Cuba's Literacy Campaign was a valiant effort to transform Cuba's political culture. But despite it's initial successes, this model was not applied successfully in future circumstances. This article examines the reasons why.
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about neoliberal multiculturalism in Central America. It provides context on three key topics:
1) How neoliberalism has expanded beyond economics to become a full political project promoting decentralization, limited human rights, and minimal democracy. It also emphasizes developing civil society and approaches to cultural rights.
2) How neoliberal multiculturalism shapes, delimits, and produces cultural difference rather than suppressing it. It induces groups to join the neoliberal project by carefully delimiting cultural rights.
3) The landmark Awas Tingni court case, where indigenous lawyers successfully argued for collective land rights based on an ancestral claim, setting a
This document discusses the (re)articulation of political subjectivities and colonial difference in Ecuador. It focuses on the emergence of new cultural identity politics among indigenous and Afro-descendent movements in Latin America in the 1990s. These movements politicize ethnic and racial differences as well as colonial legacies of subalternity. They aim to transform national social and political structures by confronting transnational neoliberal policies and interests. The document examines how these movements bring into question concepts of state, citizenship, democracy, and nation, and discusses their implications for understanding transnationalism and the multiculturalization of capitalism.
This document discusses the rise of neoliberalism and its negative impacts, particularly on youth and public memory. It argues that neoliberal policies have dismantled democratic institutions and social protections. This has increased inequality and precarity for young people, who now face a bleak future with few opportunities or security. Additionally, neoliberalism promotes "organized forgetting" of progressive ideas and social movements, instead celebrating individualism. The result is a rise in state violence and a surveillance system that views all, especially the marginalized, as potential criminals or terrorists. Recent youth protests against austerity and inequality have been met with police crackdowns, demonstrating how neoliberal states now merge violence and governance.
In human history, all struggles against oppression have always been directed against a clearly identified enemy, be it people, governments or social classes. In the past, the forces opposing the dominant oppressive power fought to conquer the State through which the power passed to be exercised in order to change the political, economic and social reality in which they lived. This is how social revolutions and national independence in many countries of the world happened. In the past, it was easier to mobilize a social class or an entire people against a clearly identified enemy oppressor. In the contemporary era, with the modern totalitarianism, the oppressive enemy is fragmented and acts openly and also subliminally on people's minds.
Womens Movements Econ Power Khan Veneklasen 2012Alia Khan
The document discusses the challenges facing women's economic empowerment and movements globally. It outlines several structural drivers that have persisted over the past 3 decades, including neoliberal economic policies, the shrinking role of governments, increased militarization and conflict, the rise of fundamentalism, and a changing global governance system. While civil society has grown, movements have become over-institutionalized and fragmented. The document calls for reconnecting with grassroots women and integrating political and economic analysis into popular education strategies in order to build power and engage hearts and minds for lasting change.
Encountering Development Chapter ONE by Arturo Escobar Sajjad Haider
This document provides a summary of Arturo Escobar's book "Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World" published in 1995. It discusses how the book examines the history of development discourse and how it led to the production of the "Third World". It analyzes how development was established as a field of thought and reality following World War 2, influenced by works like Orientalism. The book aims to understand how development ideology and interventions have impacted societies over the last 40 years.
The document summarizes a theory that revolutions are most likely to occur when a period of social and economic progress is followed by a short period of sharp reversal. This creates expectations of continued progress among the populace that are frustrated when conditions deteriorate. Three examples are discussed in more detail: Dorr's Rebellion in Rhode Island in 1842, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. All are said to fit a pattern where a period of gains is followed by threats to those gains, fueling a revolutionary mood. The goal is to understand the conditions that lead to revolution or prevent its occurrence.
The document analyzes the historical foundations of voluntary charity and philanthropy as a market response to needs, rather than a "third sector" separate from private enterprise and government. It discusses evidence that voluntary assistance has existed since ancient times in China, Egypt, India, Persia, Judea, Greece and Rome in response to human and market needs. Throughout history, voluntary assistance has primarily been provided through private action rather than government coercion.
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about neoliberal multiculturalism in Central America. It provides context on three key topics:
1) How neoliberalism has expanded beyond economics to become a full political project promoting decentralization, limited human rights, and minimal democracy. It also emphasizes developing civil society and approaches to cultural rights.
2) How neoliberal multiculturalism shapes, delimits, and produces cultural difference rather than suppressing it. It induces groups to join the neoliberal project by carefully delimiting cultural rights.
3) The landmark Awas Tingni court case, where indigenous lawyers successfully argued for collective land rights based on an ancestral claim, setting a
This document discusses the (re)articulation of political subjectivities and colonial difference in Ecuador. It focuses on the emergence of new cultural identity politics among indigenous and Afro-descendent movements in Latin America in the 1990s. These movements politicize ethnic and racial differences as well as colonial legacies of subalternity. They aim to transform national social and political structures by confronting transnational neoliberal policies and interests. The document examines how these movements bring into question concepts of state, citizenship, democracy, and nation, and discusses their implications for understanding transnationalism and the multiculturalization of capitalism.
