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1. The Basic Needs Approach (BNA)
This basic needs approach (BNA) is simple. It identifies a bundle of basic minimum
requirements of human life including such as food, shelter, clothing, clean water,
sanitation, and so on. So, people whose minimum requirements are not met are
considered poor.
•

This approach aims to provide the opportunities for the full physical, mental and
social development of people. Although it aims to provide conditions for
comprehensive fulfillment of human life (material, social, cultural and political), in
operational terms it primarily focuses on the minimum requirements for a decent
life – health, nutrition and literacy – and the goods and services needed to realize
it, such as shelter, sanitation, food, health services, safe water, primary
education, housing and related infrastructures.

2. The Capabilities Approach (CA)
The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities
so that they can look after themselves.
•

the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment
initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives”
and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused
approach.

Difference between the BNA and the CA
•

The BNA sees poverty in terms of consumption deprivation (inadequate food,
nutrition, clean water, education, health, etc) but

•

the capability approach inspects poverty in terms of deprivation of opportunities
related to lifestyles people value. This difference in perspective leads to very
different policy initiatives.
•

Focusing on consumption, the BNA aims to give the poor adequate access to
some minimum benchmark of consumption; thus, assuring the poor of
subsistence.

•

The capability approach, on the other hand, focuses on capacity development of
people rather than how much they consume. To make the point clear, consider a
project aiming to provide clean water to poor households through water pipes.

•

The BNA would evaluate the impact of the project through a single indicator, say
percentage of households with access to water.

•

The capability approach would judge the impact from the freedom point of view
and would explore the new opportunities made possible by such intervention. For
example, children and women would be no longer needed to carry water from
wells or rivers which might open new opportunities say, for the children to attend
school and adult women to use the extra time for new jobs. Thus, the basic
concern of the capability approach is empowerment.

The relationship between the policymakers and the poor would also take different forms
under the two approaches.
•

Under the BNA, the policymakers would use their own understanding and
judgment to determine the consumption package with virtually no input from the
poor. It would be a paternalistic approach and the decision would be imposed on
the poor. Of course, policymakers can design different bundles for different
groups of people; they do have this flexibility within the paternalistic context.On
the contrary,

