape the future sociopolitical and geopolitical landscape of the region based on their own political agendas and religious orientations. While the consequences cannot be predicted, the paper argues that regional involvement will play a key role in determining how the situation in the Middle East unfolds.
Ben Duke - Keele University - European Journal of Interdisciplinary StudiesBen Duke
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between constitutional reform, decentralization, and democratization. It defines key concepts like localism, decentralization, and regional autonomy. It also discusses how factors like a country's social, economic, political, and cultural context can influence the drive for reform and shape the democratic process and outcomes. The document presents examples from literature to illustrate debates around whether decentralization truly empowers citizens or is used by states to delay recognition of multi-national identities. It aims to provide a critical perspective on how resource allocation and social policies may change when new states form through various political processes.
This document provides an introduction to a conceptual framework for analyzing strategic urban planning in major global cities. It discusses relevant literature at the global, regional/national, and city levels. At the global level, it examines debates around economic globalization and its impacts on urban restructuring and hierarchies. It also discusses the influence of global environmental issues. At the regional/national level, it explores the roles of economic regions, trade blocs, and changing relationships between international, national, and subnational governance. At the city level, it discusses how global pressures interact with urban politics and decision-making over strategic planning priorities and outcomes. The conceptual framework aims to integrate influences across these scales to understand how strategic urban agendas are constructed.
Brzezinski The Geostrategic Triad Living With China, Europe And Russia (2...guestaab442
This document provides an introduction and overview of a monograph on the United States' strategic priorities and engagement with major powers in Eurasia. It discusses how the success of US international engagement in the 21st century will depend on its relationships with China, Japan, Russia, and Europe. Specifically, it outlines two "Eurasian power triangles" that are important for the US - one between the US, EU, and Russia, and another between the US, Japan, and China. The document introduces Zbigniew Brzezinski's analysis of these relationships and the strategic considerations that should guide the US approach in each case.
This document summarizes the phases of political development in India since independence. It discusses how the Congress party's initial monopoly on power led to a period of "romantic politics" focused on ideological issues rather than practical problems. This neglect of organization allowed a new rural political elite to emerge that now seeks political ascendancy. The coming decades may see an intensifying struggle for power between this new rural leadership and the existing urbanized elite, marking India's entry into a new phase of "politics of backwardness."
This document provides a summary of a study titled "Politics and Society in North Africa and the Middle East between Reform and Conflict. Trends in Development up to the Year 2010". The study analyzes political, economic, and social developments in the region, and identifies key risk factors and areas of potential conflict. It finds that governments have largely been unwilling or unable to implement reforms to modernize their economies and societies. Socioeconomic challenges like unemployment, poverty and lack of resources could trigger further conflicts. Ideological debates around cultural and religious identity have also intensified and may hinder reforms. The study concludes that without concerted long-term strategies to promote structural reform and modernization, socio-political conflicts in the region will likely continue
This study attempts to examine the main theories and theorists of geopolitical imagination, arguing for an intrinsic relationship between traditional geopolitics and the development of international relations, both in theory and in practice. Not only have political geographers been made aware of civil rights unrest and other social conflicts, but they have become interested in public policy issues through their work in urban geography. The fast-paced suburb and the associated need to locate new highways, bridges, and desirable facilities such as schools, supermarkets, and hospitals on the one hand, and harmful facilities such as landfills and polluting industries on the other, have brought to the fore on location conflicts and issues of social and racial justice.
Magda Cardenas – Women and peacebuilding in Georgia ddcentr
Women-to-women diplomacy offers opportunities for peacebuilding in frozen conflicts like those between Georgia and the breakaway territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. These conflicts are based on territorial and separatist aspirations related to perceived ethnic differences, though there was historically inter-ethnic coexistence. Women's grassroots organizations employ a bottom-up approach of "people-to-people diplomacy" to build trust across communities and offer dialogue. This paper analyzes how women's initiatives contribute to peacebuilding by addressing the roots of polarization and identifying common ground through humanizing others and acknowledging shared gender experiences that transcend ethnicity. The empirical research examines experiences of women's organizations in Georgia and their efforts to
Deconstructing the “Arab Spring”: A Constrcutivist AnalysisAbdeslam Badre, PhD
This paper aims to provide an alternative analysis of the Arab Spring revolutions through a constructivist lens. It examines the historical and political contexts that fueled public uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa region. Additionally, it discusses how neighboring powers like Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran are seeking to influence outcomes and shape the future sociopolitical and geopolitical landscape of the region based on their own political agendas and religious orientations. While the consequences cannot be predicted, the paper argues that regional involvement will play a key role in determining how the situation in the Middle East unfolds.
Ben Duke - Keele University - European Journal of Interdisciplinary StudiesBen Duke
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between constitutional reform, decentralization, and democratization. It defines key concepts like localism, decentralization, and regional autonomy. It also discusses how factors like a country's social, economic, political, and cultural context can influence the drive for reform and shape the democratic process and outcomes. The document presents examples from literature to illustrate debates around whether decentralization truly empowers citizens or is used by states to delay recognition of multi-national identities. It aims to provide a critical perspective on how resource allocation and social policies may change when new states form through various political processes.
The document provides a history of urban planning in the United States from the pre-industrial era to modern times. It discusses how urban planning evolved from unorganized development to a process involving federal, state, and local governments. However, over the last few decades responsibility for urban development has shifted from the federal government to state and local levels. The document also reviews literature on downtown revitalization strategies, noting most research focuses on large cities rather than small municipalities. Successful revitalization requires strong partnerships between public and private sectors without conflict.
This document discusses globalization and its impact on local governance. It argues that while globalization aims to homogenize places, in reality cities are modified and reconstructed in response rather than being effaced. It also discusses how globalization is constantly changing and contested. While globalization is analyzed at the macro level, it is also important to examine its micro-level dimensions and local impacts. The document examines how globalization poses challenges for urban local authorities and changes the dynamics of governance at the local level with new political interactions and spaces for mobilization emerging. It also discusses the significance of the local and "new localism" as local communities respond to and negotiate globalization's impacts on their social, political and economic futures.
