Agrarianism was founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth
century, but it exercised the greatest influence in the predominantly agricultural countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Central European agrarianism was the ideology
of peasants and it proclaimed that land was the greatest wealth of the nation, agriculture was the most important branch of economy, and peasants were the morally
healthiest and thus the most valuable part of the society. Agrarianism was a personalist
ideology, which proclaimed a conception of man as a subject of social and economic
life. It criticized both extreme liberalism and totalitarian political ideology and advocated the concept of a ‘third way of development’ – between capitalism and communism. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception of knowledge.
The analysis focuses on the concept of land, man and labor, formulated by the representatives of the mainstream of agrarianism. In the 1930s, the Polish agrarians voiced
demands for land reform and the development of smallholder agriculture which, in
their opinion, made an optimal use of the land, capital and labor, that is, the most
important resources available to interwar Poland.
Social democracy is the solution for the failure of the liberalism, socialism...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to reflect about the ideologies that were the basis for development of human society from eighteenth-century, from the French Revolution held in 1789, to date. The analyzed ideologies are liberalism, socialism, social democracy and neoliberalism adopted in several countries around the world. In this article, we conclude that liberalism, socialism and neoliberalism have failed at the expense of humanity. Social democracy especially located in the Scandinavian countries proved to be a successful alternative throughout history.
Against the facts and the history itself, Bolsonaro and Ernesto Araújo, his incompetent Foreign Minister, insist on affirming that Nazism is of the left. It is well known by all those who know the history of Nazism as a far right political movement that it is synonymous with dictatorship, barbarism, genocide, war, among other crimes against humanity practiced by him. Nazism and fascism as the far right political movement are, historically, the antithesis of socialism and communism as a far-left movement as will be demonstrated in this article.
Everything suggests that the strategy devised by the PT (Worker Party) for achievement and maintenance in power in Brazil took into account the lessons of Gramsci. From the Lula government, in civil society, social sectors were conquered by the PT with the “Bolsa Familia” income transfer program, in addition to unions and social movements in general that have been co-opted by PT. The structures of the Brazilian state and state enterprises were also occupied by members of the PT. More recently, the judiciary was also conquered after the departure of President Joaquim Barbosa because its presidents of the Supreme Court and top electoral court former members of PT. The victory of PT in the presidential elections of October 26 would close the maintenance of the Executive Branch. Possession of the Executive and the Judiciary, the Legislature would be entirely at the mercy of the PT. The conquest of the state by PT in Brazil would materialize in practice. From the foregoing, it can be stated that Brazil's future will be dictated by the hegemonic power of the PT and its allies if Dilma Rousseff win the next elections. Instead of putting into practice the Gramscian way of social emancipation, we instead have in Brazil playing the dictatorship exercised by the PRI party that controlled the political life of Mexico for 71 years, through the control of the state apparatus and a system based on corruption, forming the "Perfect Dictatorship" term used because the official party to have been sustained in power without punches preserving the elections and the multiparty system.
In the same way that there was an affinity between liberalism and dictatorship, as happened in France with Bonaparte, the same happens between liberalism and fascism, which are not strictly the same, but there is no insurmountable wall among them either. Among them, there are more points of convergence than of divergence. This was evidenced by the rise of fascism in Italy in the 1920s and Nazism in Germany in the 1930s that were supported by liberals. Liberals legitimized both fascism and Nazism with liberal-inspired policies in their dictatorships.
In this article, the various characteristics of fascism throughout history are presented. Unlike the ancient fascism that was and continues to be nationalist, in the contemporary era, modern fascism is defender of globalization and neoliberalism. There is only one way to combat fascism in each country, which is the formation of a broad democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, prevents the rise of the fascists to power because it is practically impossible to overthrow a fascist dictatorship when fascists are already in power. On the other hand, it is a difficult task to combat fascism resulting from the process of economic and financial globalization that led to modern totalitarianism, since it operates globally and is rooted in all quarters of the Earth. Only with an antisystem international political action in defense of humanity and against globalization and neoliberalism will it be possible to combat and defeat modern fascism.
Social democracy is the solution for the failure of the liberalism, socialism...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to reflect about the ideologies that were the basis for development of human society from eighteenth-century, from the French Revolution held in 1789, to date. The analyzed ideologies are liberalism, socialism, social democracy and neoliberalism adopted in several countries around the world. In this article, we conclude that liberalism, socialism and neoliberalism have failed at the expense of humanity. Social democracy especially located in the Scandinavian countries proved to be a successful alternative throughout history.
Against the facts and the history itself, Bolsonaro and Ernesto Araújo, his incompetent Foreign Minister, insist on affirming that Nazism is of the left. It is well known by all those who know the history of Nazism as a far right political movement that it is synonymous with dictatorship, barbarism, genocide, war, among other crimes against humanity practiced by him. Nazism and fascism as the far right political movement are, historically, the antithesis of socialism and communism as a far-left movement as will be demonstrated in this article.
Everything suggests that the strategy devised by the PT (Worker Party) for achievement and maintenance in power in Brazil took into account the lessons of Gramsci. From the Lula government, in civil society, social sectors were conquered by the PT with the “Bolsa Familia” income transfer program, in addition to unions and social movements in general that have been co-opted by PT. The structures of the Brazilian state and state enterprises were also occupied by members of the PT. More recently, the judiciary was also conquered after the departure of President Joaquim Barbosa because its presidents of the Supreme Court and top electoral court former members of PT. The victory of PT in the presidential elections of October 26 would close the maintenance of the Executive Branch. Possession of the Executive and the Judiciary, the Legislature would be entirely at the mercy of the PT. The conquest of the state by PT in Brazil would materialize in practice. From the foregoing, it can be stated that Brazil's future will be dictated by the hegemonic power of the PT and its allies if Dilma Rousseff win the next elections. Instead of putting into practice the Gramscian way of social emancipation, we instead have in Brazil playing the dictatorship exercised by the PRI party that controlled the political life of Mexico for 71 years, through the control of the state apparatus and a system based on corruption, forming the "Perfect Dictatorship" term used because the official party to have been sustained in power without punches preserving the elections and the multiparty system.
In the same way that there was an affinity between liberalism and dictatorship, as happened in France with Bonaparte, the same happens between liberalism and fascism, which are not strictly the same, but there is no insurmountable wall among them either. Among them, there are more points of convergence than of divergence. This was evidenced by the rise of fascism in Italy in the 1920s and Nazism in Germany in the 1930s that were supported by liberals. Liberals legitimized both fascism and Nazism with liberal-inspired policies in their dictatorships.
In this article, the various characteristics of fascism throughout history are presented. Unlike the ancient fascism that was and continues to be nationalist, in the contemporary era, modern fascism is defender of globalization and neoliberalism. There is only one way to combat fascism in each country, which is the formation of a broad democratic front that, unifying left-wing political forces and democratic liberals, prevents the rise of the fascists to power because it is practically impossible to overthrow a fascist dictatorship when fascists are already in power. On the other hand, it is a difficult task to combat fascism resulting from the process of economic and financial globalization that led to modern totalitarianism, since it operates globally and is rooted in all quarters of the Earth. Only with an antisystem international political action in defense of humanity and against globalization and neoliberalism will it be possible to combat and defeat modern fascism.
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS, THEIR TRIGGERS FACTORS AND CURRENT BRAZILFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to analyze the triggering factors of social revolutions that have occurred throughout human history and assess the possibility of their occurrence in contemporary Brazil.
Capitalism, socialism and social democracy throughout historyFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to make a comparative analysis between capitalism, socialism and social democracy throughout the history of humanity from the economic, social and political point of view.
The current global crisis has highlighted a theoretical vacuum of the Left. With the crisis of neoliberal thesis, the old Left nothing presented as an alternative. Some old Left parties in Brazil led by PT (Worker Party) abdicated entirely the social revolution as a way to make social change abandoning this goal replacing it with a power project to make use of its advantages as evidenced in the process of “mensalão” (buying votes of parliamentarians in Congress by the Lula government) and “petrolão” (systemic corruption in the state oil company, Petrobras). The PT and its old Left allies have now become the new Right in Brazil because, in power, collaborate with the ruling classes and contribute to demobilize social movements in the fight for their interests. A truly leftist government would not submit to the interests of national and international finance capital as it has the Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments. Never in the history of Brazil, banks have earned as much money as the in PT governments.
The cult of personality as an important feature of totalitarian propagandaPrzegląd Politologiczny
The totalitarian system, in contrast to the system of representative democracy (based on
impersonal procedures), is strongly related to the position of the leader. Therefore, the cult of the individual not only serves to consolidate the power of a totalitarian leader, but also contributes to the
legitimacy of the entire political system. The article presents the propagation and creation of the cult of
the individual around three leaders of totalitarian states: Stalin, Mussolini and Hitler.
