The particle (i)n is used systematically in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl to mark definiteness and givenness, functioning similar to a definite article. While (i)n originated as a subordinator or adjunctor in Classical Nahuatl, it has taken on a more determiner-like role in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl. The use of (i)n is obligatory with name entities and other type-e expressions, even in focus, though it is replaced with yeh when such expressions are in a predicate focus position. Overall, (i)n builds sentences and discourse in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl in a systematic way, retaining aspects of its

1. The particle in today: its use and
function in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
Mitsuya SASAKI
University of Tokyo, JSPS research fellow
Northeastern Nahuatl Conference 2014
May 9, 2014 at Yale University
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2. Abstract
(I)n is used systematically in Ixquihuacán
Nahuatl, just like a definite article
– Information structure
– Semantic type of the host NPs
Still, it retains its original status as an
adjunctor / subordinator
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3. Particle in in Nahuatl
Classical Nahuatl
In īc cē capítulo īntechpa tlahtoa in oc cencah
tlapanahuiah tēteoh in quinmoteōtiāyah īhuān in
quintlamaniliāyan in ye huehcāuh.
(Florentine Codex I, 1)
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4. What exactly does in mean?
“... [T]he particle in is an adjunctor, NOT a
determiner. ... Adjunction in Nahuatl can be
marked or not ...”
(Andrews 2003:40–41)
“A noun complex preceded by in is somewhat
more likely to refer to a specific thing or being, a
noun without it to be indefinite.”
(Lockhart 2001:60)
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5. In in Classical Nahuatl
A “subordinator” (Lockhart) or
“adjunctor” (Andrews)
Likely to correspond to specificity or
givenness, but only incompletely
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6. San Francisco Ixquihuacán
San Francisco Ixquihuacán
– Municipality of Ahuacatlán, Puebla
– 3,500 inhabitants (mostly Nahuatl speakers)
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Municipality
of Ahuacatlán
State of Puebla

7. Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
A variant of Zacatlán–Ahuacatlán–Tepetzintla
Nahuatl (ISO 639-3: nhi)
More innovative than the neighboring dialects
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8. Dialectological features of
Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
Simple past ō- vs. perfective yō-
Systematic use of -tok (progressive)
Decline of honorifics
Systematic use of the particle (i)n
etc.
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9. Particle (i)n in Ixquihuacán
Realizes as in / C_C, but:
– Word-final Vh becomes a simple V
– Word-final Vn becomes Ṽ (a nasal vowel)
Realizes as n elsewhere
– Usually procliticizes to a following word
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10. (I)n vs. sē
(5a) witsis in bāsoh
“The glass will fall.”
(5b) witsis sē bāsoh
“A glass will fall.”
(6a) n Guadalupe kikwās in nakatl de kaxtīl
“Guadalupe will eat chicken meat.”
(6b) n Guadalupe kikwās sē nakatl de kaxtīl
“Guadalupe will eat a [cut of] chicken meat.”
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11. Obligatoriness
(9) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl
“A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.”
(10) yōkalakeh n itskwimeh
“Dogs came in.”
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12. Obligatoriness (2)
(11) n īchã (*n) Japón
“His home is in Japan.”
(12) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah
“He/she has a pistol.”
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13. Obligatoriness (3)
(13a) niktlatiwīs in tlahsōl.
“I will throw garbage away.”
(13b) niktlatiwīs tlahsōl.
“I discharge garbage from my body.”
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14. Absence is (i)n in predicates
(15a) bēx dies in tokambioh?
“Is our change ten pesos?”
(15b) bēx in dies tokambioh?
“Is this ten-peso coin our change?”
(15c) ? bēx in dies in tokambioh?
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15. Absence is (i)n in predicates (2)
(16a) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl
“A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.”
(16b) n tichalōtl kikwa būitl
“A squirrel eats a tree as its staple food.”
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16. Discourse function of (i)n
(17a) n Luis kiniki kafēn
“Luis wants coffee.”
(17b) n Luis kiniki n kafēn
“Luis wants the coffee.”
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17. Discourse function of (i)n (2)
(18) n īchã (*n) Japón
“His home is in Japan.”
(19) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah
“He/she has a pistol.”
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18. Discourse function of (i)n (3)
(20a) niās sakatlã īka kombih
“I will go to Zacatlán by combi.”
(20b) niās sakatlã īka n kombih
“I will go to Zacatlán in the combi.”
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19. Discourse function of (i)n (4)
(22) nikniki (*n) gasolīnah
“I want gasoline.”
(24) tikwīkas in gasolīnah ītich (in) kārroh?
“Will you carry the gasoline by car?”
“Will you carry the gasoline in the car?”
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20. Semantic type and (i)n
Person names (or more generally,
expressions of “type e”) consistently have
(i)n even in focus / new information
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21. Semantic type and (i)n (2)
(25) āmo tikitstok n Elías?
“Haven’t you seen Elías?”
(26) n Elías? āxah āmo nikitstok
“Elías? No, I haven’t seen him today.”
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22. Semantic type and (i)n (3)
(29) wan ōehkok n īprīmoh
“Then his/her cousin arrived.”
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23. Semantic type and (i)n (4)
Demonstratives nīn “this” and nōn “that”
– Combinations of the particle (i)n and the stem
īn/ōn ?
– cf. Classical inīn/inōn
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24. Type-e expressions in focus
Type-e expressions consistently have (i)n
But a predicate cannot have (i)n
What happens when a person name
appears in the focus position?
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25. Type-e expressions in focus (2)
(30) āki nōn ōahsik achtõ, yēn (< yeh n)
Dulce o yēn Ebelardo?
“Who arrived first, Dulce or Ebelardo?”
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26. Type-e expressions in focus (3)
Classical Nahuatl
in tēuctli yehhuātl in Pedro
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27. Type-e expressions in focus: summary
Given / non-focus New / focus
Ordinary nominals (i)n No marking
Person names (i)n yeh (i)n
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28. Conclusion: the particle (i)n in
Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
In Ixquihuacán Nahuatl, (i)n is used in a
systematic and elegant way to build a
sentence or discourse
(I)n today is quite article-like, but it
retains its original status as a subordinator
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29. ¡Tlasohkāmati!
¡Muchas gracias!
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