This document discusses the concept of polarity in international relations. It defines polarity as describing the distribution of power within the international system, which can take the form of unipolarity (dominated by a single superpower), bipolarity (with two dominant powers), or multipolarity (with power distributed among several major powers). It argues that the current international system is transitioning from a unipolar system dominated by the US to a multipolar system, with power shifting to emerging powers in Asia. A multipolar system could promote greater stability and cooperation if it leads to the formation of new economic and political institutions that benefit all states.
This document discusses urban containment policies like urban growth boundaries as sustainability tools for U.S. cities. It defines key terms and outlines the need for sustainability in U.S. cities. The document presents Portland, Oregon and Knoxville, Tennessee as case studies to analyze how urban growth boundaries can foster more economically, socially, and environmentally sustainable city development patterns. GIS is used to analyze land uses within the cities' urban growth boundaries. The discussion will compare the results from the case studies to evaluate the sustainability of urban growth boundaries in U.S. cities.
Master thesis: Tajikistan's nation-building process under Rahmon Emomali's au...Pablo Garcia
This Political Science Master Thesis aims at pointing out the concept of nation building in a post-Soviet country, Tajikistan, which is under the rule of the autocratic president Rahmon Emomali.
This document discusses argumentation within the U.S. Department of State as it adopted a new policy of "transformational diplomacy". The author analyzes public statements by State Department officials to understand how this new policy influenced the standing of regional and functional bureaus.
Transformational diplomacy aimed to build democratic governments abroad. It reallocated resources from European to developing areas and created new leadership roles. The author argues it tightened the range of acceptable viewpoints for departmental debates.
The document also evaluates models for analyzing policy arguments. It says the "critical discussion model" fits because it allows for strategic maneuvering between parties, but fails to capture key aspects of departmental debates like multiple initial viewpoints and
This document summarizes the changing nature of foreign policy communications and crisis management in modern global politics. It notes that greater globalization, new communication technologies, and the rise of non-state actors have made international relations more complex and crisis-prone. States must now manage diverse risks like natural disasters, economic instability, and terrorism. Additionally, foreign policy involves more non-governmental stakeholders and issues beyond traditional geopolitics. As a result, modern crisis communications requires coordinating public messages and adapting foreign policy processes to be more flexible, transparent and participatory.
Social Remittances: an alternative approach to development cooperationGeoCommunity
Jana Hasalová: Social Remittances:an alternative approach to development cooperation (paper), Študentská vedecká konferencia Prírodovedeckej fakulty Univerzity Komenského v Bratislave,
27th April 2011
This document discusses issues and problems with defining and measuring democracy, particularly in developing nations. It argues that while many definitions of democracy exist, in practice there is a dominant form - liberal democracy - that is used to evaluate developing nations. This risks oversimplifying other regime types and excluding important contextual factors. Measuring democracy is difficult due to many complex variables, so the focus should be on reducing barriers like international influence that push developing nations towards the dominant model for political and economic reasons rather than democratic progress.
This document summarizes a paper that investigates how major changes in levels of democracy can lead to the polarization or marginalization of ethnic groups. The paper hypothesizes that rapid gains in democracy can politicize previously non-political ethnic identities, increasing the number of politically relevant ethnic groups. Conversely, rapid losses of democracy can marginalize or exclude certain ethnic groups from political participation and decision-making. Both outcomes could increase ethnic tensions and conflict risk. The document reviews literature on nationalism, nation-building, and state manipulation of ethnic relations. It proposes that during political transitions, governments may increase strategies to maintain control by marginalizing groups, even as rapid democratization could also politicize ethnicity and aggravate ethnic cleav
This document summarizes a paper presented at a conference on Armenia and the South Caucasus regarding redefining small and weak states. It begins by discussing how area studies can contribute to understanding larger theories in political science and international relations. It then reviews literature on defining small and weak states. Small states are defined as those that recognize they cannot ensure security through their own means and must rely on others. The document discusses various criteria used over time to define small states. It argues the South Caucasus countries can be considered weak states based on their smaller size, populations, and economies compared to neighbors. It also notes they face challenges as new states without established institutions. In conclusion, small state nationalism expresses a need to maintain autonomy against pressures from larger neighbors and
This document presents a project proposal to study patterns of governance in the peripheries of metropolitan cities. It will focus on how key institutions and the growing social diversity shape resident subjectivities and social relations. The proposal outlines the research questions and problems. In recent decades, peripheries have seen rising incomes but also growth in informal economic activity and state/non-state violence. The proposal aims to explore how these changes influence resident attitudes, practices, and identities through ethnographic research in a working-class neighborhood of São Paulo.
Foreign Policy for an Urban World: Global Governance and the Rise of Citiesatlanticcouncil
In the latest FutureScape issue brief from the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security's Strategic Foresight Initiative, author Peter Engelke discusses the long-term economic, environmental, and policy implications of urbanization. Entitled "Foreign Policy for an Urban World: Global Governance and the Rise of Cities," the brief examines how urbanization is hastening the global diffusion of power and how cities themselves are increasingly important nodes of power in global politics.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online.
This document is a conceptual essay by student Raul Alejandro Lujan Anaya exploring how globalization affects domestic policymaking, specifically in Hong Kong. The essay argues that globalization has significantly influenced policymaking beyond just economic areas by facilitating cultural, social, and ideological exchanges worldwide. It asserts that globalization was a factor in social movements in Hong Kong in the 1960s that pushed the government to consider human rights and that ongoing issues around national security and education point to globalization's continuing impact on challenging authorities and policies in Hong Kong today.