Is it possible accomplishing the national development independentFernando Alcoforado
The failure in promoting economic and social development of almost all peripheral and semi-peripheral countries of the world must be attributed to the fact that the governments of these countries outline strategies to promote national development dissociated from the evolution of the capitalist world-system. In his book Unthinking Social Science, the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein states that it is necessary to review the current paradigms of social sciences and going to think otherwise in the XXI century. Wallerstein argues for the adoption of a new theoretical and methodological framework in social science based on analysis of the capitalist world-system to understand how each national system it is inserted in order to promote their economic and social development. The new theoretical analysis of the economic system of a nation taking into account the capitalist world-system proposed by Wallerstein is opposed to the current Cartesian method approach that formulates the development of the national economic system of isolated and dissociated form of the analysis of the insertion of the national economy in the world capitalist system.
Migrant farmworkers in Southern Italy between crisis and riots: from Gramsci ...University of Catanzaro
Migrant farmworkers in Southern Italy between crisis and riots: from Gramsci to the revolts of Castel Volturno and Rosarno
Bergamo University, 23-10-2013
THE UGLY FACE OF LITHUANIA: SURVEILLANCE, HARASSMENT, MEDIA DEMONIZATION AND USE OF DELATORS, STALKERS AND TROLLS IN GRYBAUSKAITE LITHUANIAN NEO-TOTALITARIAN STATE.
JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENTSubmissionResearchpa
Significant development of information technology in modern international journalism. by Mokhinur Kudratillaeva Uchqun kizi 2020. JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT. International Journal on Integrated Education. 2, 2 (Mar. 2020), 61-63. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i2.272. https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272/265 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272
Fascism, Communism, Nazism: The Abuse of Philosophy and Art in the Pursuit of...Laura Govia
This is first of a two-part slide show designed to review the literary periods we have studied thus far and how the ideas of those eras were misappropriated and grossly misinterpreted by the Nazis.
The second part will cover historical and cultural contexts leading up to Hitler's rise to power.
It is important to know how all of this came about in order to fully understand the aims of postmodernism, which is a response to the atrocities committed from 1933-1945.
This document deals with the Spanish Civil War and is written by the American historian John F. Coverdale. It reproduces three chapters of his book Uncommon Faith, published by Scepter Publishers, New York. Uncommon Faith tells how Opus Dei's founder, Blessed Josemaria Escrivá, vigorously carried out its development and growth from its very beginning in 1928.
rise of nationalism in Europe Full Researched PdfClevstudy
Class 10 Social Science: The Rise of Nationalism in Europe Notes
The French Revolution and the Idea of the Nation
.The measures and practices introduced by the French revolutionaries to create a sense of
collective identity amongst the French people:
.The ideas of La Patrie (the fatherland) and Le Citoyen (the citizen) emphasized the notion of a
united community enjoying equal rights under a constitution.
.A new French flag, the tricolor, was chosen to replace the former Royal Standard.
.The Estates General was elected by the body of active citizens and renamed the National
Assembly.
.New hymns were composed, oaths taken and martyrs commemorated all in the name of the
nation.
.A centralized administrative system was introduced and it formulated uniform laws for all
citizens.
.Internal customs duties and dues were abolished and a uniform system of weights and
measures was adopted.
.Regional dialects were discouraged and French became the common language of the nation.
The impact of Napoleonic reforms was:
. Napoleon destroyed democracy in France.
.The administrative field was made rational and efficient.
.The Civil Code of 1804 (Napoleonic Code) did away with all the privileges based on birth,
established equality before the law, and secured the right to property.
.In the Dutch Republic, Switzerland, Italy, and Germany, Napoleon simplified the administrative
divisions, abolished the feudal system, and freed the peasants from serfdom and manorial dues.
.In the towns, guild restrictions were removed.
.Transport and communication systems were improved.
.Napoleon’s invasions were resented in several countries due to:
.Increased taxation
.Censorship
.Forced conscription into the French armies
Political structure of Europe
.Socially and politically, a landed aristocracy was the dominant class on the continent.
.The members of this class were united by a common way of life.
.They owned estates in the countryside and also townhouses.
.They spoke French for purposes of diplomacy and in high society.
.Their families were often connected by ties of marriage.
.This powerful aristocracy was, however, numerically a small group. (the majority was the
peasantry)
The New Middle Class
.In Western and parts of Central Europe, the growth of industrial production and trade meant the
growth of towns and the emergence of commercial classes whose existence was based on
production for the market.
.In the wake of industrialization, new social groups came into being: a working-class population
and a middle class made up of industrialists, businessmen, and professionals.
.It was among the educated, liberal middle classes that ideas of national unity following the
abolition of aristocratic privileges gained popularity.
Liberal Nationalism
.Liberalism in the early 19th century stood for freedom for the individual and equality for all
before the law for the new middle classes.
.Politically, it emphasized the concept of government by consent.
.It stoo.... Read More in Document
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS, THEIR TRIGGERS FACTORS AND CURRENT BRAZILFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to analyze the triggering factors of social revolutions that have occurred throughout human history and assess the possibility of their occurrence in contemporary Brazil.
Capitalism, socialism and social democracy throughout historyFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to make a comparative analysis between capitalism, socialism and social democracy throughout the history of humanity from the economic, social and political point of view.
The current global crisis has highlighted a theoretical vacuum of the Left. With the crisis of neoliberal thesis, the old Left nothing presented as an alternative. Some old Left parties in Brazil led by PT (Worker Party) abdicated entirely the social revolution as a way to make social change abandoning this goal replacing it with a power project to make use of its advantages as evidenced in the process of “mensalão” (buying votes of parliamentarians in Congress by the Lula government) and “petrolão” (systemic corruption in the state oil company, Petrobras). The PT and its old Left allies have now become the new Right in Brazil because, in power, collaborate with the ruling classes and contribute to demobilize social movements in the fight for their interests. A truly leftist government would not submit to the interests of national and international finance capital as it has the Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments. Never in the history of Brazil, banks have earned as much money as the in PT governments.
The cult of personality as an important feature of totalitarian propagandaPrzegląd Politologiczny
The totalitarian system, in contrast to the system of representative democracy (based on
impersonal procedures), is strongly related to the position of the leader. Therefore, the cult of the individual not only serves to consolidate the power of a totalitarian leader, but also contributes to the
legitimacy of the entire political system. The article presents the propagation and creation of the cult of
the individual around three leaders of totalitarian states: Stalin, Mussolini and Hitler.
Is it possible accomplishing the national development independentFernando Alcoforado
The failure in promoting economic and social development of almost all peripheral and semi-peripheral countries of the world must be attributed to the fact that the governments of these countries outline strategies to promote national development dissociated from the evolution of the capitalist world-system. In his book Unthinking Social Science, the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein states that it is necessary to review the current paradigms of social sciences and going to think otherwise in the XXI century. Wallerstein argues for the adoption of a new theoretical and methodological framework in social science based on analysis of the capitalist world-system to understand how each national system it is inserted in order to promote their economic and social development. The new theoretical analysis of the economic system of a nation taking into account the capitalist world-system proposed by Wallerstein is opposed to the current Cartesian method approach that formulates the development of the national economic system of isolated and dissociated form of the analysis of the insertion of the national economy in the world capitalist system.
Migrant farmworkers in Southern Italy between crisis and riots: from Gramsci ...University of Catanzaro
Migrant farmworkers in Southern Italy between crisis and riots: from Gramsci to the revolts of Castel Volturno and Rosarno
Bergamo University, 23-10-2013
THE UGLY FACE OF LITHUANIA: SURVEILLANCE, HARASSMENT, MEDIA DEMONIZATION AND USE OF DELATORS, STALKERS AND TROLLS IN GRYBAUSKAITE LITHUANIAN NEO-TOTALITARIAN STATE.
JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENTSubmissionResearchpa
Significant development of information technology in modern international journalism. by Mokhinur Kudratillaeva Uchqun kizi 2020. JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT. International Journal on Integrated Education. 2, 2 (Mar. 2020), 61-63. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i2.272. https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272/265 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272
Fascism, Communism, Nazism: The Abuse of Philosophy and Art in the Pursuit of...Laura Govia
This is first of a two-part slide show designed to review the literary periods we have studied thus far and how the ideas of those eras were misappropriated and grossly misinterpreted by the Nazis.
The second part will cover historical and cultural contexts leading up to Hitler's rise to power.
It is important to know how all of this came about in order to fully understand the aims of postmodernism, which is a response to the atrocities committed from 1933-1945.
This document deals with the Spanish Civil War and is written by the American historian John F. Coverdale. It reproduces three chapters of his book Uncommon Faith, published by Scepter Publishers, New York. Uncommon Faith tells how Opus Dei's founder, Blessed Josemaria Escrivá, vigorously carried out its development and growth from its very beginning in 1928.
rise of nationalism in Europe Full Researched PdfClevstudy
Class 10 Social Science: The Rise of Nationalism in Europe Notes
The French Revolution and the Idea of the Nation
.The measures and practices introduced by the French revolutionaries to create a sense of
collective identity amongst the French people:
.The ideas of La Patrie (the fatherland) and Le Citoyen (the citizen) emphasized the notion of a
united community enjoying equal rights under a constitution.