This document discusses the rise of neoliberalism and its negative impacts, particularly on youth and public memory. It argues that neoliberal policies have dismantled democratic institutions and social protections. This has increased inequality and precarity for young people, who now face a bleak future with few opportunities or security. Additionally, neoliberalism promotes "organized forgetting" of progressive ideas and social movements, instead celebrating individualism. The result is a rise in state violence and a surveillance system that views all, especially the marginalized, as potential criminals or terrorists. Recent youth protests against austerity and inequality have been met with police crackdowns, demonstrating how neoliberal states now merge violence and governance.
In human history, all struggles against oppression have always been directed against a clearly identified enemy, be it people, governments or social classes. In the past, the forces opposing the dominant oppressive power fought to conquer the State through which the power passed to be exercised in order to change the political, economic and social reality in which they lived. This is how social revolutions and national independence in many countries of the world happened. In the past, it was easier to mobilize a social class or an entire people against a clearly identified enemy oppressor. In the contemporary era, with the modern totalitarianism, the oppressive enemy is fragmented and acts openly and also subliminally on people's minds.
Womens Movements Econ Power Khan Veneklasen 2012Alia Khan
The document discusses the challenges facing women's economic empowerment and movements globally. It outlines several structural drivers that have persisted over the past 3 decades, including neoliberal economic policies, the shrinking role of governments, increased militarization and conflict, the rise of fundamentalism, and a changing global governance system. While civil society has grown, movements have become over-institutionalized and fragmented. The document calls for reconnecting with grassroots women and integrating political and economic analysis into popular education strategies in order to build power and engage hearts and minds for lasting change.
Encountering Development Chapter ONE by Arturo Escobar Sajjad Haider
This document provides a summary of Arturo Escobar's book "Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World" published in 1995. It discusses how the book examines the history of development discourse and how it led to the production of the "Third World". It analyzes how development was established as a field of thought and reality following World War 2, influenced by works like Orientalism. The book aims to understand how development ideology and interventions have impacted societies over the last 40 years.
The document summarizes a theory that revolutions are most likely to occur when a period of social and economic progress is followed by a short period of sharp reversal. This creates expectations of continued progress among the populace that are frustrated when conditions deteriorate. Three examples are discussed in more detail: Dorr's Rebellion in Rhode Island in 1842, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. All are said to fit a pattern where a period of gains is followed by threats to those gains, fueling a revolutionary mood. The goal is to understand the conditions that lead to revolution or prevent its occurrence.
The document analyzes the historical foundations of voluntary charity and philanthropy as a market response to needs, rather than a "third sector" separate from private enterprise and government. It discusses evidence that voluntary assistance has existed since ancient times in China, Egypt, India, Persia, Judea, Greece and Rome in response to human and market needs. Throughout history, voluntary assistance has primarily been provided through private action rather than government coercion.
This document outlines the eight stages of successful social movements according to Bill Moyer's Movement Action Plan (MAP) model. It describes how social movements progress through these stages over many years, moving from a take-off stage where a new issue emerges to stages of increasing public support and involvement. The document also discusses how powerholders try to maintain the status quo by managing issues and justifying policies to the public. MAP provides a framework to help activists guide their movements and avoid common pitfalls like burnout.
Power politics and resistance continuous analytical refelction final copyjoseph1023
Globalization has connected the world through increased trade, cultural exchange, and technology. However, critics argue it has replaced colonialism by allowing wealthy nations to exploit poorer ones through economic and institutional means. It has also eroded unique cultures and traditions. The rise of neoliberalism has accelerated privatization and reduced government responsibilities. While supporting free market policies, it has increased inequality and consolidated power among the wealthy. The debate around a "clash of civilizations" examines whether policies like multiculturalism have succeeded or failed at creating tolerant societies, as immigration policies impact cultural diversity.
This document summarizes an academic paper analyzing the origins of social unrest in Mexico. It discusses several hypotheses for what triggered civil violence, including rising poverty levels and increasing economic polarization. While poverty was high in Chiapas, the data shows polarization was a more significant factor. Polarization concentrated resources in fewer hands, exacerbating conflicts over land rights and increasing frustration among those with less income. Targeted poverty programs after 1994 did not sufficiently address underfunding issues in poorer states like Chiapas.
This document provides background information on the historical context of indigenous women's struggle for emancipation in Guatemala from 1980 to the present. It discusses how indigenous women have faced discrimination, exploitation, and abuse dating back to colonial times. While early movements focused on land rights and preserving indigenous culture, women's movements increasingly incorporated demands for women's rights and gender equality. The document reviews how indigenous women have a long history of activism but faced barriers due to authoritarian governments and gendered social constructions. It analyzes how indigenous women's demands for rights are interconnected with broader indigenous rights and how achieving ethnic equality is important for women's emancipation.