•

the policymakers following the capabilities approach would refrain from
prescribing some functionings-set and invite participatory discussions. It would
provide considerable opportunity to the poor to raise their concerns and voices
heard. This approach allows for greater focus on local values and choices;in fact,
it relies upon and promotes participatory democracy.
Summarizing, while the BNA efforts are more generalized, the capabilities approach
would be sensitive to local specialties.
The basic needs approach to development, with its specific focus on poor people and
the need for redistribution, was not to last long as the core framework through which to
address poverty. By the early 1980s, attention of major policy-makers h
ad shifted away from addressing needs, including doing so directly by targeting poor
people, to a re-emphasis on growth, this time to focus on those factors deemed to be
impeding economic growth. This era, of stabilisation and structural adjustment policies,
was built on the premise that once growth began to accelerate again, major inroads into
poverty would result, as they did done in the 1950s and 1960s, though attention was
also focused on education and health.
FIVE BROAD APPROACHES TO POVERTY
This section of the Note briefly outlines five different approaches to poverty, the first four
of which currently dominate contemporary debate within the development profession
and donor community.
Monetary approaches
The monetary approach to assessing poverty, and poverty levels, is based on ensuring
that all needed goods and services are included in the basket out of which the poverty
line estimates are made and on the assumption that poor people will spend their money
in the most efficient way and not buy any other “non-essential” items. But as noted
above, even the earliest studies on the behaviour of poor people (Booth) challenged this
assumption. The monetary approach is clearly also dependent upon whether the goods
and services listed sufficiently encompass all that is required. Currently these only
include estimates to fulfil food, clothing, shelter, and basic education and health needs.
It is also dependent upon assumptions about what happens within households, with
micro-studies often indicating that in practice different household members are able to
access consumption goods inequitably. Additionally, defining poverty by means of a
(very crudely drawn) line at a specific point in time fail sentirely to capture those income
that are near to the line but which fluctuate, especially across the year as a result of
seasons factors, as well as failing to highlight that there are large numbers of people
who, in different ways, are vulnerable to and risk becoming poor. Over time, many
individuals and families can move “in and out of
Social Exclusion approaches (SE)
The concept of poverty-as-social exclusion was developed in the 1970s to describe
processes where individuals and groups of people do not participate in society and the
shaping of that society and the benefits derived from it but would like to do so; indeed
can be increasingly marginalised from them. The focus on poverty-as-process rather
than viewing poverty statically at one point in time is important for two important
reasons. Firstly, it is able to encompass the fact that people and households can move
“in and out” of poverty over time; secondly and relatedly, it is well placed to examine the
different reasons why some people move in and out of poverty and others appear to be
poor more permanently. SE differs from both monetary and capability approaches in
putting the social perspective centre-stage, and, because exclusion is assessed in
relation to the “norm”, SE is very much a relative approach to poverty. It is also explicitly
multi-dimensional, focusing on the ways in which people and groups are deprived in
more than one dimension: employment and housing, employment and access to welfare
benefits.
Thus far, the application of SE to poor countries has tended to focus on particular
exclusions in specific countries and there has, as yet, been no overall framework
developed which views social exclusion in the developing world as a whole – nor is
there likely to be, given the nature of this sort approach and the fact that the concept is
both difficult to define and to measure.
the approach is the only one that focuses intrinsically, rather than as an add-on, on the
processes and dynamics which allow deprivation to arise and persist. Moreover, the
analysis of exclusionlends itself to the study of structural characteristics of society and
the situation of groups(e.g. ethnic minorities; or the landless) which can generate and
characterise exclusion themselves. SE also leads to a focus on distributional issues –
the situation of those deprived relative to the norm generally cannot improve without
some redistribution of opportunities and outcomes.
Participatory poverty approaches
Participatory approaches to poverty differ from the other three, as their name suggests,
by involving poor people and groups themselves in articulating what poverty means for
them, and how they should respond. Participatory poverty assessments (PPA) are a
major part of this approach. These “enable local people to share, enhance and analyse
their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan and to act” (Chambers, 1994: 57)
. Participatory approaches potentially embrace social, economic, cultural, and political
and security issues and thus provide a multi-dimensional view of poverty. Like capability
approaches, participatory approaches focus on ways to empower poor people to enable
them better to make and influence decisions which affect their well-being. A wide range
of tools have been developed to help assess and verify people’s perceptions of poverty
such as wealth-ranking and triangulation techniques.
Participatory approaches were originally conceived and intended for small communitybased projects, but they have been scaled up, notably by the World Bank and used not
merely as a “stand-alone approach to poverty” but as part of other and wider
approaches. As an input to its most recent (2000/20001) poverty report, the World Bank
initiated a world-wide consultation with poor people and poor groups which led to its
publication
Voices of the Poor
This identified five clusters of types of well-being: material, physical, security, freedom
of choice and action and social well-being. However, it remains unclear how far this
categorisation of poverty reflected and summarised what poor people and groups
actually said or the views and perspectives of those who synthesised them.
There are three types of problems or weaknesses to this type of approach to poverty.
•

The first – as the title of Chambers’ book puts it – concerns precisely whose
reality counts or should count? While the power of participatory approaches lies
in drawing out the views of “the poor” and juxtaposing them with the views and
perspective of outsiders, it is not clear how the approach deals with the differing
views of different people – men and women, traditionalists versus modernisers –
within and across different poor communities.

•

Secondly, and relatedly, anthropological research leads one to be wary of and
cautions one to weigh carefully what people, including poor people, say to
outsiders. Especially if groups feel threatened, there is no guarantee that what
they say will necessarily and accurately reflect what they actually think and
believe to be so

•

A third problem is that even if people do accurately convey their own views and
perspectives, their wants and a hierarchy of their needs, this does not constitute
the whole picture. People’s own assessments of their own condition can be
partial and 7 narrow because it risks not seeing, and being able to see, the
“whole picture” (see Sen, 1999). In short, it can be objectively “biased” as a result
of limited information and social conditioning.