.A new French flag, the tricolor, was chosen to replace the former Royal Standard.
.The Estates General was elected by the body of active citizens and renamed the National
Assembly.
.New hymns were composed, oaths taken and martyrs commemorated all in the name of the
nation.
.A centralized administrative system was introduced and it formulated uniform laws for all
citizens.
.Internal customs duties and dues were abolished and a uniform system of weights and
measures was adopted.
.Regional dialects were discouraged and French became the common language of the nation.
The impact of Napoleonic reforms was:
. Napoleon destroyed democracy in France.
.The administrative field was made rational and efficient.
.The Civil Code of 1804 (Napoleonic Code) did away with all the privileges based on birth,
established equality before the law, and secured the right to property.
.In the Dutch Republic, Switzerland, Italy, and Germany, Napoleon simplified the administrative
divisions, abolished the feudal system, and freed the peasants from serfdom and manorial dues.
.In the towns, guild restrictions were removed.
.Transport and communication systems were improved.
.Napoleon’s invasions were resented in several countries due to:
.Increased taxation
.Censorship
.Forced conscription into the French armies
Political structure of Europe
.Socially and politically, a landed aristocracy was the dominant class on the continent.
.The members of this class were united by a common way of life.
.They owned estates in the countryside and also townhouses.
.They spoke French for purposes of diplomacy and in high society.
.Their families were often connected by ties of marriage.
.This powerful aristocracy was, however, numerically a small group. (the majority was the
peasantry)
The New Middle Class
.In Western and parts of Central Europe, the growth of industrial production and trade meant the
growth of towns and the emergence of commercial classes whose existence was based on
production for the market.
.In the wake of industrialization, new social groups came into being: a working-class population
and a middle class made up of industrialists, businessmen, and professionals.
.It was among the educated, liberal middle classes that ideas of national unity following the
abolition of aristocratic privileges gained popularity.
Liberal Nationalism
.Liberalism in the early 19th century stood for freedom for the individual and equality for all
before the law for the new middle classes.
.Politically, it emphasized the concept of government by consent.
.It stoo.... Read More in Document
Project of new model of society to be built in the futureFernando Alcoforado
Article published by the magazine 2015 IGHB- Geographic and Historic Institute of Bahia. This article aims to formulate a new social model as an alternative to neoliberal capitalism that prevails in the world today.
The Asia-Pacific Journal Japan Focus Volume 3 Issue 2 F.docxAASTHA76
The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 3 | Issue 2 | Feb 15, 2005
1
Reclaiming Asia From the West: Rethinking Global History
Wang Hui
Reclaiming Asia From the West:
Rethinking Global History
by Wang Hui
Many Asians are now debating the idea of Asia.
Some want to create a regional system in
opposition to neo-liberal imperialism. Others
want to transcend nationalism, which they
regard as outmoded, and to create a fresh
sense of Asian identity that does not depend on
the old, and western-invented, dichotomy of
East and West.
By Wang Hui
Asia, like Europe, wants to create regional
institutions strong enough to counterbalance
the power of the United States. Two apparently
different ideas - liberal globalisation and the
new empire?- have knit together military
unions, collaborative economic associations
and international political institutions to set up
a global order encompassing politics, the
economy, culture and the military. This order
may be called neoliberal imperialism?
European societies have attempted to protect
themselves with a form of regionalism. The
German philosopher Jurgen Habermas, in an
article on why Europe needs a constitution (1),
proposes three major tasks in the construction
of post-national democracy: to form a European
civic society, to build a Europe-wide political
public sphere, and to create a political culture
which all citizens of the European Union will be
able to share.
Regionalism is also the subject of a major
debate in Asia. China, for instance, suggested a
few years ago that it could join the 10 members
of the Association of South-east Asian Nations
(ASEAN) (2) through a formula of ?0 plus one.?
Japan immediately followed, suggesting a
formula of ?0 plus three?(China, Japan and
South Korea). A Japanese news agency article
i n 2 0 0 2 s a i d : i f t h e u n i f i c a t i o n o f A s i a
accelerates . . . the sense of distance between
Japan and China will tend to disappear
naturally in the process of regional unification;
eventually, based on a first regional negotiation
occasion that excludes the United States, a
conference of ASEAN and the leaders of Japan,
China, and Korea may achieve an Asian version
of the reconciliation between France and
Germany (3).
When 10 eastern European nations were
accepted as formal members of the European
Union on 1 May 2004, a Japanese diplomat and
an Indian political scientist suggested that
China, Japan and India should be the axes of an
Asian version of Nato.
This raises the question of what Asians mean
when they speak of Asia.? Since the 19th
century, different forms of Asianism?have been
c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h d i f f e r e n t f o r m s o f
nationalism. But in the wave of modern Asian
nationalisms, the idea of Asia contains two
opposing concepts: the Japanese colonial
concept of the Greate.
Upsc political philosophies like communism, capitalism, socialism etc. - th...Gautam Kumar
Educaterer India is an unique combination of passion driven into a hobby which makes an awesome profession. We carve the lives of enthusiastic candidates to a perfect professional who can impress upon the mindsets of the industry, while following the established traditions, can dare to set new standards to follow. We don't want you to be the part of the crowd, rather we like to make you the reason of the crowd.
Today's Effort For A Better Tomorrow
History Subjectivity, Marxist historiography, Marxist historiography, The Communist Party Historians Group in Britain, Nationalist historiography and Subaltern School
This paper aims to examine the activity of the Mamy Głos Foundation [We
have a voice], an organization founded in 2015 by junior high school students from
a handful of towns in Poland. For this purpose, a review of available materials about
this organization will be carried out and information will be collected using in-depth
interviews with the founders of the organization. The main research question concerns
the motivation behind young people’s activity in the foundation, the methods used to
achieve the goals of the organization and its founders’ profiles. Their activity will be
presented in the context of political activism among young people, including gender
differentiation.
The United Kingdom joined the EEC/EU in 1973. Its membership has been
one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last forty-five years. The United
Kingdom was one of the most Euroskeptic member states in the EU. The ‘added
value’ brought by London to the EU was the English language, which successively
supplanted French from the function of working language of the EU. English is not
only the official language of the EU (it is one of 24 official languages), but primarily
has a dominant position in the EU. It is used for communication between the EU and
the world, between European institutions and during informal meetings. The purpose
of this article is to analyze the position of English in the EU, to show its strengths, and
finally to answer the question of whether the present status of English in the EU will
remain after the UK leaves.
This article aims to identify the major cores of the 15-M Movement mindset
and explain how particular historical factors shaped it. The research problems are to identify the types of relations the movement established between the people and the ruling
elites in its political manifestos, and the sources of these discursively created relations.
The research field encompasses the content of political manifestos published between
the Spanish general election on March 9, 2008 and immediately after the demonstrations
held on May 15, 2011. To solve these problems, the research applies source analysis of
the political manifestos. These are: (1) The Manifesto of ¡Democracia Real YA!; (2) The
Manifesto of the Puerta del Sol Camp, and (3) The Manifesto “May 68 in Spain.” The
research uses the technique of relational qualitative content analysis to determine the
relations between the semantic fields of the major categories of populism, ‘the people’
and ‘the elites,’ as well as to identify the meanings formed by their co-occurrence. The
tool used is a content analysis instruction whose major assumption is to identify all the
attempts to create images of ‘the people,’ ‘the elites,’ and relations between them.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
The article has three dimensions: methodological, theoretical, and empirical. A point of departure for the methodological remarks is a characterization of the
three main approaches in the vibrant interdisciplinary research field dealing with the
phenomenon of conspiracy theories. In this context, the content analysis method is
discussed as a promising approach to gain new data on conspiracy narratives. On the
theoretical level, the concept of conspiracy narratives is discussed in reference to the
popular understanding of the conspiracy theory. The main aim of the empirical part is
determining to what extent the media are saturated with different kinds of conspiracy
narratives. The analysis covers over 200 articles from two popular Polish news magazines (Sieci and the Polish edition of Newsweek) which occupy positions on opposite sides of the political divide in a society polarized, inter alia, by a conspiratorial
suspicion that in 2010 an airplane carrying President Lech Kaczyński on board was
deliberately crashed in Russia.
: The main goal of the studies described in this article may be defined as an
analysis of the promotional processes of regional and traditional products executed with
the use of symbols regulated by European law: Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG),
Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI).
The analysis presented here and the trends in promotional activities deducted from
it, primarily result from the specifics of the goods. The shape of the information system is also influenced by social and cultural factors decisive for the recognizability
and renown of the products, which have been confirmed by the results of the questionnaire conducted for the study. What is worth noting is the correlation between quality
and tradition, reflected, among other things, in declarations regarding the reasons for
the choice of these products: the sense of pride and the willingness to continue the
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This paper looks at the proposals of the European Commission for the
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cohesion and solidarity between the member states.
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a paradigm shift in the financing of policies with redistributive effects and a reform of
the system of the EU’s ‘own resources,’ would ensure that solidarity becomes a matter
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of the rule of law, the Union will bear less and less resemblance to a democracy and
will increasingly look like an empire with an economically stronger and more rapidly
developing ‘core,’ and an economically weaker ‘periphery’ in the East and the South
lagging behind the ‘core.’