The document discusses the evaluation of three media products created to promote a film for a target teenage audience. The products included a teaser trailer, poster, and magazine cover. Consistency was important so the audience could easily recognize the themes across the different products. A consistent font was used, and the bucket list icon from the film helped suggest the teen drama genre. Costumes also showed the characters were teenagers. Hashtags and a website URL were used for promotion to appeal to the target audience. In conclusion, more in-depth evaluation and a wider range of audience members could have provided better feedback.
This document summarizes how one law firm quadrupled their conversions over 9 months through paid search optimization. The firm's previous site was not branded consistently and paid search did not work. The account was structured with tailored ads, location extensions, and demographic targeting. Landing pages were optimized for mobile, calls-to-action, and removal of distractions. These efforts led to conversions increasing from 70 to 280 per month, costs averaging $185 per conversion versus the $200 goal, a 2% increase in conversion rate, and monthly spend rising from $18k to $55k. The client was pleased with the large increase in qualified leads.
This document contains student information for Shelby L. Springer, including her current program of study, academic standing, transcript, and courses in progress. She is pursuing a Bachelor of Science in Nursing with minors in Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies and Psychology. Her current GPA is 3.62 based on 16 credit hours completed in her first term, where she earned all A's and was named to the Dean's List. She has courses scheduled for the upcoming Spring and Fall terms.
Quienes vivimos en mayor vulnerabilidad y exclusión, así como quienes nos comprometemos a su lado, hemos comprobado una y mil veces que el derecho a la vivienda es clave para poder ejercer otros derechos (derecho a la seguridad, a no sufrir tratos degradantes, a la intimidad y la vida en familia, a la educación, a la sanidad, etc.). Sin vivienda no existes para la sociedad.
A partir de nuestra experiencia y reflexión marcamos 5 compromisos y 5 garantías que consideramos fundamentales para conseguir hacer posible el objetivo por el cual nos movilizamos: “Vivienda Digna para Todas las Personas”.
Experts and non-experts approach and interpret artwork differently. Experts rely more on formal elements like style, while non-experts consider personal experiences and emotions. Studies show experts have different brain activations than non-experts during art judgments. It is unclear if one can become an expert in creativity due to its subjective nature, though some research suggests creative expertise may develop from years of practice and feedback. While experts and non-experts differ in skills like photo cropping, these differences may not impact creative interpretations or aesthetic ratings of artwork. More research is needed to understand creative expertise.
Este documento resume las aportaciones de agentes clave sobre el tema del trabajo y la exclusión social en España. Los entrevistados coinciden en que España es una sociedad profundamente desigual donde el trabajo formal es una puerta estrecha de acceso a otros derechos. Explican que las personas en situación de exclusión social enfrentan trabajos precarios sin derechos y altos requisitos para acceder a empleos. Además, señalan que las políticas abandonaron a los más vulnerables y que las medidas implementadas han sido ineficaces para resolver los problemas de exclusión lab
The document provides a history of urban planning in the United States from the pre-industrial era to modern times. It discusses how urban planning evolved from unorganized development to a process involving federal, state, and local governments. However, over the last few decades responsibility for urban development has shifted from the federal government to state and local levels. The document also reviews literature on downtown revitalization strategies, noting most research focuses on large cities rather than small municipalities. Successful revitalization requires strong partnerships between public and private sectors without conflict.
This document discusses globalization and its impact on local governance. It argues that while globalization aims to homogenize places, in reality cities are modified and reconstructed in response rather than being effaced. It also discusses how globalization is constantly changing and contested. While globalization is analyzed at the macro level, it is also important to examine its micro-level dimensions and local impacts. The document examines how globalization poses challenges for urban local authorities and changes the dynamics of governance at the local level with new political interactions and spaces for mobilization emerging. It also discusses the significance of the local and "new localism" as local communities respond to and negotiate globalization's impacts on their social, political and economic futures.
This document discusses the concept of polarity in international relations. It defines polarity as describing the distribution of power within the international system, which can take the form of unipolarity (dominated by a single superpower), bipolarity (with two dominant powers), or multipolarity (with power distributed among several major powers). It argues that the current international system is transitioning from a unipolar system dominated by the US to a multipolar system, with power shifting to emerging powers in Asia. A multipolar system could promote greater stability and cooperation if it leads to the formation of new economic and political institutions that benefit all states.
This document discusses urban containment policies like urban growth boundaries as sustainability tools for U.S. cities. It defines key terms and outlines the need for sustainability in U.S. cities. The document presents Portland, Oregon and Knoxville, Tennessee as case studies to analyze how urban growth boundaries can foster more economically, socially, and environmentally sustainable city development patterns. GIS is used to analyze land uses within the cities' urban growth boundaries. The discussion will compare the results from the case studies to evaluate the sustainability of urban growth boundaries in U.S. cities.
Master thesis: Tajikistan's nation-building process under Rahmon Emomali's au...Pablo Garcia
This Political Science Master Thesis aims at pointing out the concept of nation building in a post-Soviet country, Tajikistan, which is under the rule of the autocratic president Rahmon Emomali.
This document discusses argumentation within the U.S. Department of State as it adopted a new policy of "transformational diplomacy". The author analyzes public statements by State Department officials to understand how this new policy influenced the standing of regional and functional bureaus.
Transformational diplomacy aimed to build democratic governments abroad. It reallocated resources from European to developing areas and created new leadership roles. The author argues it tightened the range of acceptable viewpoints for departmental debates.
The document also evaluates models for analyzing policy arguments. It says the "critical discussion model" fits because it allows for strategic maneuvering between parties, but fails to capture key aspects of departmental debates like multiple initial viewpoints and
This document summarizes the changing nature of foreign policy communications and crisis management in modern global politics. It notes that greater globalization, new communication technologies, and the rise of non-state actors have made international relations more complex and crisis-prone. States must now manage diverse risks like natural disasters, economic instability, and terrorism. Additionally, foreign policy involves more non-governmental stakeholders and issues beyond traditional geopolitics. As a result, modern crisis communications requires coordinating public messages and adapting foreign policy processes to be more flexible, transparent and participatory.