A faiths-based perspective
1. In addition to these four approaches, we consider here some of the key the views
and perspectives of the main faith and religious groups to poverty and their
particular approaches to addressing it.
2. The main faith groups would concur with the view that poverty is
multidimensional and, because they would tend to take a more “holistic” view of
poverty, would see the merits of all four approaches which each contribute to a
fuller understanding of this complex issue - confirming that poverty is about
deficiencies, it is about material deprivations, it is about exclusion, lack of
capabilities and lack of empowerment and its is about marginalisation.
3. However there are particular aspects or dimensions of poverty which would be
emphasised by the faiths, only some of which can be traced back to the previous
four approaches. Thus for the faiths, the prime emphasis is not so much on
poverty as an abstract concept but on poor people those who in different ways
are deprived and as a result who suffer. Consequently, for the faiths, addressing
poverty involves not merely striving in the abstract to ensure that in future fewer
people in poverty; it also means having compassion for and working with those
(tangible) people who are currently poor.
4. For the faiths, too, a complete understanding of deprivation needs to encompass
an understanding of different relationships – with other people and with the
material world – which either contribute to giving meaning to,and help shape their
lives, or contribute to alienating them. And as people live community and
communities, poverty needs fundamentally to focus on the relationship of the
individual-within-community.
Three practical conclusions follow.
•

The first is that poverty needs to be seen and understood in terms of history
because relationships are shaped and formed, built upon and evolve in specific
and concrete in historical contexts.

•

The second, rooted in the view that all human beings(even the very “rich”) are
fragile, is the need to give emphasis to vulnerability. For the faiths, it is often not
possible to make a sharp distinction between those who are and are not poor; itis
necessary to work within a broader/wider context of vulnerability in its different
manifestations, and seek to reduce these vulnerabilities – not least the worry,
concern and sometimes fear that living in the (different) “margins” of society
frequently brings with it, especially if one’s primary group or community is itself
under threat.

•

Thirdly, it remains insufficient to fulfil needs, to have income and to develop
capabilities – as ends in themselves. Acquiring goods, services, capabilities,
power and security are seen as ways of giving “meaning” to life. Thus, it remains
insufficient for people merely to have a job which provides an income high
enough to acquire basic goods and services for this is no guarantee of human
fulfilment and may be accompanied by acute alienation. It is insufficient for
people to have a job that pays a high enough wage or salary: it is important for
work to be meaningful and fulfilling and not alienating. Likewise, it is essential for
people to be and feel identified with their immediate community, and for that
group, in turn, to engage productively in the wider political processes. Hence the
relationships and problems which minorities, indigenous people and different
ethnic have as they engage in the wider society is an important dimension of
poverty.
But there are two other dimensions of poverty important to the faiths which receive
relatively little attention in the four other approaches.
•

The first is the importance given not merely to poor people but also to those
who are not poor. Especially where resources are comparatively plentiful,
material poverty, in particular, needs to be viewed alongside wealth and
wealth creation. Consequently, addressing poverty cannot be perceived
merely as working to ensure that those who are deprived have the goods,
services and opportunities that those who are not poor are currently able to
access, and largely ignoring those who are relatively better off. Rather, action
to reduce poverty necessarily involves as a constituent part a focus on
inequalities. The growth of inequalities and the existence of poverty-amidstplenty points to the need to re-shape the political economy, not merely to
redistribute what has been created. It requires addressing the process of
wealth creation in order to ensure that they do not continue disproportionately
to favour the better off: freedom of opportunity needs to be linked to freedom
of outcome. It also requires addressing the process of wealth creation in order
to guard against the excesses of “consumerism” where having more is
(wrongly) assumed unquestioningly to be the root to “being more” (see Loy,
1999).
•