What is needed is collective action by the member states most immediately interested in a reform to make the system of EU’s ‘own resources’ less regressive and to
introduce progressivity in the financing of the policies of the EU. It would take significant skill for those countries to organize themselves as a group and to act together
in the course of the adoption of the legislative proposals for the next MFF in order to
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Contemporary diplomacy has evolved into a network involving various
new actors, including international sports organizations. The article is dedicated to the
issue of the sports diplomacy of international bodies which are in charge of international sporting competitions, particularly the International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA), an organization that manages football on a global level.
The research presented in this article is a case study dedicated to the issue of the
influence of international sports organizations on the governments of sovereign states,
specifically FIFA. The objective of the research is to investigate whether international
sports organizations are able to make governments change their political decisions.
The hypothesis that has been investigated states that international sports governing
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One of the first laws adopted by the new political leadership in Ukraine
in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 was the new concept of local
governance reform and the organization of territorial authority in Ukraine. The aforementioned law, as well as official declarations by top politicians on the necessity of
empowering Ukrainian citizens to take part in the decision-making process and shape
their local communities, led to positive expectations regarding the transformation of
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to conduct reform and on the main outcomes of implemented actions. Additionally,
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Lobbying, understood as all actions performed by or on behalf of interest
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democracy that exists in Hungary (2010–2014) exerts an influence on the effectiveness of lobbying control.
Illiberal democracy differs from liberal democracy with regard to five systemic core
principles, such as the rule of law, government control and accountability, the integrity
of political elites, media freedom and civil rights and protection of minorities. This
article shows that all of these systemic criteria constituting illiberal democracy were
met in Hungary between 2010–2014. Examination of the case of Hungary with regard
to lobbying control suggests that illiberal democracy had diminished the effectiveness
of lobbying control in this country.
The article is based on an analysis of national and European legal acts,
documents and source literature and its aim is to describe education and information
in consumer policy in Poland. The protection of consumer rights within the scope
of information and education is presented as a prime objective of the consumer policy strategy of the European Union and government programs of consumer policy
in Poland. Certain aspects of information and education policy of the government
are investigated, which are included in the Consumer Policy Strategy 2014–2018.
The competencies of consumer authorities in the institutional context are thoroughly
discussed in terms of education and information in Poland. Moreover, the consumer
identity of information and education policy between Poland and the European Union
is indicated.
Using a proprietary computer program, simulations of voting in the Council
after Great Britain’s withdrawal from the EU were carried out. In the case of some of
them, a methodological innovation consisting in departing from the assumption that
the emergence of each possible coalition is equally probable was used. The analysis
conducted indicates that after Brexit the ability of the Council members to form small
minimally blocking coalitions will change significantly. At the same time, the assessment of the ability of states to block decisions in the Council and made on the basis
of the Preventive Power Index, differs fundamentally from the results of the analysis
focusing on building small minimally blocking coalitions.
This research is funded by the National Science Centre, Poland, under project no.
UMO-2016/23/D/HS5/00408 (SONATA 12 grant) entitled “The Impact of Brexit and
Unconditional Introduction of the ‘Double Majority’ Voting System on DecisionMaking in the Council of the European Union.”
Teoretycy i praktycy storytellingu koncentrują się zazwyczaj na formalnych właściwościach przekazu, upatrując klucza do jego perswazyjnej skuteczności w realizacji strukturalnych cech opowiadania. Niniejszy artykuł kładzie natomiast
nacisk na poznawczy aspekt relacji komunikat-odbiorca, upatrując w nim ważnego
czynnika determinującego siłę perswazyjnego oddziaływania storytellingu. W pierwszej części tekst analizuje psychologiczne przesłanki skuteczności perswazyjnej narracyjnego komunikatu. Część kolejna stanowi teoretyczną propozycję w jaki sposób
zwiększyć skuteczność jego oddziaływania, uwzględniając budowę, właściwości
i funkcje schematów poznawczych oraz w oparciu o model poznawczych reakcji na
perswazję.
The author examines the nexus between international law and the concept
of human security that emerged in the 1990s. The article proceeds in three parts. Part
one outlines the concept of human security, its genesis and contents. Part two examines the nexus between human security and international law and briefly considers the
most representative aspects of international law, including international jurisprudence,
that, in the author’s opinion, reflect human security imperatives. Finally, conclusions
provide answers to the questions posed and indicate the increased value of the human
security concept. The questions read as follows: How can human security strengthen
international actions (actions based on international law)? Where in international law
is human security reflected? In other words, what aspects of international law reflect
a human security-centered approach? What is the role of international law in human
security? Taking all this into account, what is the added value of adopting the concept
of human security? This article is inevitably interdisciplinary, as it combines the perspectives of international law and international relations.
Najważniejszą barierą rozwoju małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw
(MŚP) jest ograniczony dostęp do źródeł finansowania. W fazie startu wykorzystują
one zwykle środki własne, rodziny i przyjaciół. Następnie zaś sięgają one po kredyt bankowy, którego otrzymanie jest trudne ze względu na brak historii finansowej,
gwarancji i ekonomiczną ich słabość. Nieliczne mogą korzystać z grantów rządowych i wsparcia międzynarodowych organizacji (np. Unii Europejskiej). Pomocnymi mogą być alternatywne źródła finansowania takie jak venture capital, mezzanine,
crowdfunding, emisja obligacji oraz publiczna emisja akcji (Initial Public Offering:
IPO). Ten ostatnio wymieniony sposób finansowania może przynieść znaczne korzyści dla MŚP; umocnić ich pozycję rynkową i umożliwić ekonomiczną ekspansję, ale
związany jest z wieloma barierami. Do najważniejszych należą trudność spełnienia
kryteriów notowania na giełdzie lub specjalnych platformach, nawet jeśli są one łagodniejsze niż dla dużych firm, wysokie koszty, brak wiedzy o rynku kapitałowym
i niska płynność akcji MŚP. Dlatego niezbędne jest podjęcie przez rządy, organizacje
międzynarodowe i krajowe oraz interesariuszy działań zmierzających do likwidacji
lub ograniczenia tych barier.
Dyskusje i badania polskiego członkostwa w strefie euro są w obecnych, dynamicznie zmieniających się warunkach obarczone dużą dozą niepewności,
stąd ograniczać się mogą jedynie do kreślenia scenariuszy. Niniejsze opracowanie
skupia się na aspektach gospodarczych decyzji o: 1) definitywnej rezygnacji z wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty w Polsce, 2) szybkiej akcesji do strefy euro oraz 3) odsunięciu w czasie udziału Polski w tej strefie. Każdy z wariantów rodzi inne skutki polityczno-ekonomiczne i tym samym wyznacza inne ścieżki długookresowego rozwoju
polskiej gospodarki.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań nad traumą społeczno-kulturową
w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Do weryfikacji teorii traumy zostały wykorzystane reprezentatywne dane sondażowe z Białorusi, Bułgarii, Węgier, Rumunii, Polski,
Rosji i Ukrainy. Prowadzone analizy pokazały, że społeczeństwo postkomunistyczne
negatywnie oceniło zmiany systemu gospodarczego i politycznego. Źródłem traumy był spadek poziomu życia oraz wzrost przestępczości. Respondenci uważali, że
w wyniku transformacji stracili na zmianach i pod wpływem powstałej traumy pesymistycznie oceniali przyszłość. Rekcją na pojawiającą się traumę była nostalgia za
socjalizmem i bezpieczeństwem społecznym przezeń oferowanym. Czynnikami łagodzącymi szok w społeczeństwie postkomunistycznym było wykształcenie, młodszy
wiek i orientacja proeuropejska.
Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu
wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym
po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych,
zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników
głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga
została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który
z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo.
Mołdawia jest państwem, które z jednej strony podejmuje wysiłki
zmierzające ku demokratyzacji i europeizacji jej systemu politycznego i prawnego,
z drugiej – działania te są chaotyczne, brak im konsekwencji i są uwarunkowane
bieżącą sytuacją polityczną. Jednym z obszarów podlegających takim politycznym
przesileniom jest samorząd terytorialny. Cele artykułu są dwojakie: po pierwsze, periodyzacja i charakterystyka kolejnych etapów kształtowania się modelu samorządu
lokalnego w Mołdawii, po drugie – charakterystyka aktualnie obowiązujących rozwiązań i wskazanie podstawowych problemów istotnie wpływających na jego funkcjonowanie.
Celem artykułu jest dokonanie analizy relacji państwo–diaspora na
przykładzie Czarnogóry. W literaturze przedmiotu zauważalny jest brak dogłębnych
badań tego zjawiska. Czarnogóra stanowi interesujący przypadek ze względu fakt, że
liczba osób żyjących w diasporach jest porównywalna do liczby mieszkańców tego
państwa. Artykuł składa się z czterech części. Pierwsza z nich stanowi przedstawienie
rozważań teoretycznych na temat diaspor, ale także relacji państwo–diaspora. W kolejnej została pokrótce scharakteryzowana czarnogórska diaspora – jej historia, liczebność oraz kierunki emigracji. Trzecia część stanowi analizę kształtowanych przez
Czarnogórę relacji z diasporą. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na proces instytucjonalizacji owych stosunków. Artykuł kończy podsumowanie.