Rostow outlined five stages of economic growth for societies:
1. Traditional society, where production is limited and kinship ties are strong.
2. Preconditions for take-off, where new ideas are introduced and financial institutions grow.
3. Take-off, where growth is pursued and new technologies are integrated into agriculture and manufacturing.
4. Drive to maturity, where development is sustained, output outstrips population growth, and social institutions change.
5. Age of high mass-consumption, where incomes rise and focus shifts to social welfare.
Sociology has progressed through several stages driven by massive social transformations over the past two centuries. The Industrial Revolution and population shifts to cities disrupted traditional social organizations. Scientific and technological advances changed systems of production, weakening families and communities. Millions moved from rural areas to cities for work, overwhelming housing and causing social problems. New political ideas emerged emphasizing individual rights and liberties over obligations to rulers. Sociology developed to study and understand society and human behavior within these changing social contexts.
This document describes a new minor in History of War & Society. The minor explores how civil and international wars have shaped politics, society, and culture through experiences of violence and conflict. Courses examine how wars create conditions for broader changes to concepts like territory, sovereignty, citizenship, gender, and race as people serve in battle and on the home front. The minor considers both military history and war's linkages to social, political, and cultural formations over time.
Market capitalism and state capitalismGRAZIA TANTA
1 - State, an essential element for the success of capitalism
2 - Where a world of nation-states has led us
3 - The role of the State in the practice of socialism
A World of Ideas Cultures of GlobalizationMonte Christo
This document discusses several topics related to globalization and religion. It explains that globalization refers to the increasing interconnectedness of all the world's people into a single social unit. As religions become more globalized, they may transform from being closely tied to individual nations and cultures to taking on free competition on a global scale. Media globalization has helped spread globalization since World War II through organizations promoting international investment. Researchers have observed various effects of media globalization on religion and culture, some of which are open to interpretation while others are more widely agreed upon. Global cities are centers of innovation that share characteristics of connectedness and experiences with globalization but also face challenges from rising inequality.
This document discusses how iron triangles warp government policymaking. An iron triangle is a mutually reinforcing relationship between a government agency, key congressional committees that oversee the agency, and private industries regulated by that agency. This creates powerful lobbying groups that prioritize their own interests over the public interest. As an example, it outlines the "defense iron triangle" relationship between weapons manufacturers, congressional defense committees, and the Pentagon in pushing for increased military spending against the wishes of most Americans.
This document discusses the failures of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) to adequately regulate toxic chemicals. It notes that TSCA was intended to carefully screen potentially hazardous substances before they entered the environment, but was weakened by loopholes. Specifically:
- Many chemicals were excluded from regulation, including those used in pesticides, tobacco, drugs, cosmetics, and food additives.
- It is very difficult for the EPA to demonstrate a chemical poses an "unreasonable risk" and regulate it, due to limited data and industry-funded studies.
- New chemicals can be rushed to market without sufficient toxicity testing, as the EPA lacks data to demonstrate risks within 90 days to ban or restrict
CERCLA and RCRA are the two main laws governing hazardous waste in the US. CERCLA, also known as Superfund, establishes liability for cleaning up abandoned hazardous waste sites and ensures that those responsible pay for remediation. RCRA is a regulatory statute that gives EPA oversight of hazardous waste from generation to disposal in order to prevent future Superfund sites and protect human health and the environment. Both laws reinforce each other but still have weaknesses, such as inadequate funding for Superfund cleanups and loopholes allowing toxic materials to avoid regulation.
Marx & Mother Nature: An Eco-materialist Conception of HistoryCraig Collins, Ph.D.
Reformulation of Marx's historical materialism that integrates history, energy & ecology. In doing so, it successfully answers many of the central questions that traditional Marxism has been unable to answer.
CIVIC EDUCATION AND IT’S IMPERATIVE TOWARDS NATION BUILDING: THE NIGERIAN EXA...John1Lorcan
Most countries of the world today originated as a result of the activities of colonialists and imperialists
who merged previously independent nations together for the sole reason of domination and exploitation.
Following the end of colonial era and the resulting freedom of previously colonized people, many countries
have been struggling to live together as the nation which their erstwhile colonial masters made them. This
has often resulted to conflicts and crises, the worst of it being the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Due to these
incidences, social researchers have intensified efforts in designing programs that will facilitate the very act
of nation-building/or prevent a devastating effect that may result from a failure thereof. This paper,
therefore, attempts to suggest Civic Education as one of the models that can help facilitate nation-building
project especially in countries affected by the effects of colonization. The work employed the normative
method of philosophy, while also not leaving behind the evaluative and analytical side of the method.
History Essay Writing - 19+ Examples, Format, Pdf | Examples. Fascinating American Revolution Essay ~ Thatsnotus. Get Ideas of the Best American History Argumentative Essay Topics. American History Essay.