The second dimension of importance to the faiths is the emphasis given to
the less tangible “building blocks” of society and inter-personal relaionships.
For the faiths, poverty is nurtured and development challenged by the
absence or erosion of the personal and social “building blocks” or cement of
human society - those traits of human beings without which inter-personal
relationships and social life would break down, the virtues. An incomplete list
of these attributes would include trust; companionship; solidarity; compassion;
sensitivity to the needs of others; personal integrity; the pursuit of truth;
honesty; respect for others; tolerance; mercy; forgiveness; charity; altruism;
the absence of indifference; respectfor other cultures; respect for the elderly;
and loyalty. While it is not being suggested that all human beings need to
have all these “in abundance”, when many of these are absent, human
society cannot flourish. It is the view of the faiths that the lack of and erosion
of these virtues,and the failure to support and nourish them in people and
within and across societies contributes to the continuation and deepening of
the more visible manifestations of poverty in our world.

The Capabilities Approach (CA)
The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities
so that they can look after themselves.
•

the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment
initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives”
and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused
approach
•

The second dimension of importance to the faiths is the emphasis given to
the less tangible “building blocks” of society and inter-personal relaionships.
For the faiths, poverty is nurtured and development challenged by the
absence or erosion of the personal and social “building blocks” or cement of
human society - those traits of human beings without which inter-personal
relationships and social life would break down, the virtues. An incomplete list
of these attributes would include trust; companionship; solidarity; compassion;
sensitivity to the needs of others; personal integrity; the pursuit of truth;
honesty; respect for others; tolerance; mercy; forgiveness; charity; altruism;
the absence of indifference; respectfor other cultures; respect for the elderly;
and loyalty. While it is not being suggested that all human beings need to
have all these “in abundance”, when many of these are absent, human
society cannot flourish. It is the view of the faiths that the lack of and erosion
of these virtues,and the failure to support and nourish them in people and
within and across societies contributes to the continuation and deepening of
the more visible manifestations of poverty in our world.

The Capabilities Approach (CA)
The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities
so that they can look after themselves.
•

the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment
initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives”
and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused
approach