Social Remittances: an alternative approach to development cooperationGeoCommunity
Jana Hasalová: Social Remittances:an alternative approach to development cooperation (paper), Študentská vedecká konferencia Prírodovedeckej fakulty Univerzity Komenského v Bratislave,
27th April 2011
This document discusses issues and problems with defining and measuring democracy, particularly in developing nations. It argues that while many definitions of democracy exist, in practice there is a dominant form - liberal democracy - that is used to evaluate developing nations. This risks oversimplifying other regime types and excluding important contextual factors. Measuring democracy is difficult due to many complex variables, so the focus should be on reducing barriers like international influence that push developing nations towards the dominant model for political and economic reasons rather than democratic progress.
This document summarizes a paper that investigates how major changes in levels of democracy can lead to the polarization or marginalization of ethnic groups. The paper hypothesizes that rapid gains in democracy can politicize previously non-political ethnic identities, increasing the number of politically relevant ethnic groups. Conversely, rapid losses of democracy can marginalize or exclude certain ethnic groups from political participation and decision-making. Both outcomes could increase ethnic tensions and conflict risk. The document reviews literature on nationalism, nation-building, and state manipulation of ethnic relations. It proposes that during political transitions, governments may increase strategies to maintain control by marginalizing groups, even as rapid democratization could also politicize ethnicity and aggravate ethnic cleav
This document summarizes a paper presented at a conference on Armenia and the South Caucasus regarding redefining small and weak states. It begins by discussing how area studies can contribute to understanding larger theories in political science and international relations. It then reviews literature on defining small and weak states. Small states are defined as those that recognize they cannot ensure security through their own means and must rely on others. The document discusses various criteria used over time to define small states. It argues the South Caucasus countries can be considered weak states based on their smaller size, populations, and economies compared to neighbors. It also notes they face challenges as new states without established institutions. In conclusion, small state nationalism expresses a need to maintain autonomy against pressures from larger neighbors and
This document presents a project proposal to study patterns of governance in the peripheries of metropolitan cities. It will focus on how key institutions and the growing social diversity shape resident subjectivities and social relations. The proposal outlines the research questions and problems. In recent decades, peripheries have seen rising incomes but also growth in informal economic activity and state/non-state violence. The proposal aims to explore how these changes influence resident attitudes, practices, and identities through ethnographic research in a working-class neighborhood of São Paulo.
Foreign Policy for an Urban World: Global Governance and the Rise of Citiesatlanticcouncil
In the latest FutureScape issue brief from the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security's Strategic Foresight Initiative, author Peter Engelke discusses the long-term economic, environmental, and policy implications of urbanization. Entitled "Foreign Policy for an Urban World: Global Governance and the Rise of Cities," the brief examines how urbanization is hastening the global diffusion of power and how cities themselves are increasingly important nodes of power in global politics.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online.
This document is a conceptual essay by student Raul Alejandro Lujan Anaya exploring how globalization affects domestic policymaking, specifically in Hong Kong. The essay argues that globalization has significantly influenced policymaking beyond just economic areas by facilitating cultural, social, and ideological exchanges worldwide. It asserts that globalization was a factor in social movements in Hong Kong in the 1960s that pushed the government to consider human rights and that ongoing issues around national security and education point to globalization's continuing impact on challenging authorities and policies in Hong Kong today.
The document discusses the evaluation of three media products created to promote a film for a target teenage audience. The products included a teaser trailer, poster, and magazine cover. Consistency was important so the audience could easily recognize the themes across the different products. A consistent font was used, and the bucket list icon from the film helped suggest the teen drama genre. Costumes also showed the characters were teenagers. Hashtags and a website URL were used for promotion to appeal to the target audience. In conclusion, more in-depth evaluation and a wider range of audience members could have provided better feedback.
This document summarizes how one law firm quadrupled their conversions over 9 months through paid search optimization. The firm's previous site was not branded consistently and paid search did not work. The account was structured with tailored ads, location extensions, and demographic targeting. Landing pages were optimized for mobile, calls-to-action, and removal of distractions. These efforts led to conversions increasing from 70 to 280 per month, costs averaging $185 per conversion versus the $200 goal, a 2% increase in conversion rate, and monthly spend rising from $18k to $55k. The client was pleased with the large increase in qualified leads.
This document contains student information for Shelby L. Springer, including her current program of study, academic standing, transcript, and courses in progress. She is pursuing a Bachelor of Science in Nursing with minors in Women, Gender & Sexuality Studies and Psychology. Her current GPA is 3.62 based on 16 credit hours completed in her first term, where she earned all A's and was named to the Dean's List. She has courses scheduled for the upcoming Spring and Fall terms.
Quienes vivimos en mayor vulnerabilidad y exclusión, así como quienes nos comprometemos a su lado, hemos comprobado una y mil veces que el derecho a la vivienda es clave para poder ejercer otros derechos (derecho a la seguridad, a no sufrir tratos degradantes, a la intimidad y la vida en familia, a la educación, a la sanidad, etc.). Sin vivienda no existes para la sociedad.
A partir de nuestra experiencia y reflexión marcamos 5 compromisos y 5 garantías que consideramos fundamentales para conseguir hacer posible el objetivo por el cual nos movilizamos: “Vivienda Digna para Todas las Personas”.
Experts and non-experts approach and interpret artwork differently. Experts rely more on formal elements like style, while non-experts consider personal experiences and emotions. Studies show experts have different brain activations than non-experts during art judgments. It is unclear if one can become an expert in creativity due to its subjective nature, though some research suggests creative expertise may develop from years of practice and feedback. While experts and non-experts differ in skills like photo cropping, these differences may not impact creative interpretations or aesthetic ratings of artwork. More research is needed to understand creative expertise.