The document analyzes Venezuelan government propaganda over the last 5 years. It identifies the main techniques used, including stereotypes, appealing to emotions, repetition of slogans, and portraying enemies. Graphically, propaganda features Hugo Chavez's image, revolutionary symbols, and slogans. The document argues the propaganda aims to shape public opinion and create an ideological unanimity in support of the regime through emotional rather than rational messages. It also discusses how Chavez has taken on characteristics of a "lovemark" to inspire passion and connection beyond reason.
The document discusses writing an essay on the Cuban Revolution and provides guidance on the key elements to cover. It states that an effective essay on the Cuban Revolution would require analyzing the complex historical events and figures leading up to the revolution. It also involves examining the social and economic transformations that occurred after the revolution and addressing the global repercussions, including Cuba's relationships with other countries. Crafting a quality essay on this topic is a formidable task that demands extensive research and a balanced approach to discuss the nuances of the revolution and its widespread consequences.
This document outlines the eight stages of successful social movements according to Bill Moyer's Movement Action Plan (MAP) model. It describes how social movements progress through these stages over many years, moving from a take-off stage where a new issue emerges to stages of increasing public support and involvement. The document also discusses how powerholders try to maintain the status quo by managing issues and justifying policies to the public. MAP provides a framework to help activists guide their movements and avoid common pitfalls like burnout.
Power politics and resistance continuous analytical refelction final copyjoseph1023
Globalization has connected the world through increased trade, cultural exchange, and technology. However, critics argue it has replaced colonialism by allowing wealthy nations to exploit poorer ones through economic and institutional means. It has also eroded unique cultures and traditions. The rise of neoliberalism has accelerated privatization and reduced government responsibilities. While supporting free market policies, it has increased inequality and consolidated power among the wealthy. The debate around a "clash of civilizations" examines whether policies like multiculturalism have succeeded or failed at creating tolerant societies, as immigration policies impact cultural diversity.
This document summarizes an academic paper analyzing the origins of social unrest in Mexico. It discusses several hypotheses for what triggered civil violence, including rising poverty levels and increasing economic polarization. While poverty was high in Chiapas, the data shows polarization was a more significant factor. Polarization concentrated resources in fewer hands, exacerbating conflicts over land rights and increasing frustration among those with less income. Targeted poverty programs after 1994 did not sufficiently address underfunding issues in poorer states like Chiapas.
This document provides background information on the historical context of indigenous women's struggle for emancipation in Guatemala from 1980 to the present. It discusses how indigenous women have faced discrimination, exploitation, and abuse dating back to colonial times. While early movements focused on land rights and preserving indigenous culture, women's movements increasingly incorporated demands for women's rights and gender equality. The document reviews how indigenous women have a long history of activism but faced barriers due to authoritarian governments and gendered social constructions. It analyzes how indigenous women's demands for rights are interconnected with broader indigenous rights and how achieving ethnic equality is important for women's emancipation.
Rostow outlined five stages of economic growth for societies:
1. Traditional society, where production is limited and kinship ties are strong.
2. Preconditions for take-off, where new ideas are introduced and financial institutions grow.
3. Take-off, where growth is pursued and new technologies are integrated into agriculture and manufacturing.
4. Drive to maturity, where development is sustained, output outstrips population growth, and social institutions change.
5. Age of high mass-consumption, where incomes rise and focus shifts to social welfare.
Sociology has progressed through several stages driven by massive social transformations over the past two centuries. The Industrial Revolution and population shifts to cities disrupted traditional social organizations. Scientific and technological advances changed systems of production, weakening families and communities. Millions moved from rural areas to cities for work, overwhelming housing and causing social problems. New political ideas emerged emphasizing individual rights and liberties over obligations to rulers. Sociology developed to study and understand society and human behavior within these changing social contexts.
This document describes a new minor in History of War & Society. The minor explores how civil and international wars have shaped politics, society, and culture through experiences of violence and conflict. Courses examine how wars create conditions for broader changes to concepts like territory, sovereignty, citizenship, gender, and race as people serve in battle and on the home front. The minor considers both military history and war's linkages to social, political, and cultural formations over time.
Market capitalism and state capitalismGRAZIA TANTA
1 - State, an essential element for the success of capitalism
2 - Where a world of nation-states has led us
3 - The role of the State in the practice of socialism
A World of Ideas Cultures of GlobalizationMonte Christo
This document discusses several topics related to globalization and religion. It explains that globalization refers to the increasing interconnectedness of all the world's people into a single social unit. As religions become more globalized, they may transform from being closely tied to individual nations and cultures to taking on free competition on a global scale. Media globalization has helped spread globalization since World War II through organizations promoting international investment. Researchers have observed various effects of media globalization on religion and culture, some of which are open to interpretation while others are more widely agreed upon. Global cities are centers of innovation that share characteristics of connectedness and experiences with globalization but also face challenges from rising inequality.