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Sw 19

  • 1. 1. The Basic Needs Approach (BNA) This basic needs approach (BNA) is simple. It identifies a bundle of basic minimum requirements of human life including such as food, shelter, clothing, clean water, sanitation, and so on. So, people whose minimum requirements are not met are considered poor. • This approach aims to provide the opportunities for the full physical, mental and social development of people. Although it aims to provide conditions for comprehensive fulfillment of human life (material, social, cultural and political), in operational terms it primarily focuses on the minimum requirements for a decent life – health, nutrition and literacy – and the goods and services needed to realize it, such as shelter, sanitation, food, health services, safe water, primary education, housing and related infrastructures. 2. The Capabilities Approach (CA) The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities so that they can look after themselves. • the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives” and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused approach. Difference between the BNA and the CA • The BNA sees poverty in terms of consumption deprivation (inadequate food, nutrition, clean water, education, health, etc) but • the capability approach inspects poverty in terms of deprivation of opportunities related to lifestyles people value. This difference in perspective leads to very different policy initiatives.
  • 2. • Focusing on consumption, the BNA aims to give the poor adequate access to some minimum benchmark of consumption; thus, assuring the poor of subsistence. • The capability approach, on the other hand, focuses on capacity development of people rather than how much they consume. To make the point clear, consider a project aiming to provide clean water to poor households through water pipes. • The BNA would evaluate the impact of the project through a single indicator, say percentage of households with access to water. • The capability approach would judge the impact from the freedom point of view and would explore the new opportunities made possible by such intervention. For example, children and women would be no longer needed to carry water from wells or rivers which might open new opportunities say, for the children to attend school and adult women to use the extra time for new jobs. Thus, the basic concern of the capability approach is empowerment. The relationship between the policymakers and the poor would also take different forms under the two approaches. • Under the BNA, the policymakers would use their own understanding and judgment to determine the consumption package with virtually no input from the poor. It would be a paternalistic approach and the decision would be imposed on the poor. Of course, policymakers can design different bundles for different groups of people; they do have this flexibility within the paternalistic context.On the contrary, • the policymakers following the capabilities approach would refrain from prescribing some functionings-set and invite participatory discussions. It would provide considerable opportunity to the poor to raise their concerns and voices heard. This approach allows for greater focus on local values and choices;in fact, it relies upon and promotes participatory democracy.
  • 3. Summarizing, while the BNA efforts are more generalized, the capabilities approach would be sensitive to local specialties. The basic needs approach to development, with its specific focus on poor people and the need for redistribution, was not to last long as the core framework through which to address poverty. By the early 1980s, attention of major policy-makers h ad shifted away from addressing needs, including doing so directly by targeting poor people, to a re-emphasis on growth, this time to focus on those factors deemed to be impeding economic growth. This era, of stabilisation and structural adjustment policies, was built on the premise that once growth began to accelerate again, major inroads into poverty would result, as they did done in the 1950s and 1960s, though attention was also focused on education and health. FIVE BROAD APPROACHES TO POVERTY This section of the Note briefly outlines five different approaches to poverty, the first four of which currently dominate contemporary debate within the development profession and donor community. Monetary approaches The monetary approach to assessing poverty, and poverty levels, is based on ensuring that all needed goods and services are included in the basket out of which the poverty line estimates are made and on the assumption that poor people will spend their money in the most efficient way and not buy any other “non-essential” items. But as noted above, even the earliest studies on the behaviour of poor people (Booth) challenged this assumption. The monetary approach is clearly also dependent upon whether the goods and services listed sufficiently encompass all that is required. Currently these only include estimates to fulfil food, clothing, shelter, and basic education and health needs. It is also dependent upon assumptions about what happens within households, with micro-studies often indicating that in practice different household members are able to access consumption goods inequitably. Additionally, defining poverty by means of a (very crudely drawn) line at a specific point in time fail sentirely to capture those income