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Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland in the concepts of Polish agrarians (1931–1946)
1. DOI 10.14746/ssp.2019.2.2
Tadeusz Janicki
Adam Mickiewicz Uniwersity in Poznań
ORCID: 0000-0001-7009-6181
Farmland and people as essential resources
of Poland in the concepts of Polish agrarians
(1931–1946)
Abstrakt: Agrarianism was founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth
century, but it exercised the greatest influence in the predominantly agricultural coun-
tries of Central and Eastern Europe. Central European agrarianism was the ideology
of peasants and it proclaimed that land was the greatest wealth of the nation, agri-
culture was the most important branch of economy, and peasants were the morally
healthiest and thus the most valuable part of the society.Agrarianism was a personalist
ideology, which proclaimed a conception of man as a subject of social and economic
life. It criticized both extreme liberalism and totalitarian political ideology and ad-
vocated the concept of a ‘third way of development’ – between capitalism and com-
munism. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception of knowledge.
The analysis focuses on the concept of land, man and labor, formulated by the repre-
sentatives of the mainstream of agrarianism. In the 1930s, the Polish agrarians voiced
demands for land reform and the development of smallholder agriculture which, in
their opinion, made an optimal use of the land, capital and labor, that is, the most
important resources available to interwar Poland.
Key words: agrarianism, a third way, soil, work, transfer of knowledge
The origins of Polish agrarian thought were connected with the foun-
dation of the first peasant parties and their activities at the turn of the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Their demands to ‘raise peasants’ in
terms of nation, politics, economics and civilization, together with the as-
sumptions proclaiming the peculiar mission of peasants in the process of
transformation of social relations on Polish land became a permanent part
of the subsequent agrarian ideology.
In its mature form, formulated in the early 1930s, this ideology consis-
tently glorified the country, peasants and agriculture, and its principal pur-
pose, apart from the political and economic empowerment of peasants,
2. 30 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
was the formation of a new democratic socio-economic system based
on land, work, cooperative movements and economic self-governance.
It was a personalist ideology that stressed the existential equality of all
members of society and the need to create conditions that would guar-
antee equal rights to everybody. It criticized both extreme liberalism and
totalitarian political concepts, and advocated the concept of a ‘third way
of development’ between capitalism and communism. Agrarianism was
founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century, but its
greatest influence was in the predominantly agricultural countries of Cen-
tral and Eastern Europe.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception
of knowledge from the countries where agrarianism developed earlier,
namely Denmark, Switzerland and Czechoslovakia. Since this study is
short, the center of the considerations are the views of the representatives
of the main current in Polish agrarianism i.e. so-called Wici [Rural Youth]
agrarianism. The analysis focuses on the concepts of land, man and labor,
formulated by the representatives of this political trend, which in their
opinion, were the most important resources and the basis for economic
development in the interwar Poland, as well as the resulting vision of
the relationships between man and nature.1
According to the agrarians,
the optimal use of these factors by peasants working on their own farms,
combined with the cooperative movement, economic self-governance
and general education was to become the basis for the broader modern-
ization of Poland.
The paper attempts to present a deeper analysis of the essential sec-
tion of the agrarian ideology concerning land, work and relations between
people working on farmland and the surrounding nature which, until re-
cently, played a peripheral role in the general considerations concerning
this political concept.
In spite of the harsh criticism of this ideology from the very first days
of its formulation in the 1930s by both the left and the right side of the po-
litical scene, and later by the academic community, it is necessary to say
1
The ideas comprising the above concept were understood by agrarians in the
following way: the idea of land (land is a natural property of the people and it should
belong to those who work on it); the idea of man (an ideal of a man is a peasant,
a farmer, a peasant activist – hard-working, morally impeccable, attached to tradition
and surrounding nature), the idea of labor (it is only through work, ideally on the land,
that a man becomes a full member of society).
3. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 31
that the agrarians properly assessed the character as well as the good and
bad aspects of the Polish economy of the 1930s. They proposed a thesis
that, in the face of a crisis of industrial capitalism, a collapse of interna-
tional division of labor and the lack of investment capital, the chances for
the economic recovery of Poland could be found in the development of
the domestic market by making use of available land and work resources,
an argument which deserves a positive appraisal.
Despite the allegations of being anachronistic or economically dilet-
tantish, the agrarians’concept considering the macroeconomic conditions
of the time became an original, rational attempt to find a way out of the
difficult socio-economic situation of Poland. The agrarians themselves
described their concept as looking for a third way between, in their opin-
ion, a discredited capitalism, and communism, depriving people of liberty
and property.
The presentation and analysis of the process of formation of the pro-
gram section of Polish agrarians, which emphasizes the significance of
people, land and work as essential economic resources of Poland in the
1930s and 1940s, presented in this article, was based on descriptive, ge-
netic and comparative methods.
The chronological framework of the considerations is the period from
the early 1930s (when the concept of agrarianism to identify a specific
worldview first appeared in the journal Wici, in the second half of 1931)
until the adoption of the agrarianism-based manifesto by the Polish Peo-
ple’s Party in January 1946.
The source database contains works by agrarian theoreticians (espe-
cially by Stanisław Miłkowski); press of the Peasant Movement; printed
sources; studies, particularly the works by Borkowski (1966), Chrobak
(1998), Dąbrowski (1981), Golec (1994), Jachymek (1993), Lech (1991),
Piątkowski (1993), Wojas (1983), and Ziembiński (1960) and a group
of articles published in the double issue of the Annals of Peasant Move-
ment History of 1983/4 and the magazine The Country and the State in
1990–1991.
The beginnings of agrarianism on the Polish lands were related to the
articles published in the magazine Zaranie, and the related zaraniarski
(‘zaranian’) movement that existed in the Polish Kingdom in 1907–1914,
and the activities of peasant parties in Galicia at the turn of the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. After World War I, agrarian ideas found sup-
porters, especially in the academic community and also among members
of rural youth organizations, which contributed to the popularization of
4. 32 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
agrarianism, and consequently to the creation of a unique Polish variety
of this ideology.
At the turn of the centuries, and in the 1920s the primary impetus for
the development of Polish agrarianism was the reception of the Czech
and Slovak, and to a lesser extent, Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Danish ideas
of peasant emancipation and concepts of the modernization of agriculture
and rural areas. They spread into the Polish territory in three ways. Firstly,
by the agency of academics and thinkers dealing with agrarian issues,
including Franciszek Bujak, Władysław Grabski and Jerzy Kuncewicz.
Secondly, by the Slavic Union of Rural Youth, which also included Polish
organizations. The exchange of views took place both at the congresses
of this association in Ljubljana (1924), Prague (1926), Poznań (1929) and
Bratislava (1932), and during other forms of the organization’s activities,
including courses in Slavic folk culture.2
Thirdly, by the agency of the
older generation of politicians representing the peasant movement, who
had often been in personal contact with Czech and Slovak politicians,
from the period of joint activity in the Austrian Parliament. Among other
things, on the basis of these relations the International Agrarian Bureau,
the so-called Green International was established in Prague in 1921. The
Bureau was to organize contacts between the peasant parties of Europe.
At the end of the 1920s, it consisted of 17 peasant parties from all over
Europe, including the one from Poland – the Polish Piast Peasant Party.
Also, a place to share thoughts was in the journal Grüne Internationale
issued in Vienna (Kubu, Sousa, 2010, pp. 243–246).
On the basis of the ideas permeating from the outside and the con-
siderations of domestic scientists, politicians and social activists in Po-
land developed three streams of agrarianism: academic, also known as
non-political (Bujak, Grabski, Styś), landowning (Lutosławski, Jaworski,
Listowski, and Rapacki) and Wici (Miłkowski, Niećko, Kuncewicz, Za-
leski and Lutyk). Taking everything into account, the particular streams
2
The majority of Polish rural youth organizations embraced the ideological as-
sumptions of the declaration of the Slavic Union of Rural Youth, adopted at its First
Congress in Ljubljana in 1924, which among other things states that: “working on
the land is the most important part of all human activities. The farmer, through all his
creations, is a positive factor in society. Land being cultivated by man is the best guar-
antee of the nation and the state. One of the major aims of agrarianism is the holding
of land by those who work it. The basis of agrarianism is peace, since only in peace
can a farmer perform his mission for the benefit of mankind.” See: Tokarczyk, 2000,
pp. 238–44; Lis, no. 10, p. 315.
5. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 33
had a lot in common, including the conviction of the great significance of
agriculture and the exceptional relationship between farmers and the land
cultivated by them, the necessity to repair the agrarian structure in Poland,
and the opposition to Marxism and socialism. At the same time, they dif-
fered in attitudes to capitalism, private property and land reform, and also
in their views on the role of peasants and landowners in the Polish history
(Chrobak, 1998, pp. 158–169; Listowski, 1938, p. 936; Bujak, 1919).