This document discusses how iron triangles warp government policymaking. An iron triangle is a mutually reinforcing relationship between a government agency, key congressional committees that oversee the agency, and private industries regulated by that agency. This creates powerful lobbying groups that prioritize their own interests over the public interest. As an example, it outlines the "defense iron triangle" relationship between weapons manufacturers, congressional defense committees, and the Pentagon in pushing for increased military spending against the wishes of most Americans.
This document discusses the failures of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) to adequately regulate toxic chemicals. It notes that TSCA was intended to carefully screen potentially hazardous substances before they entered the environment, but was weakened by loopholes. Specifically:
- Many chemicals were excluded from regulation, including those used in pesticides, tobacco, drugs, cosmetics, and food additives.
- It is very difficult for the EPA to demonstrate a chemical poses an "unreasonable risk" and regulate it, due to limited data and industry-funded studies.
- New chemicals can be rushed to market without sufficient toxicity testing, as the EPA lacks data to demonstrate risks within 90 days to ban or restrict
CERCLA and RCRA are the two main laws governing hazardous waste in the US. CERCLA, also known as Superfund, establishes liability for cleaning up abandoned hazardous waste sites and ensures that those responsible pay for remediation. RCRA is a regulatory statute that gives EPA oversight of hazardous waste from generation to disposal in order to prevent future Superfund sites and protect human health and the environment. Both laws reinforce each other but still have weaknesses, such as inadequate funding for Superfund cleanups and loopholes allowing toxic materials to avoid regulation.
Marx & Mother Nature: An Eco-materialist Conception of HistoryCraig Collins, Ph.D.
Reformulation of Marx's historical materialism that integrates history, energy & ecology. In doing so, it successfully answers many of the central questions that traditional Marxism has been unable to answer.
CIVIC EDUCATION AND IT’S IMPERATIVE TOWARDS NATION BUILDING: THE NIGERIAN EXA...John1Lorcan
Most countries of the world today originated as a result of the activities of colonialists and imperialists
who merged previously independent nations together for the sole reason of domination and exploitation.
Following the end of colonial era and the resulting freedom of previously colonized people, many countries
have been struggling to live together as the nation which their erstwhile colonial masters made them. This
has often resulted to conflicts and crises, the worst of it being the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Due to these
incidences, social researchers have intensified efforts in designing programs that will facilitate the very act
of nation-building/or prevent a devastating effect that may result from a failure thereof. This paper,
therefore, attempts to suggest Civic Education as one of the models that can help facilitate nation-building
project especially in countries affected by the effects of colonization. The work employed the normative
method of philosophy, while also not leaving behind the evaluative and analytical side of the method.
History Essay Writing - 19+ Examples, Format, Pdf | Examples. Fascinating American Revolution Essay ~ Thatsnotus. Get Ideas of the Best American History Argumentative Essay Topics. American History Essay.
The document analyzes Venezuelan government propaganda over the last 5 years. It identifies the main techniques used, including stereotypes, appealing to emotions, repetition of slogans, and portraying enemies. Graphically, propaganda features Hugo Chavez's image, revolutionary symbols, and slogans. The document argues the propaganda aims to shape public opinion and create an ideological unanimity in support of the regime through emotional rather than rational messages. It also discusses how Chavez has taken on characteristics of a "lovemark" to inspire passion and connection beyond reason.
The document discusses writing an essay on the Cuban Revolution and provides guidance on the key elements to cover. It states that an effective essay on the Cuban Revolution would require analyzing the complex historical events and figures leading up to the revolution. It also involves examining the social and economic transformations that occurred after the revolution and addressing the global repercussions, including Cuba's relationships with other countries. Crafting a quality essay on this topic is a formidable task that demands extensive research and a balanced approach to discuss the nuances of the revolution and its widespread consequences.
The Brown Berets organized to advocate for educational equality and against police brutality. They also sought to return lands once held by Mexico to Mexican control. By 1968, the Brown Berets had become a national organization with chapters across the United States. La Alianza was formed in 1963 to inform Spanish land grant heirs of their rights under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The Poor People's Campaign, led by Martin Luther King Jr., aimed to gain economic justice for poor Americans and pressure Congress to pass an economic bill of rights. It expanded the civil rights movement's focus to include economic justice issues. The Chicano Movement adopted and promoted civil disobedience and nonviolent protest strategies from leaders like Gandhi
This document discusses the rise and development of sociology. It begins by explaining how sociology emerged in post-16th century Western Europe in response to major political, economic, and cultural transformations including the rise of capitalism and industrialization. It then discusses how sociology specialized and developed further in the 19th century to study and explain aspects of the new, modernizing society. The document focuses particularly on the early contributions of sociological thinkers like Comte, Durkheim, Marx, and Weber in conceptualizing this new modern society and establishing sociology as an academic discipline. It traces the institutionalization of sociology within universities and discusses some of the dominant theoretical perspectives in subsequent periods including functionalism in the postwar United States.