  • 4. that are near to the line but which fluctuate, especially across the year as a result of seasons factors, as well as failing to highlight that there are large numbers of people who, in different ways, are vulnerable to and risk becoming poor. Over time, many individuals and families can move “in and out of Social Exclusion approaches (SE) The concept of poverty-as-social exclusion was developed in the 1970s to describe processes where individuals and groups of people do not participate in society and the shaping of that society and the benefits derived from it but would like to do so; indeed can be increasingly marginalised from them. The focus on poverty-as-process rather than viewing poverty statically at one point in time is important for two important reasons. Firstly, it is able to encompass the fact that people and households can move “in and out” of poverty over time; secondly and relatedly, it is well placed to examine the different reasons why some people move in and out of poverty and others appear to be poor more permanently. SE differs from both monetary and capability approaches in putting the social perspective centre-stage, and, because exclusion is assessed in relation to the “norm”, SE is very much a relative approach to poverty. It is also explicitly multi-dimensional, focusing on the ways in which people and groups are deprived in more than one dimension: employment and housing, employment and access to welfare benefits. Thus far, the application of SE to poor countries has tended to focus on particular exclusions in specific countries and there has, as yet, been no overall framework developed which views social exclusion in the developing world as a whole – nor is there likely to be, given the nature of this sort approach and the fact that the concept is both difficult to define and to measure. the approach is the only one that focuses intrinsically, rather than as an add-on, on the processes and dynamics which allow deprivation to arise and persist. Moreover, the analysis of exclusionlends itself to the study of structural characteristics of society and the situation of groups(e.g. ethnic minorities; or the landless) which can generate and characterise exclusion themselves. SE also leads to a focus on distributional issues –
  • 5. the situation of those deprived relative to the norm generally cannot improve without some redistribution of opportunities and outcomes. Participatory poverty approaches Participatory approaches to poverty differ from the other three, as their name suggests, by involving poor people and groups themselves in articulating what poverty means for them, and how they should respond. Participatory poverty assessments (PPA) are a major part of this approach. These “enable local people to share, enhance and analyse their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan and to act” (Chambers, 1994: 57) . Participatory approaches potentially embrace social, economic, cultural, and political and security issues and thus provide a multi-dimensional view of poverty. Like capability approaches, participatory approaches focus on ways to empower poor people to enable them better to make and influence decisions which affect their well-being. A wide range of tools have been developed to help assess and verify people’s perceptions of poverty such as wealth-ranking and triangulation techniques. Participatory approaches were originally conceived and intended for small communitybased projects, but they have been scaled up, notably by the World Bank and used not merely as a “stand-alone approach to poverty” but as part of other and wider approaches. As an input to its most recent (2000/20001) poverty report, the World Bank initiated a world-wide consultation with poor people and poor groups which led to its publication Voices of the Poor This identified five clusters of types of well-being: material, physical, security, freedom of choice and action and social well-being. However, it remains unclear how far this categorisation of poverty reflected and summarised what poor people and groups actually said or the views and perspectives of those who synthesised them. There are three types of problems or weaknesses to this type of approach to poverty.
  • 6. • The first – as the title of Chambers’ book puts it – concerns precisely whose reality counts or should count? While the power of participatory approaches lies in drawing out the views of “the poor” and juxtaposing them with the views and perspective of outsiders, it is not clear how the approach deals with the differing views of different people – men and women, traditionalists versus modernisers – within and across different poor communities. • Secondly, and relatedly, anthropological research leads one to be wary of and cautions one to weigh carefully what people, including poor people, say to outsiders. Especially if groups feel threatened, there is no guarantee that what they say will necessarily and accurately reflect what they actually think and believe to be so • A third problem is that even if people do accurately convey their own views and perspectives, their wants and a hierarchy of their needs, this does not constitute the whole picture. People’s own assessments of their own condition can be partial and 7 narrow because it risks not seeing, and being able to see, the “whole picture” (see Sen, 1999). In short, it can be objectively “biased” as a result of limited information and social conditioning. A faiths-based perspective 1. In addition to these four approaches, we consider here some of the key the views and perspectives of the main faith and religious groups to poverty and their particular approaches to addressing it. 2. The main faith groups would concur with the view that poverty is multidimensional and, because they would tend to take a more “holistic” view of poverty, would see the merits of all four approaches which each contribute to a fuller understanding of this complex issue - confirming that poverty is about deficiencies, it is about material deprivations, it is about exclusion, lack of capabilities and lack of empowerment and its is about marginalisation.
  • 7. 