Este documento resume las aportaciones de agentes clave sobre el tema del trabajo y la exclusión social en España. Los entrevistados coinciden en que España es una sociedad profundamente desigual donde el trabajo formal es una puerta estrecha de acceso a otros derechos. Explican que las personas en situación de exclusión social enfrentan trabajos precarios sin derechos y altos requisitos para acceder a empleos. Además, señalan que las políticas abandonaron a los más vulnerables y que las medidas implementadas han sido ineficaces para resolver los problemas de exclusión lab
Our panel shares good practices and strategies from small to medium sized public libraries as well as academic libraries. With David Lee King, Digital Services Director, Topeka & Shawnee County Public Library and Publisher, davidleeking.com
Jessamyn C West, Librarian & Technologist, Open Library http://librarian.net
Dr. Frank Cervone, Director of Information Technology, School of Public Health, University of Illinois at Chicago Lecturer, San Jose State University
For HeroConf: 4 Search Query Focused Techniques You Must Be Using in Your Sho...Impression
This session will guide you through advanced applications of search query filtering for Shopping campaigns. Discover 4 advanced ways to proactively use search queries to improve your ROI and explore how considering user intent, analysing product performance and utilizing RLSA audience targeting will open up new possibilities for advertisers to use search queries more effectively. You will learn:
The 4 techniques
Real-life examples of how the techniques have individually improved ROI of already successful Shopping campaigns
How to use the hidden AdWords column which matches product ID and search query data
Liam Wade
IMPRESSION DIGITAL
Shaping an Organization Responsive to ChangeDavid King
How should a library board respond to emerging trends and community changes? This presentation provides some ideas on how a board can help shape a library that is responsive to change.
Dokumen tersebut membahas tentang usulan perbaikan proses penapisan konten internet di Indonesia, yaitu dengan fokus pada analisis konten (bukan domain utama), menggunakan teknik big data dan machine learning, serta kolaborasi terbuka antara pemerintah dan masyarakat. Hal ini dimaksudkan agar penanganan konten negatif di internet menjadi lebih tepat dan proporsional.
HOW TO USE GOOGLE ANALYTICS ACQUISITION REPORTS TO KNOW WHERE PEOPLE ARE COMI...Joseph Rivera
Understanding the point of origin of your website visitors is a very powerful analytics. This is so because you will have a better idea where to spend your time and money. These social networking sites, search engines, or website referrals where your visitors originated from are helpful in planning your marketing tactics. The features of these points of origin will give you an idea about “how to” and “whom to” market your site and your products.
Having said all these, Google Analytics Acquisition Reports serves this purpose. It has the capacity of gathering a lot of data about how visitors discover your sites. In addition, its acquisition report gives you an insight as far as which online marketing strategies are driving the highest number of visitors to your website. Moreover, it tells you which one is the most qualified and converting leads.
Keeping with the behavior of visitors is always necessary. The behavior pattern must be studied carefully, and taken note of seriously if innovation in the social marketing platforms can lead to your success.
Contracts, RFPs, & Working with SuppliersDavid King
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Study Guide 1
Identification Terms and Concepts
For each of the following concepts, provide a brief definition, a description of its historical development, a clarification of its contextual implementation, and, wherever appropriate, an explanation of the ramifications on the regional and international relations and on outcome of public policy.
Irredentism Counterfactuals
Balance of Power Balancing Bandwagoning
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The progressive regional agenda for South America: the case of Mercosur and its borders
1. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 390
TheprogressiveregionalagendaforSouthAmerica:thecaseofMercosurand
itsborders
AagendaregionalprogressistaparaaAméricadoSul:ocasodoMercosulesuasfronteiras
Gustavo Matiuzzi de Souza1
ABSTRACT
This work aims at exploring the relation between Mercosur’s political agenda on borders and the
local interactions at these spaces in the light of the ‘left turn’ in South America (2002-2014). This
brief conjuncture analysis found that the ‘regionalism by the left’ did not foster structural
changes in Mercosur nor resolved issues of coordination necessary for the border,
regionalization dynamics to leave the informal sphere in which they reside.
Keywords: ‘left turn’; borders of Mercosur; regionalism and regionalization
RESUMO
Este trabalho objetiva explorar a relação entre a agenda política do Mercosul no tocante a
fronteiras e as interações de nível local nesses espaços sob a lógica da ‘virada à esquerda’ na
América do Sul (2002-2014). Concluiu-se que o ‘regionalismo pela esquerda’ não fomentou
reformas estruturais, nem solucionou problemas de coordenação, ambos necessários para que as
interações na fronteira deixassem a esfera da informalidade.
Palavras-chave: ‘virada à esquerda’; fronteiras do Mercosul; regionalismo e regionalização
Introduction
The present work aims at briefly exploring the relation between Mercosur’s
institutional political agenda concerning borders and border regions (top-down
regional relations) and the local interactions at the ‘micro’-level border regions as
producers of demands (bottom-up regional relations) in the light of the ‘left turn’ in
South America, in the period of 2002-2014. Beyond the institutionalist analysis,
understanding the ‘vertical relations’ between different levels of the regional process
requires looking into the specificities of regional dynamics influenced by the rise of
1 PhD Candidate in Social Sciences at PUCRS (Brazil) and at University of Liège (Belgium). Researcher at
the Center for International Relations Studies (CEFIR) and at the International Affairs and
Organizations Study Nucleus (NEROI). CAPES Foundation Doctoral Scholar, # 99999.010684/2014-00.
Liège, Belgium.
2. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 391
progressive (leftist)2 governments in the mentioned years. Thus, the objective of this
work is to explore some of the consequences of this intertwined, intricate, and uneven
construction of South America as a region, and more specifically, of Mercosur.
That is to say that the investigation will not focus on the processes of
institutional (re)construction of Mercosur. Rather, it will aim at the functioning of
such institutions that were, in the investigated years, subject to this diverse regional
environment, which was built by and through the relations among leftist presidents
and their interaction with society at local level.