The document discusses cultural changes that occurred in the United States during the 1960s. During this decade, families began adapting to new technologies while outside, political unrest grew. People began rebelling against social norms and embracing individualism, civil rights, and feminism. One perspective discussed is that these cultural shifts weakened society, while others saw them as important changes. The document then explores some of the key social movements and protests of the 1960s that drove cultural change in the US.
The document discusses different frameworks for understanding uneven geographical development within capitalism. It summarizes four main approaches:
1) Historicist/diffusionist interpretations see development spreading gradually from advanced to less developed areas.
2) Constructivist arguments focus on how exploitation and imperial/colonial practices have underdeveloped certain regions to benefit the powerful.
3) Environmental determinist explanations attribute development patterns to environmental factors.
4) Geopolitical perspectives view development through the lens of nation states pursuing their own self-interest in the global arena through alliances, trade policies, etc.
The document explores these frameworks to provide context for analyzing uneven development and its implications for Bangladesh in particular.
Sujay Promoting Scientific activism FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
We begin this paper by providing a brief definition of activism, carrying out a brief overview of activism
through the ages, and also present a review of the different types of activism as carried out in different
geographies and segments of society. We also state why activism is still sorely lacking in various fields
in the sciences to promote the cause of the sciences, and explain why we need to step up the ante,
and promote science activism which can also be known as scientific activism, in various subfields of
science, and in science in general. Even though some forms of activism manifested themselves in
various fields of the sciences, the idea is still nascent, and in some circles, still a taboo. We also explain
and debate the various areas of scientific and scholarly activity where this technique can be put to
productive and fruitful use, in the interests of rapid scientific progress. We also discuss the various
mechanisms through which this can be made to happen and brought to fruition and its logical
conclusion, and discuss the different types of possible change agents as well. We also explain how and
why this can lead to a much faster and a higher rate of scientific progress, and lead to what we have
all along called “scientific progress at the speed of light”, and reduce the gaps in a “multi-speed
civilization". Needless to say, this could in turn induce a ripple effect, and promote faster societal and
cultural change as well in all walks of life.
Santiago Alvarez was a general in the Katipunan revolutionary group who wrote his memoirs in the 1920s. As the son of a revolutionary leader and an active participant in the Katipunan's fight for Philippine independence from Spain, his personal experiences and perspective influenced his narrative. The memoirs were written during a time of growing Filipino nationalism in the early 20th century as the nation emerged from Spanish colonial rule.
Here are some key aspects of typical Cuban communication and food patterns:
Communication patterns:
- Direct eye contact is important when speaking. Avoid looking away.
- Physical contact like shaking hands when meeting and accepting hugs is customary.
- Speaking loudly and animatedly is normal. Cubans express themselves with their whole body.
- Family is very important. Multiple generations often live together.
Traditional Cuban food patterns:
- Rice and beans are staples, often eaten at every meal.
- Plantains, yuca, and other starchy tropical fruits and vegetables are common sides.
- Pork, chicken, and seafood like fish and shellfish feature heavily in dishes.
- Soups like cal
This document discusses Jose Rizal and the Rizal Law. It provides background on Rizal's life and importance as the first Filipino nationalist. It then summarizes the key aspects of the Rizal Law passed in 1956 which mandates the study of Rizal's life, works and writings in schools. The law aimed to provide Filipino youth with a role model and inspire nationalism by studying Rizal and other heroes. The document also discusses the origins and impacts of major historical events in the 18th-19th centuries like the French Revolution, and how these influenced Rizal and Filipino nationalism.
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Over 7 million Americans were under the criminal justice system in 2012, with 2.2 million incarcerated and over 4 million on probation or parole. A 2009 visualization of the U.S. federal prison population showed that the majority of inmates were incarcerated for drug offenses and public-order offenses.
This document discusses an eco-materialist conception of history proposed by Craig Collins. It argues that Marx's materialist analysis of history can be updated by highlighting the role of ecology and energy in shaping societies and their modes of production. It proposes that societies adapt their productive forces and relations of production to metabolize particular energy bases, such as hunting/gathering wild plants and animals, domesticating crops and livestock, or exploiting fossil fuels through industrialization. Major transitions between modes of production occurred when societies' existing energy bases could no longer be sustained due to factors like climate change, population pressure, or resource depletion. The document examines how different energy bases shaped the economic base, superstructure, and dynamics of tribal, agricultural, and industrial
This document discusses why democratic socialism has failed to materialize despite attempts. It argues that the complex, hierarchical nature of industrial societies powered by fossil fuels is inherently resistant to bottom-up, democratic control and management. Multiple explanations are examined for why revolutions and reforms failed to establish worker-run socialism, but the most comprehensive is that large-scale industrialism is structurally incompatible with nationally confined economic democracy. History shows it fosters corporatist or statist systems rather than genuine democratic socialism.