Despite ongoing differences, the representatives of all trends in Pol-
ish agrarianism unanimously stressed the fundamental importance of land
and labor as the two basic resources that Poland had in the interwar pe-
riod. It must be pointed out that the agrarians noted both the economic
and spiritual meaning of these resources. Their ideal of man was one liv-
ing in the country, living from farming, and thereby being in close contact
with nature.
Among the above mentioned streams of Polish agrarianism, the one
that acquired the greatest significance was Wici agrarianism. It was
formed in the early 1930s, in the circles of rural youth in Krakow and
Warsaw that came together in the Wici Rural Youth Association of the
Republic of Poland. Due to the environment in which it was created, it
was named młodowiejski [Rural Youth] or wiciowy [Wici] agrarianism,
after the name of the organization, and at the same time after the journal
Wici that was issued by it. Wici agrarianism was the only one of the exist-
ing agrarian concepts in Poland that gained a large group of followers and
had a significant impact on the history of the Polish peasant movement.3
Agrarianism turned out to be one of the most vivid concepts in the history
of Polish political thought in the twentieth century, since it is present in
political life to this day, forming the ideological basis for the present Pol-
ish People’s Party.
A crucial period in the history of Polish agrarianism, and in particular
for Rural Youth agrarianism was the publication in 1933–1936 of works
by Aleksander Zaleski (Orkacz) titled Agraryzm. Próba izolacji i syn-
tezy ludowej myśli politycznej [Agrarianism. An Attempt at Isolation and
Synthesis of Peasant Political Thought], by Jerzy Kuncewicz titled Na
3
Agrarianism was the foundation for the political manifestoes of the following
organizations: ZMW PR Wici [Wici Rural Youth Association of the Republic of Po-
land ] from 1935 to 1948, Stronnictwo Ludowe [Peasant Party] from 1935 to 1939,
undergound Stronnictwo Ludowe Roch [Roch Peasant Party] during World War II
and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe [Polish People’s Party] from 1945 to 47; see: Lato,
Stankiewicz, 1969, pp. 315, 336–37, 367–368, 370, 380, 450–452, 457–458.
6. 34 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
nowych drogach. Próba programu z uwzględnieniem potrzeby koniecz-
nej przebudowy życia społecznego i państwowego [On New Roads. An
Attempt to Develop a Program Taking into Account the Need to Recon-
struct Social and State Life] and by Stanisław Miłkowski titled Agraryzm
jako forma przebudowy ustroju społecznego [Agrarianism as a Form of
Reconstruction of the Social Order], published in Krakow in 1934, and
Walka o nową Polskę [Fight for a new Poland], published in Warsaw in
1936 (Zaleski, 1933; Kuncewicz, 1934; Miłkowski, 1934; Miłkowski,
1936). The works by Miłkowski, which presented the worldview and the
objectives of the Rural Youth movement most completely, ensured his
position as the leading representative of the Polish agrarianism. As well
as the above mentioned authors, others that rendered great service for
the development of the Polish agrarianism were: Niećko, Lutyk, Babski,
Solarz, Młodożeniec and Załęski (Lech, 1991, p. 17; Miłkowski, 1934,
pp. 8–9; Borkowski, 1966, p. 37).
Rural Youth agrarianism was eclectic in its nature. The authors drew
from all the trends that emphasized the importance of the countryside and
agriculture, and that intended to take action for the development and em-
powerment of the lower social strata. In this way, Rural Youth agrarianism
referred to physiocratism, Christian philosophy and the Enlightenment,
as well as to some liberal and socialist concepts. The representatives of
Rural Youth agrarianism combined scientific inspirations with elements
of folk culture, tradition and mysticism of nature. They also willingly
made reference to the achievements of the highly esteemed academic and
moral authorities living in the period from the eighteenth to the twentieth
centuries.
In this group, the leading figures were Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Jean
Charles Leonard Simonde de Sismondi, John Stuart Mill and Nikolai
Frederik Severin Grundtvig. Considering the achievements of Rousseau,
agrarians were particularly interested in his concept of the social contract,
the glorification of peasants due to their close relationship with nature,
the idea of education (as a process of the liberation of natural but hidden
human abilities and desires), and his views of relativizing the institution
of private land ownership (Żabko-Potopowicz, 1936, pp. 41–42; Russell,
2000, pp. 790–797).
On the other hand, from the so-called ‘economic Romanticism’of Jean
Charles Leonard Simonde de Sismondi they took the ideas of defending
family-based peasant farming and crafts from the threat of capitalism,
and also the criticism of ruthless competition and profit as the primary
7. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 35
purpose of business. Additionally, they also voiced the demands for land
reform and for the development of smallholder agriculture (as more effi-
cient in terms of production) and for state interference in economic life in
order to achieve an equitable distribution of income (Stankiewicz, 1987,
p. 200; Simonde de Sismondi, 1978, p. 319).
From the achievements of John Stuart Mill agrarianism took over the
idea of local self-governance as a public authority, and at the same time
as a tool to raise and mobilize the masses, the conviction of the unique
economic and educational role of the cooperative movement, and finally
the thesis that private property will gradually evolve towards socialized
property (Mill, 1965, vol. 2, p. 551; Lipiński, 1968, pp. 371–388).
In contrast to the concepts of Rousseau, Simonde de Sismondi and Mill,
which became a part of Rural Youth agrarianism in a transformed form
and were rarely referred to, the ideas and methods of Grundtvig, a Danish
philosopher, politician and social activist, were frequently mentioned and
applied in practice. First of all, reference was made to Grundtvig’s idea
of social democracy and the rebirth of the nation through the country and
the peasant, and to national culture based on folk culture. A manifestation
of the direct use of this thinker’s achievements was the foundation of folk
universities in Poland, as well as the use of his educational methods and
promotion of the rural cooperative movement. The most distinguished
exponent of Grundtvig’s ideas was an educational activist, closely related
to ZMW Wici, Ignacy Solarz, who went to Denmark several times (for
the first time in 1922). In 1924–1939 he ran the Uniwersytet Ludowy
[People’s University] in Szyce near Krakow, and then (after 1931) in Gać
Przeworska (Bron-Wojciechowska, 1986, pp. 52–54, 106).
In addition to the above mentioned names, the representatives of Ru-
ral Youth agrarianism also alluded to other great moral authorities, such as
Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy, and so to people who proclaimed that
a life of virtue, sacrifice and simplicity, in close contact with nature, will lead
to the rebirth of humanity. Moreover, in the works by Miłkowski we can
see inspiration drawn from the populist ideology of Alexander Herzen and
Nikolai Chernyshevsky (Kudłaszyk, 1978, pp. 42–50; Lech, 1991, p. 10).
Agrarians also referred to Polish political and social thought. In their
conceptions, we can find inspiration derived from the republican-demo-
cratic tradition, which was represented by Joachim Lelewel, Stanislaw
Worcell and Piotr Ściegienny, who saw peasants as the major force in the
agrarian revolution in Central-Eastern Europe (Lech, 1991, pp. 10–12).
From social democratic thought, especially the so-called ‘stateless social-
8. 36 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
ism’ of Edward Abramowski, agrarians took the theses of the subjective
nature of human existence and the necessity of moral transformation prior
to any social changes, and also the ideas of self-organization and coopera-
tion (Krawczyk, 1965, p. 97).
An additional profound influence that is visible in Rural Youth agrari-
anism is that of the so-called ‘agrarian revisionism’, which propagated
the advantage of small farms over large-scale farming. The Polish repre-
sentatives of this trend were Kazimierz Mokłowski, Władysław Gumplo-
wicz and Zofia Daszyńska-Golińska (Lech, 1991, p. 11).
To a limited extent, agrarians also alluded to liberal ideas, especially
with regard to the maintenance of private ownership of small farms and
workshops, and also in the context of political reforms which, according
to them, should aim at broadening and consolidating of economic and
political freedom of the individual. In this way, agrarians manifested their
opposition to totalitarian regimes and their excessive state intervention in
social and economic life (Miłkowski, 1934, pp. 29–34; Ziembiński, 1960,
pp. 135–136).
Wici agrarianism was also significantly influenced by the academic
centers headed by the supporters of the peasant movement, i.e. Franciszek
Bujak (an economic historian, from 1924 to 1930 the head of the self-
established Department of Economics of Small Farms in the Agricultural
Institute in Puławy) and Władysław Grabski (Polish Prime Minister in
1920 and from 1923 to 1925, the founder of the Institute of Rural Sociol-
ogy at the Central School of Agriculture in Warsaw). Bujak and Grab-
ski advocated ameliorating the backwardness of the Polish rural areas
in relation to urban, industrial areas. They also called for changes in the
agrarian structure and raising the social awareness of the peasantry. On
the Polish lands, they promoted and creatively developed the concepts
of the Swiss peasant activist, Ernst Laur, who argued for the superiority
and sustainability of small-scale farming (Laur, 1938, pp. 241–258; Lech,
1991, p. 13; Borkowski, 1966, pp. 43–44).