In order to do this, the article will be divided in three main sections. Firstly, it
is necessary to make some conceptual and analytical clarifications on the regionalist
process for the case under this work’s focus. Secondly, the article will concentrate on
the analysis of the consequences of the ‘left turn’ to regionalism in South America and,
more specifically, to Mercosur. Thirdly, this work will put light into the already
established institutions within Mercosur that aimed at furthering border integration
through the perspective of the politics generated by the presence of progressive
governments. Lastly, some final remarks will conclude this study.
Conceptual and analytical clarifications
Borders, here defined as international limits between states, lie in the center
of regionalism and regionalization processes due to its singular, diversified, and
symbolic roles (HEYMAN & SYMONS, 2012) through which diverse informal social,
political, economic, and cultural interactions occur. The concept of ‘regionalization’, in
turn, should be understood as the “informal process of regional interaction (economic,
social, cultural, etc.) that takes place beyond the strictly national borders”
(CABALLERO, 2015, p. 44). Regionalization happens then at the local level, as de facto
cooperation or integration takes place. These local interactions (bottom-up regional
processes) generates an intricate space – the border region – in which local
populations are interrelated.
2 The development of this analysis does not imply a clear definition of ‘left’. Rather, the important aspect to
be analyzed here is the self-perception of elected presidents as ‘progressive’ or as ‘to the left’ of the political
scale.
3. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 392
Moreover, there at the border and within the border region “national and
subnational governments share responsibilities and jurisdictions, and […] regional
organisms play a role of creating norms and of facilitating local processes of
cooperation and/or integration” (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA, 2015a). In other words,
borders are also a space in which regionalism takes place. ‘Regionalism’ here should
be defined as “a political project tending to stimulate integration that is, based on the
political will of the parties.” (CABALLERO, 2015, p. 44) Regionalism, thus, functions at
the top-level of formal political relations. It is also important to note that regionalism
strongly depends, in the case of South America and principally in Mercosur3, on
diplomatic negotiations among leaders of the Executive of each country involved in
the process.
Border regions are, in this context, a central element to comprehend the
regional space socially constructed by both formal and informal interactions (see
SÖDERBAUM, 2013). Also, they are a space of ambiguity, since regionalism and
regionalization function under different logics. For example, it is plausible to infer
that, within the regional dynamics of South America, if a group of presidents (and
other top-level policymakers) share as many opinions as possible about a political
project, regionalism will likely succeed. That is to say that the ‘left turn’ is expected to
facilitate the furthering of regionalism.
On the other hand, regionalization at border regions had happened, is
happening, and will happen beyond the top-level agreements engendered by
policymakers, although it is somewhat limited by them. Yet, local cross-border
interactions, although informal (and at times illegal) have been used as a source of a
regional identity construction, as an origin of shared values and culture, as a basis of a
Mercosurness, and above all, as a space for the strengthening of the regional organism.
The relationship between regionalism and regionalization, hence, implies a complex
web of top-down and bottom-up regional negotiations (vertical relations) through
which political and economic actors, as well as civil societies construct a region
beyond (but also through) the process of institutionalization.
3 See Malamud (2003) for a thorough analysis on the relation of ‘presidentialism’ and the development
of Mercosur as the most important regional organism in South America.
4. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 393
The progressive regional agenda
After more than a decade under the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’ (from
the end of the 1980s to the 2000s), which promoted neoliberalism and its economic
and social policies, South America experienced the rise of governments of progressive
sensibilities throughout the continent. The ‘left turn’, as the phenomenon was called,
had a double effect on South American regionalism and regionalization: on the one
hand, it gave the general feeling of a ‘regional left’ among presidents of the continent,
and incorporated an amplified notion of the purposes of cooperation and integration.
On the other hand, it implicated the politicization of regional interactions, even more
visible in the case of Mercosur, which experienced the sudden increase of intra-bloc
divergences (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA & CULPI, forthcoming).
The massive presence of governments to the left of the political prism altered
the regional political landscape as well as gave place to a new wave of institutional
change both in structures of national governance and within regional dynamics and
organisms, which is particularly visible in the case of Mercosur4. One could argue that
the transformation trend initiated by the ‘left turn’ in South America was limited
primarily to the domestic sphere of each country, especially in regards to new modes
of State intervention. Nevertheless, the inter-State, intergovernmental character of
South American regionalism in general – and the strong dependence on presidential
diplomacy, especially in the case of Mercosur (cf. MALAMUD, 2003) – ratified the
alteration in the status quo for regional policies, as leftist presidents met favorable
conditions to engender a new agenda focused on the ideas of social development and
regional autonomy (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA & CULPI, forthcoming).
Among the views shared by the progressive elected presidents, it was central
to the ‘left agenda’ the need for reformulating the role of the State, its optimal
dimension, and its intervention mode (COUFFIGNAL, 2013). Although marked by a
4 Progressive presidents of member States of Mercosur elected between 2002-2014 are: Néstor
Kirchner (2003) and Cristina Kirchner (2007, 2011) in Argentina; Lula da Silva (2002, 2006) and
Rousseff (2010, 2014) in Brazil; Lugo (2008) in Paraguay; and Vásquez (2005) and Mujica (2010) in
Uruguay. Venezuela fully joined the organism in 2012, with Chávez as president (after his decease, in
2013, Maduro assumed the position). Outside of Mercosur, the left has won presidential elections also
in Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, and Peru.
5. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 394
high degree of heterogeneity, leftist governments agreed on the necessity of fighting
inequality and underdevelopment (DABÈNE, 2012b). Similarly, they all converged on
the essentiality of a more pluralized international relations with less interference of
the United States and other great powers in the continent (SANTANDER, 2009). In
sum, regional projects of the left were, to a certain extent, in the origin of a paradigm
change, as they proposed a post-commercial, post hegemonic regionalism5. (DABÈNE,
2012a)
The redefinition of the raison d’être of the State put in motion a tendency for
regulatory policies by which States designed its strategy with the objective of
responding to social demands (COUFFIGNAL, 2013). The emergence of the left, in this
sense, revealed “an underlying trend toward the emergence and mobilization of social
and political currents” (BEASLEY-MURRAY, CAMERON & HERSHBERG, 2010, p. 2). In
the perspective of regional politics, borders and border regions became fundamental,
especially for the undergoing change of Mercosur, as the intense de facto border
integration and the rise of demands at the local level called for ‘regulatory framework’
(see DE LOMBAERDE, 2010).
The redesign of the role of the State took many forms and shapes, as different
governments attempted to find a proper solution to each domestic experience. This
was what the Ibero-American General Secretariat (IAGS), in the Asunción Declaration,
referred to as a reform toward “comprehensive processes and strategic planning”
(SECRETARIA GENERAL IBEROAMERICANA, 2011, Article 9), and also what Cervo
and Bueno (2011) called ‘logistic paradigm’ of the State in regards to Brazilian foreign
policy.
The political will to change the functioning mode of the State also raised
interest on decentralization processes, by which governments would become closer to
citizens and to their demands, and through which State-level decisions would be
better translated into local practices (COUFFIGNAL, 2013). Historically, however, the
few isolated local social policies promoted by national governments did not show to
5 Even if scholars usually take Unasur and Alba as the most emblematic cases of post-hegemonic, post-
commercial/post-liberal regionalism (RIGGIROZZI, 2012; SANAHUJA, 2009), one cannot ignore the
institutional transformation of Mercosur in the same period and the socio-political origins of such a
change that it shared with the other two regional organisms, namely the specific political and
ideological synergies generated by the ‘left turn’ in South America.
6. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 395
be effective for responding to the demands of local populations, let alone of citizens of
Mercosur’s borders and border regions.
In the period studied, South America watched a propagation of decentralized
cooperation/integration projects in the heart of the majority of its regional organisms.
Mercosur, in turn, searched on amplifying its involvement on the theme by creating
the Advisory Forum of Municipalities, Federated States, Provinces, and Departments
of Mercosur (FCCR) with the objective of connecting regional objectives of the
members of the bloc with demands and aspirations of subnational entities
(MERCOSUR, 2010). In sum, ‘micro’ scale became more relevant as the member States
of Mercosur attempted to find new approaches to regional governance regarding local
populations’ needs at its international borders and border regions.
In the investigated years, Mercosur managed to establish a series of changes
within its structure and to create new institutions to meet the regional demands. The
signature of the Consenso de Buenos Aires, in 2003, by the Argentinian president
Néstor Kirchner and president Lula da Silva, of Brazil, set in motion the creation of
several institutions within Mercosur, based on a regional development strategy.
Among them, it is important to highlight the Permanent Court of Revision (PCR), in
2004; the Structural Convergence Fund of Mercosur (Fondo para la Convergencia
Estructural del Mercosur – FOCEM), in the same year; the Mercosur Parliament
(Parlasur), in 2006; several working groups (to tackle sectorial cooperation); and the
Social Institute of Mercosur (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA & CULPI, forthcoming).
Mercosur’s institutional reaction to regional and local demands was,
nonetheless, a late and uneven response to the processes of regionalization. Although
the rise of the left did trigger a new approach to regionalism and to regional
cooperation/integration strategies by enlarging the scope of regional policies to
include more political and social objectives, it did not translate into a deep, structural
change within the institutional structure of Mercosur (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA & CULPI,
forthcoming). Furthermore, Mercosur’s response failed to consider local specificities
of the border regions (see in more detail in the next section). Hence, the regional
organism did not achieve to further profound changes into the interactions at the local
level.
7. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 396
Moreover, the resultant ‘overlapping regionalisms’ of the ‘left turn’ were
characterized by their fluidity in terms of ideology and of national and regional
political projects (RIGGIROZZI, 2010). Regionalism, thus, coexisted with strong
nationalism (CHRISTENSEN, 2007) and generated an complex rivalry for the most
prominent view for the whole of South America, comprising Mercosur (CABALLERO,
2015). The entrance of Venezuela in Mercosur in 2012, in this sense, raised
divergences vis-à-vis the consolidation of a single model of regionalism6, and even
after his passing, president Chávez was able to perpetuate some of his ideas (see
GOUVEA & MONTOYA, 2014).
The (un)changing reality at the borders
For a long time, border regions have had a history of their own in South
America. Mercosur’s international borders were not different. They were neglected by
politicians and were subject to policies under the logics of international limits and of
national defense. With the rise of the left, however, Mercosur’s members attempted to
include borders and border regions into the organism’s framework. Also, it is
important to note that Mercosur’s response to border-related issues evidenced the
new role of the State in the heart of the regional organism.
The institution-building process resulted in the creation of two groups with
the sole objective of promoting border integration: the Border Integration Ad Hoc
Group (BIAHG), established in 2002; and the Border Integration Work Group (BIWG),
created in the scope of the FCCR, in 2008. Both groups functioned under the Common
Market Group (CMG), the most important decisional body of Mercosur (MATIUZZI DE
SOUZA, 2015a). Within the newly added institutional structures, decentralized
cooperation and local integration dynamics became important tools for the
strengthening of the regional organism (cf. VIGEVANI et al., 2011). The social and
political agenda of Mercosur thus reconsidered borders and border regions as targets
6 Venezuela, led by Chávez, aimed at the regional leadership by proposing a more radical model of
regionalism through the enlargement of its regional organism, Alba (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples
of Our America).
8. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 397
for public policies, initiating new processes of institutionalization of such spaces
within the bloc (RHI-SAUSI & ODDONE, 2011).