This document provides a critical analysis of capitalism. It defines capitalism as an economic system driven by profit maximization, with two fundamental classes - the capitalist class that owns the means of production, and the working class that must sell their labor to survive. Capitalists exploit wage labor to generate profit. Goods under capitalism are commodities that have both a use value and exchange value determined by the socially necessary labor to produce them. Capitalism relies on the exploitation and alienation of wage labor for profit and growth. However, its exponential growth is dependent on cheap and abundant fossil fuels, and faces dual limits of energy depletion and environmental degradation.
This document discusses the threats posed by climate change and outlines the scientific consensus on its causes and impacts. It summarizes that greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide and methane trap heat in the atmosphere and are causing global temperatures to rise. This is disrupting climate patterns and causing more extreme weather, rising sea levels, and other problems. While some steps are being taken, the document warns that bolder actions are needed immediately to transition away from fossil fuels and reduce emissions by 70% by 2050 in order to avoid catastrophic climate change impacts. It analyzes the major contributors to the problem and some solutions California is pursuing.
This document discusses Lenin's theory of imperialism and provides an eco-materialist critique. It summarizes Lenin's view that imperialism was the highest stage of capitalism and would lead to its collapse. However, it argues that abundant, cheap energy from fossil fuels allowed capitalism to overcome crises and outcompete socialist systems. As fossil fuel depletion increases, the limits of capitalism and imperialism may be reached as complexity can no longer be sustained without growing energy inputs. Systemic failures could induce further complex "solutions" and conflicts over declining resources.
The Clean Water Act aims to restore and maintain the integrity of the nation's waters and eliminate water pollution. However, its NPDES permit system has major flaws. Permits do not require eliminating pollution but rather using affordable treatment technologies. States and polluters control the permit process with limited EPA oversight. As a result, enforcement is lax, many polluters violate permits, and water quality is not adequately monitored or measured. Loopholes like mixing zones further undermine the system by allowing pollution in certain areas.
The document discusses explanations for Spain's conquest of Latin America. It argues that traditional explanations focusing on conquistadors like Cortez are flawed, and that the conquest must be understood in the context of broader European expansion driven by economic and geopolitical forces. Key factors included the competitive nature of the emerging capitalist world system centered in Europe, which motivated countries like Spain to seek wealth and power through conquest. Additionally, indigenous populations were devastated by infectious diseases introduced unintentionally from Europe, against which they had no immunity, giving European invaders a significant advantage and influencing the outcomes of conflicts.
This document compares four theories of international relations - neo-realism, neo-liberalism, world systems theory, and green theory - in terms of their views on international cooperation to protect the environment. Neo-realism is pessimistic about cooperation due to concerns about state sovereignty. Neo-liberalism believes cooperation is possible if profitable but doubts challenges to economic growth. World systems theory sees environmental problems stemming from global exploitation and inequality, making cooperation difficult. Green theory argues the entire high-energy growth system is unsustainable and hopes civil society can force transformative political and economic changes.
This document provides an overview of the biological, geographical, climatic, economic, demographic, cultural, and political diversity of California. It divides California into 10 distinct bioregions based on their unique assemblages of natural communities, including the Klamath/Cascade Coast Range, Modoc Volcanic Highlands, Sacramento Valley, Sierra Nevada Range, San Francisco Bay and Delta Estuary, San Joaquin Valley, Central Coast Range, Mojave Desert, South Coast Range, and Colorado Desert. The document notes that California's economy would rival powerful nations and discusses the impacts of climate change, including rising temperatures, more frequent heat waves, reduced snowpack in the Sierra Nevada, and increased flooding risks from more intense
This document discusses the role of the media in a democracy and how corporate influence can undermine that role. It argues that the media is meant to act as a watchdog on the powerful by exposing abuses, clarifying electoral choices, and providing policy information to the public. However, the media's profits come from advertisers, and many media companies have overlapping interests with other large corporations. This concentrated power and corporate overlap can discourage the media from criticizing topics like pollution or military spending. Elite theory also holds that the media functions to teach elite values and set the agenda from an elite perspective rather than serving the public interest. The document questions whether media reform is possible to make the system prioritize informing the public instead of corporate profits and propaganda
- The document provides an overview of cosmologies and proposes an emerging "Green/ecological cosmology".
- It discusses key aspects of a Green view of human nature, including that humans are social primates dependent on ecological relationships, and that cultural evolution has accelerated human impact relative to biological evolution.
- It also presents a Green view of history, arguing that everyday behaviors are shaped by social/economic organization more than individual consciousness, and that transforming systemic forces is needed to truly shift to sustainability.
Examines national and state budget priorities in spending on mass incarceration & prisons vs. higher education. The relationship between crime rates, prison spending and education spending. Is the war on drugs racist? Is it effective?