Another concept adopted from academic circles was an original idea
of Wiktor Bronikowski, who attempted to create a new interdisciplinary
academic movement, ‘social agronomy’. It was supposed to be a new
way of exerting an educative and educational effect on peasants in order
to raise this social group to a higher level of material, social and spiritual
culture (Żabko-Potopowicz, Wieczorek, 1979, p. 90).
The above mentioned influences and borrowings played an important
role, however, it was the impact of the Czechoslovakian ideas and models
9. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 37
that was of greatest importance for the emergence and development of
Polish agrarianism. The basic assumptions of Czech agrarianism were
formulated by Hodža, Frankerberger, Matula and Švehla, who, among
other things, believed that land is the basis of all existence, and together
with the surrounding nature creates a certain type of man. Consequently,
the social, economic and cultural life of the nation grows out of the land,
and the most valuable social group are the peasants, who in addition to
that, form the basis of democracy. Moreover, the peasant farms that were
based on the work of the owner’s family, together with co-operatives,
were in his opinion, the basic organizational unit of agricultural produc-
tion (Kowal, 1964, p. 44; Golec, 1994, p. 42).
The most prominent representative of Wici agrarianism, Miłkowski,
was under the profound influence of Czech agrarianism. He translated the
treatise by Hodža entitled: Agrarian democracy against the intellectual
currents of the modern day, and in the preface to his work in 1934 he said
that the experience of the Czech and Slovak peasant activists (Hodža in
particular) should be the starting point for further activities aimed at de-
veloping the theory of agrarianism in Poland. In another work, Miłkowski
wrote directly that “this term [agrarianism – T.J.] has come in a ready form
from Czechoslovakia, where peasant thought stepped forward much fur-
ther than with us (“Młoda Myśl Ludowa” nos. 4, 5, 6, 1932; Miłkowski,
1934, p. 7).
However, the creators of Polish agrarianism did not take the Czech
models uncritically; they considered them too materialistic and detached
from Polish conditions. Therefore, in referring to foreign models (ideas
and experiences), they sought to develop their own original agrarian ide-
ology, which by the end of the interwar period became much more radical
than the Czech, Danish and Swiss ideals.
Taking everything into account, apart from the external influences, for
all creators of this ideology, the starting point of formulating their con-
cept for reform was the statement of fact that Poland was an agricultural
country, in which over 70% of society lived in rural areas, and therefore
the solution to socio-economic problems required in the first place resolv-
ing the problems of rural areas and agriculture. At the same time, all three
of them (Bujak, Grabski, Miłkowski) claimed that land is a fundamental
national resource, and peasants are the most important social group in
Poland. According to them, the optimal use of those resources required
a restructuring of property relations and distribution of land to landless
peasants and small farm owners. The amount of the land suitable to be
10. 38 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
allotted was estimated at 3 million hectares, and the number of landless
peasants and small farm owners at 5.5 million in 1938 (Mieszczankowski,
1983, pp. 56–57, 85).
Accordingly, they devoted much space in their deliberations to the
question of land ownership and the plans to reconstruct property relations
in Poland, as well as the role that the land and labor played in the lives
of individuals and the whole society. While they differed on many issues,
they were at the same time in agreement that in the conditions of the grave
crisis (or even decline) of industrial capitalism, it was the land and labor
that were to become the basis for the economic development of Poland,
and a chance to overcome the economic crisis.
The main socio-economic postulates of Wici agrarianism resulted
from the rejection of monopolistic capitalism, which was responsible for
the crisis, and communism, which was a threat to peasant property and
a negation of the hitherto property structure in Polish agriculture, industry
and trade. Criticizing capitalism and communism, and their approaches to
property, agrarians attempted to establish a socio-economic system which
would remove the contradiction between capital and labor, and which
would protect the workers against exploitation, and small owners (peas-
ants in particular) against expropriation. This was to be a system that
would be “adapted to human nature,” a system which would “bind man
with the results of his work and one which would guarantee economic de-
velopment and a just distribution of national income” (Miłkowski, 1934,
p. 43).
As was already mentioned, the concepts of agrarianism were discus-
sed most extensively in the work of Miłkowski entitled Agraryzm jako
forma przebudowy ustroju społecznego [Agrarianism as a Form of Re-
construction of the Social Order], much of which was devoted to land and
peasants and their role in the functioning of economy and society. Accor-
ding to Miłkowski, the principle of unrestricted and inviolable property
leads to the exploitation and poverty of large social groups, and therefore
he called for the “abandoning of private property where it becomes the
source of exploitation and where social reasons require it.” For obvious
reasons, in his work he devoted most space and attention to agricultural
issues. After having negated the hitherto agricultural structure, and reco-
gnizing the self-dependent peasant farm as the foundation of the future
agricultural system, he said that land should “be transferred into the hands
of those who work on it personally, and for whom it will be their workpla-
ce. No one can possess land who has not worked on it, and there should
11. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 39
be no compensation paid to the former owners after the land reform”
(Miłkowski, 1934, p. 49).
Miłkowski justified the peasants’ right to land by the fact that their
predecessors worked on the land of estate owners, and in the course of
this work they had “paid even more” than its value. He also justified the
necessity of division of large landed estates into small farms by the gre-
ater productivity of the latter (here he referred to Ernst Laur and Włady-
sław Grabski’s concept of decentralization of land) and to the attachment
to “one’s own piece of land” and to work on one’s own, so deeply rooted
in the peasant psyche.4
While glorifying small private farms, Miłkowski postulated a harmo-
nious combination of land, capital and labor. At the same time, he noticed
that land is a limited property that cannot be enlarged, therefore the pro-
ductivity of a farm could be increased only by a greater amount of labor
and capital. Since the 1930s was a time when there was a shortage of
capital in the Polish countryside, virtually the only way to intensify pro-
duction was the best use of labor resources (Miłkowski, 1934, p. 51).
Starting in 1935, Miłkowski’s concept, combining the postulate of pre-
servation of individual property (which would be subordinated to social
interest, and which was not the basis of exploitation of one man by ano-
ther), which demanded thorough changes in property structure in Poland,
became a canon of agrarian thought and a part of the official ideology of
the peasant movement.
The vision of the socio-economic modernization of Poland developed
by Miłkowski and other agrarians did not concern only changes in the
agricultural structure and the development of peasant farms, but it also
applied to structural issues – institutional, technical and social awareness.
Among other things, it assumed the creation of economic democracy,
socialization of industry, which meant industry being taken over by co-
operatives and economic self-governance, and finally the development
of the cooperative movement, economic self-governance and economic
planning (Miłkowski, 1966, p. 266).
Promoting the latter three institutions was associated with the agra-
rians’ aim of economic life being based on an organized society. In par-
4
Miłkowski referred in his articles to the work by Grabski – Wieś i folwark [The
Country and the Farm], in which he presented the theory of decentralization in agri-
culture, which stated that in the conditions of free competition, small farms are at an
advantage over large-scale ones. Here, he referred to the publication by Laur and his
own research on the economics of agriculture. See: Grabski, 1930, pp. 17–45.
12. 40 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
ticular, the cooperative movement was supposed to fulfil any “technical,
economic and organizational shortcomings and deficiencies” of small-sca-
le farming, to remove go-betweens in agricultural trade, and also to sha-
pe peasants’ awareness in the spirit of cooperation and self-organization
(Lato, Stankiewicz, 1969, p. 451; Miłkowski, 1934, pp. 69–70).
According to agrarians, the structure of the economy was to consist of
three main elements: privately owned farms (newly-created or formed by
enlargement of former small farms as a result of land reform); nationali-
zed factories (possibly located in rural areas); and co-operatives.3
All of
these were to be included in the uniform system of the planned economy,
in which agriculture and industry have the same importance and should
be developed simultaneously (Lato, Stankiewicz, 1969, p. 315, 370).
At the same time, they opposed far-reaching state intervention in the
economy, particularly rejecting flatly the solutions used in the Soviet Union
and the Third Reich, which in their opinion, deprived the people of liberty
and property. Therefore, despite some collectivist tendencies, it was stres-
sed that every citizen should own, if not their workplace, then any useable
property, such as land, a house, apartment or working plot, because “only
this guarantees personal independence and forms the basis for a truly de-
mocratic system” (Lato, Stankiewicz, 1969, pp. 369–370). Taking into con-
sideration private property, agrarianism propagated the necessity of subor-
dinating it to the general public’s interest. On the other hand, all forms of
collective activity should be based on freedom of choice.
Agrarians realized that the proposed modernization of their socio-
economic system required a high level of awareness and commitment
from all potential participants, especially the peasants. Therefore, the key
objective of the Wici Rural Youth Union of the Polish Republic was the
education and shaping of a new man, who would be capable of rebuilding
social, economic and political relations in Poland according to agrarian
recommendations (Łuczak, 1986, pp. 103–110, 123–135).