The increase of politico-ideological synergies between progressive presidents
in the period studied raised ‘trust’ among the parties involved at the borders, as much
at top-level negotiation as local-level approaches (see DE LOMBAERDE, 2010). The
‘left turn’ and the consequent inclusion of borders and border regions in the scope of
Mercosur increased political and economic resources toward border integration, to
the extent of overcoming some of the common policy challenges, which occurred more
easily in bilateral relations between the bloc’s members (what Mallmann and Marques
(2013) refer to as “cooperative behavior”).
The case of the Integrated Urban Sanitation Project of Aceguá-Brazil and
Aceguá-Uruguay, funded mainly by FOCEM, and soon to be executed (URUGUAY,
2013), is the most representative example of the development of joint projects at a
border region of Mercosur. The progression of the Aceguá project was more a result of
the rapprochement of Brazil and Uruguay through the set of agreements called New
Agenda than of the created forums for the development of border integration in
Mercosur (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA, 2014;2015b). The Brazilian-Uruguayan case served
as a model for Mercosur and was central in the debates that followed the negotiations
within the regional organism.
Moreover, the combination of good presidential relations (which advanced
bilateral cooperation) and the regional accords toward border integration in
Mercosur (which placed borders and border regions under the spot of national
authorities) launched the formation of a new cross-border paradigm (chiefly based on
the Brazil-Uruguay border region) that led to the attempt to create a regional statute
of the border, which, in turn, proved to be more contentious and time-consuming than
imagined by authorities, particularly Brazil (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA, 2015a;2015b).
Indeed, as previous works indicated (FONSECA; VENTURA, 2012; ODDONE,
2014; RHI-SAUSI & COLETTI, 2010; RHI-SAUSI & ODDONE, 2011; SCHERMA &
OLIVEIRA, 2014), regionalism in Mercosur in the last decade was marked by the lack
of coordination of policies between different national structures and also between
instances of Mercosur, which showed to be a grave problem for the creation and
implementation of joint policies concerning borders and border regions. Additionally,
9. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 398
the problem of coordination was not limited to bilateral relations or to Mercosur’s
institutional bodies. The coordination problem was also present within national
structures of governance (CALVENTO, 2014; VIGEVANI, 2006), as well as at the
subnational, local-level international relations.
Another dilemma was the absence of appropriate institutional channels for
bottom-up communication. In the case of Border Integration Ad Hoc Group (BIAHG),
the top-down logic prevailed at all phases of negotiations, and Mercosur did not
achieve to stay away of its top-level diplomacy institutional nature. When local voices
were heard, as was the case of the Border Integration Work Group (BIWG), they did
not have any weight in the decision-making process within the regional organism,
even in regards to their own cases (CALVENTO, 2014; MATIUZZI DE SOUZA, 2015a).
The lack of political convergence similarly hindered institutionalized border
integration within Mercosur. In the negotiations for the establishment of Mercosur’s
border statute, each country represented its own project. The high nationalist
character of the left in South America made impossible for the bloc’s members to
reach an agreement on the subject (MATIUZZI DE SOUZA, 2015a). One of the
consequences of Mercosur’s structural problems in addressing to border regions’
issues is that local authorities cannot consider taking the road of regional politics in
order to meet any need. For instance, Aceguá’s (Brazil) problem of attending non-
Brazilian bordering populations at the national public health system required, above
all, a level of lobby in the federal capital of Brasília7. Brazilian national Health Ministry,
in turn, compiled all similar cases and worked within Mercosur in order to create a
new organism in the regional bloc that could regulate the procedure for all Brazilian
bordering towns in accordance to their neighboring health systems. It was the
creation of the Borders Integrated Health System (SIS-Fronteiras, in Portuguese), in
2005.
After almost ten years of the first agreements on the matter, SIS-Fronteiras
demonstrated similar difficulties to the ones identified previously, with absence of
systematic foment to cross-border exchange on public health between bordering
7 Interview with PINTO, José (local politician at the border region of Brazil and Uruguay. Interview #1.
[April, 2015]. Interviewer: Gustavo Matiuzzi de Souza. Aceguá/RS, 2015. 1 arquivo .mp3 (60 min.).
10. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 399
conurbations, low level of involvement by local populations, and big distance between
original objectives and reached goals (NOGUEIRA & FAGUNDES, 2014).
Final remarks
The ‘left turn’ in South America did provide a new political environment in the
regional context. Likewise, it is clear that progressive governments of the period had a
regional project in mind. Hence, it is possible to talk about a ‘regionalism by the left’,
that is, a regionalism focused on socio-political dynamics to respond to the diverse
and flourishing societal demands of the last decade. The institutional transformations
of Mercosur – which for the first time considered, among many other issues, borders
and border regions within its framework – were, in this context, the translation of this
‘renewed’ regionalism into a formal political project.
The political will of leftist national governments in Mercosur, however, were
not enough to meet the needs for a structural reform of the organism, especially due
to the mounting discomfort to the idea of losing national autonomy and sovereignty.
On the contrary, the strong nationalist vein in the heart of the regionalism by the left
diminished the capabilities of furthering cooperation and integration within Mercosur
as well as did not improve conditions for further regionalization. Besides, the
consequent absence of coordination – probably caused by a leadership problem in
Mercosur (cf. MATTLI, 1999) – hindered regionalism and its effects on regionalization.
Without implementing deep reforms in the operative system of Mercosur and
with the concomitant propensity to deal with local demands via bilateral relations and
accords, ‘regionalism by the left’ did not alter the structure of governance at regional
level or at local level (as it had proposed in the Consenso de Buenos Aires). In other
words, the development strategy of Mercosur failed to address the issue of inequality
and underdevelopment through the engenderment of regional policies.
As for the regionalization dynamics in Mercosur, particularly at the border
regions, they seemed to continue residing within informal closed clusters, away from
the reality of the top-level discussions and negotiations. BIWG was a good start as an
11. Conjuntura Global, vol. 4 n.3, set./dez., 2015, p. 390-402. 400
institutionalized forum, but did not provide real opportunities to participate in the
decision-making processes.
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