3. However there are particular aspects or dimensions of poverty which would be emphasised by the faiths, only some of which can be traced back to the previous four approaches. Thus for the faiths, the prime emphasis is not so much on poverty as an abstract concept but on poor people those who in different ways are deprived and as a result who suffer. Consequently, for the faiths, addressing poverty involves not merely striving in the abstract to ensure that in future fewer people in poverty; it also means having compassion for and working with those (tangible) people who are currently poor. 4. For the faiths, too, a complete understanding of deprivation needs to encompass an understanding of different relationships – with other people and with the material world – which either contribute to giving meaning to,and help shape their lives, or contribute to alienating them. And as people live community and communities, poverty needs fundamentally to focus on the relationship of the individual-within-community. Three practical conclusions follow. • The first is that poverty needs to be seen and understood in terms of history because relationships are shaped and formed, built upon and evolve in specific and concrete in historical contexts. • The second, rooted in the view that all human beings(even the very “rich”) are fragile, is the need to give emphasis to vulnerability. For the faiths, it is often not possible to make a sharp distinction between those who are and are not poor; itis necessary to work within a broader/wider context of vulnerability in its different manifestations, and seek to reduce these vulnerabilities – not least the worry, concern and sometimes fear that living in the (different) “margins” of society frequently brings with it, especially if one’s primary group or community is itself under threat. • Thirdly, it remains insufficient to fulfil needs, to have income and to develop capabilities – as ends in themselves. Acquiring goods, services, capabilities,
  • 8. power and security are seen as ways of giving “meaning” to life. Thus, it remains insufficient for people merely to have a job which provides an income high enough to acquire basic goods and services for this is no guarantee of human fulfilment and may be accompanied by acute alienation. It is insufficient for people to have a job that pays a high enough wage or salary: it is important for work to be meaningful and fulfilling and not alienating. Likewise, it is essential for people to be and feel identified with their immediate community, and for that group, in turn, to engage productively in the wider political processes. Hence the relationships and problems which minorities, indigenous people and different ethnic have as they engage in the wider society is an important dimension of poverty. But there are two other dimensions of poverty important to the faiths which receive relatively little attention in the four other approaches. • The first is the importance given not merely to poor people but also to those who are not poor. Especially where resources are comparatively plentiful, material poverty, in particular, needs to be viewed alongside wealth and wealth creation. Consequently, addressing poverty cannot be perceived merely as working to ensure that those who are deprived have the goods, services and opportunities that those who are not poor are currently able to access, and largely ignoring those who are relatively better off. Rather, action to reduce poverty necessarily involves as a constituent part a focus on inequalities. The growth of inequalities and the existence of poverty-amidstplenty points to the need to re-shape the political economy, not merely to redistribute what has been created. It requires addressing the process of wealth creation in order to ensure that they do not continue disproportionately to favour the better off: freedom of opportunity needs to be linked to freedom of outcome. It also requires addressing the process of wealth creation in order to guard against the excesses of “consumerism” where having more is (wrongly) assumed unquestioningly to be the root to “being more” (see Loy, 1999).
  • 9. • The second dimension of importance to the faiths is the emphasis given to the less tangible “building blocks” of society and inter-personal relaionships. For the faiths, poverty is nurtured and development challenged by the absence or erosion of the personal and social “building blocks” or cement of human society - those traits of human beings without which inter-personal relationships and social life would break down, the virtues. An incomplete list of these attributes would include trust; companionship; solidarity; compassion; sensitivity to the needs of others; personal integrity; the pursuit of truth; honesty; respect for others; tolerance; mercy; forgiveness; charity; altruism; the absence of indifference; respectfor other cultures; respect for the elderly; and loyalty. While it is not being suggested that all human beings need to have all these “in abundance”, when many of these are absent, human society cannot flourish. It is the view of the faiths that the lack of and erosion of these virtues,and the failure to support and nourish them in people and within and across societies contributes to the continuation and deepening of the more visible manifestations of poverty in our world. The Capabilities Approach (CA) The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities so that they can look after themselves. • the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives” and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused approach
  • 10. • The second dimension of importance to the faiths is the emphasis given to the less tangible “building blocks” of society and inter-personal relaionships. For the faiths, poverty is nurtured and development challenged by the absence or erosion of the personal and social “building blocks” or cement of human society - those traits of human beings without which inter-personal relationships and social life would break down, the virtues. An incomplete list of these attributes would include trust; companionship; solidarity; compassion; sensitivity to the needs of others; personal integrity; the pursuit of truth; honesty; respect for others; tolerance; mercy; forgiveness; charity; altruism; the absence of indifference; respectfor other cultures; respect for the elderly; and loyalty. While it is not being suggested that all human beings need to have all these “in abundance”, when many of these are absent, human society cannot flourish. It is the view of the faiths that the lack of and erosion of these virtues,and the failure to support and nourish them in people and within and across societies contributes to the continuation and deepening of the more visible manifestations of poverty in our world. The Capabilities Approach (CA) The capability approach aims to empower people through developing their capabilities so that they can look after themselves. • the capability approach encourages not the welfare programs, but empowerment initiatives. It firmly believes that “people are responsible for their own lives” and should have the opportunities to do so. It is clearly a people-focused approach