Therefore, the organization conducted wide-scale educational activi-
ties. It was through journals, readings, lectures and a self-study campaign
that the Union propagated their ideas and strived to raise the level of
education in the country.A special role was played by agricultural courses
(which were mass courses) and folk universities (designed for the future
leaders of rural social life), which were organized on the basis of the Da-
nish model (Jakubiec, 1937, no. 1; Bieńkowska, 1936, no. 39).
Ideologically, agrarians not only considered economic and structural
issues, but they also propagated the cult of land and respect for nature and
13. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 41
their beneficial influence on the psyches of people working on the land.
Accordingly, the transformation in the agricultural structure was suppo-
sed to bring a positive outcome in the economic as well as spiritual sphere
of life, since from the agrarians’ point of view, a farm was something
more than just a subject of possession and a source of income, and wor-
king on the land was something more than a form of economic activity.
A farm was a dynamic whole, a workplace, and at the same time it was
the place of a close relationship between man and the land, the essence of
which was working in the fields. On the one hand, man changes the land
through his work, on the other hand, the land as a living reality changes
man. Constant contact with nature has a decisive impact on the fate and
psyche of man, and it develops his moral and physical health. According
to Miłkowski, “a man of the land, drawing its vital sap, living in the sun
and open air, is a symbol of health, vigor, spiritual balance and a specific
outlook on the world.” On the other hand, the agrarians were of the opi-
nion that a lack of constant contact with nature, typical of urban societies,
leads to degeneration and spiritual impoverishment (Miłkowski, 1934,
pp. 37–39).
Consequently, on the one hand, agrarian thought had a strong eco-
logical strand, and on the other hand, there was a noticeable anti-urban
and anti-industrial attitude, which was based on the belief that industry
exploits and destroys both nature and man. Urban life was, in the agra-
rians’ opinion, contrary to the usual order of the world and nature. Addi-
tionally, technological expansion led to the dehumanization of man and
made him a mere extension of a machine. Hence, the agrarians’ calls to
link the largest number of people working outside farming with the land
which was a condition for regaining their “lost mental balance and overall
development.”
This does not mean, however, that agrarians’ attitude to technical
modernization was clearly negative. They condemned mechanization in
the field of industrial production, because in their view it only served to
maximize profits and “adversely affected the development of individual
human values” (Gołębiewski, Jarecka-Klimowska, 1978, p. 113). At the
same time, they were in favor of technical advancement in agriculture,
as they understood that it determined economic development to a lar-
ge extent, and also facilitated “relieving rural man of excessive physical
work” (Miłkowski, 1934, p. 55). However, they added that “the achieve-
ments of technical progress [...] cannot be used for enrichment of single
individuals, but to multiply the prosperity of the entire society” (Gołę-
14. 42 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
biewski, Jarecka-Klimowska, 1978, p. 113). Technical advancement in
agriculture would be achieved through the development of cooperatives,
creating engineering companies, and in favorable conditions production
cooperatives, and, additionally, through land reclamation, enclosure, spe-
cialization, standardization and electrification (Gołębiewski, Jarecka-Kli-
mowska, 1978, p. 114; Miłkowski, 1934, p. 55; Lech, 1991, p. 91).
The presence of ecology in agrarianism was not just an ideological
stance but it was one of its most essential elements, since, as Miłkowski
put it, agrarianism “grows out of the land and it boosts its significance”
(Miłkowski, 1936, p. 47). The postulate of living in harmony with nature
and making optimal use of renewable resources, such as the land and pe-
ople, distinguished agrarianism from communism and capitalism, which
stressed the harnessing of nature and its exploitation. In view of that fact,
agrarians are thought to be the forerunners of ecological ideas.
Conclusion
When embarking in the early 1930s on the creation of the Polish
version of agrarianism, young peasant activists were convinced that the
Peasants’ Party, as the representative of peasants, that is the largest so-
cial group, should have a manifesto based on an original and modern
ideology corresponding to the social role and aspirations of peasants.
It aimed to unite the peasant movement, give it a new impetus in the
fight against Sanacja [Sanation] and set out the goals and methods for
the political and socio-economic modernization of Poland.5
Generally
speaking, in the agrarian vision Poland was to be a country dominated
by peasants and agriculture, with a mixed property system that would
be devoid of any signs of exploitation, based on the cooperative mo-
vement and self-governance; a country with a cultural ethos based on
folk culture values. That ideal was to be achieved by means of gradual
voluntary transformations (revolution was rejected), allowing only oc-
casional state interference.
5
Seeing the success achieved at that time by the fascist and communist move-
ments, agrarians were convinced of the necessity of having a shaped worldview (ide-
ology) as the basis for action. However, they rejected the underpinning ideology of
those trends as totalitarian, since they themselves and the Peasant Party [SL] consis-
tently advocated a democratic political system. Therefore, they sought a ‘third way’,
between capitalism and communism.
15. ŚSP 2 ’19 Farmland and people as essential resources of Poland... 43
In the period from 1931 to 1939, Rural Youth agrarianism evolved
from a moderate to a radical class ideology (in many ways similar to
socialism). Then, during World War II and immediately thereafter (espe-
cially in the manifesto of PSL [Polish Peoples’ Party] from 1946, Wici
agrarianism took the form of a moderate nationwide ideology of ‘the third
way’, which referred to ethics and Christian morality.
The concepts of land, man and labor were the basis of Wici agraria-
nism. Land played the role of a fundamental economic, structuring and
cultural value, since in the cultural system of traditional Polish villagers,
everything started and ended on the land, as the source of life and the
place of eternal rest. In turn, working on the land, in constant contact with
nature was a factor that positively shaped the human psyche. According
to the agrarians, the proper use of land and labor resources would deter-
mine the economic and social development of Poland.
Agrarian concepts were contradictory to the dominant idea at that time
of modernization through industrialization, which assumed the extensi-
ve use of mineral resources, and coal in particular. Therefore, agrarians
were accused of naivety, economic dilettantism, overestimating the role
of peasants, and being guided by emotions, where economic calculation
should prevail. However, the above critical judgment seems too harsh
as, despite the agrarians’ unquestionable attachment to the countryside,
they realistically evaluated the character, and strong and weak points of
the Polish economy of the 1930s. According to them, when facing the
crisis of industrial capitalism, the collapse of the international division of
labor and lack of investment capital, the only real chance for an economic
boom in Poland was the development of the domestic market through the
use of the available land and labor resources.
For this purpose, it was, in their opinion, necessary to carry out land
reform, as possession of your own farm was, for peasants, a prerequisite
for effective work and becoming part of the market economy. Additional-
ly, it gave them a sense of independence from the violence of capital and
political power. Against this background, land reform was a necessary
step towards connecting the land with labor, and making optimal use of
both of them.
Agrarianism was an important concept in Polish political thought of
the interwar period. Its creators did not come into power, but by their po-
litical, economic and educational activities they contributed to changes in
the social awareness of the rural population, including the development
of self-organization and cooperatives, and also strengthening the spirit of
16. 44 Tadeusz Janicki ŚSP 2 ’19
good citizenship and democracy among peasants. On the other hand, the
radical socio-economic demands of the agrarians compelled other poli-
tical forces that were seeking farmers’ support to modify their political
manifestoes and adopt many approaches similar to agrarian ones.
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Ziemia uprawna i ludzie jako podstawowe zasoby II Rzeczpospolitej
w koncepcjach polskich agrarystów (1931–1946)
Streszczenie
Agraryzm powstał w Niemczech w drugiej połowie XIX wieku, jednak najwięk-
sze wpływy osiągnął w przeważnie rolniczych krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschod-
niej. Środkowoeuropejski agraryzm był ideologią chłopów i głosił, że ziemia jest naj-
większym bogactwem narodu, rolnictwo najważniejszą gałęzią gospodarki, a chłopi
najzdrowszą moralnie, a tym samym najcenniejszą częścią społeczeństwa. Agraryzm
był ideologią personalistyczną, która głosiła koncepcję człowieka jako podmiotu ży-
cia społecznego i gospodarczego. Dlatego krytykował zarówno skrajny liberalizm,
jak i totalitarne koncepcje ustrojowe oraz głosił koncepcję “trzeciej drogi rozwoju”
pomiędzy kapitalizmem a komunizmem. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest
przedstawienie kształtowania się i rozwoju polskiego agraryzmu oraz związanego
z tym procesu transferu i recepcji wiedzy. W centrum analizy znajduje się koncepcja
ziemi, człowieka i pracy sformułowana przez przedstawicieli głównego nurtu tej ide-
ologii. W latach trzydziestych dwudziestego wieku polscy agraryści opowiadali się za
reformą rolną i podziałem gruntów rolnych pomiędzy małe rodzinne gospodarstwa
rolne, które ich zdaniem w optymalny sposób wykorzystywały ziemię, kapitał i pracę,
czyli najważniejsze zasoby, jakimi dysponowała międzywojenna Polska.
Słowa kluczowe: agraryzm, trzecia droga, ziemia, praca, transfer wiedzy
Article submitted: 10.06.2018; article accepted: 26.06.2018.