An overview of the Ohloné way of life before Europeans invaded California. How did people live in the Bay Area before contact with Europeans? The impact of Spanish contact is briefly addressed.
Hostile Climate: The Political Economy of Atmospheric ProtectionCraig Collins, Ph.D.
Examines climate negotiations: the political actors, economic interests & strategies of rival negotiating blocs. Looks at the major political roadblocks to forging consensus around an effective climate agreement. Examines the role of leadership in foraging a viable treaty.
Ozone Depletion & Climate Disruption: Different But Related Atmospheric ProblemsCraig Collins, Ph.D.
Compares the science, causes & impacts of climate change & ozone depletion. What made ozone depletion a much easier problem to address than climate disruption?
This presentation was provided by Racquel Jemison, Ph.D., Christina MacLaughlin, Ph.D., and Paulomi Majumder. Ph.D., all of the American Chemical Society, for the second session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session Two: 'Expanding Pathways to Publishing Careers,' was held June 13, 2024.
THE SACRIFICE HOW PRO-PALESTINE PROTESTS STUDENTS ARE SACRIFICING TO CHANGE T...indexPub
The recent surge in pro-Palestine student activism has prompted significant responses from universities, ranging from negotiations and divestment commitments to increased transparency about investments in companies supporting the war on Gaza. This activism has led to the cessation of student encampments but also highlighted the substantial sacrifices made by students, including academic disruptions and personal risks. The primary drivers of these protests are poor university administration, lack of transparency, and inadequate communication between officials and students. This study examines the profound emotional, psychological, and professional impacts on students engaged in pro-Palestine protests, focusing on Generation Z's (Gen-Z) activism dynamics. This paper explores the significant sacrifices made by these students and even the professors supporting the pro-Palestine movement, with a focus on recent global movements. Through an in-depth analysis of printed and electronic media, the study examines the impacts of these sacrifices on the academic and personal lives of those involved. The paper highlights examples from various universities, demonstrating student activism's long-term and short-term effects, including disciplinary actions, social backlash, and career implications. The researchers also explore the broader implications of student sacrifices. The findings reveal that these sacrifices are driven by a profound commitment to justice and human rights, and are influenced by the increasing availability of information, peer interactions, and personal convictions. The study also discusses the broader implications of this activism, comparing it to historical precedents and assessing its potential to influence policy and public opinion. The emotional and psychological toll on student activists is significant, but their sense of purpose and community support mitigates some of these challenges. However, the researchers call for acknowledging the broader Impact of these sacrifices on the future global movement of FreePalestine.
This presentation was provided by Rebecca Benner, Ph.D., of the American Society of Anesthesiologists, for the second session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session Two: 'Expanding Pathways to Publishing Careers,' was held June 13, 2024.
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥
إضغ بين إيديكم من أقوى الملازم التي صممتها
ملزمة تشريح الجهاز الهيكلي (نظري 3)
💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀
تتميز هذهِ الملزمة بعِدة مُميزات :
1- مُترجمة ترجمة تُناسب جميع المستويات
2- تحتوي على 78 رسم توضيحي لكل كلمة موجودة بالملزمة (لكل كلمة !!!!)
#فهم_ماكو_درخ
3- دقة الكتابة والصور عالية جداً جداً جداً
4- هُنالك بعض المعلومات تم توضيحها بشكل تفصيلي جداً (تُعتبر لدى الطالب أو الطالبة بإنها معلومات مُبهمة ومع ذلك تم توضيح هذهِ المعلومات المُبهمة بشكل تفصيلي جداً
5- الملزمة تشرح نفسها ب نفسها بس تكلك تعال اقراني
6- تحتوي الملزمة في اول سلايد على خارطة تتضمن جميع تفرُعات معلومات الجهاز الهيكلي المذكورة في هذهِ الملزمة
واخيراً هذهِ الملزمة حلالٌ عليكم وإتمنى منكم إن تدعولي بالخير والصحة والعافية فقط
كل التوفيق زملائي وزميلاتي ، زميلكم محمد الذهبي 💊💊
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥
Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering.pptxDenish Jangid
Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering
Syllabus
Chapter-1
Introduction to objective, scope and outcome the subject
Chapter 2
Introduction: Scope and Specialization of Civil Engineering, Role of civil Engineer in Society, Impact of infrastructural development on economy of country.
Chapter 3
Surveying: Object Principles & Types of Surveying; Site Plans, Plans & Maps; Scales & Unit of different Measurements.
Linear Measurements: Instruments used. Linear Measurement by Tape, Ranging out Survey Lines and overcoming Obstructions; Measurements on sloping ground; Tape corrections, conventional symbols. Angular Measurements: Instruments used; Introduction to Compass Surveying, Bearings and Longitude & Latitude of a Line, Introduction to total station.
Levelling: Instrument used Object of levelling, Methods of levelling in brief, and Contour maps.
Chapter 4
Buildings: Selection of site for Buildings, Layout of Building Plan, Types of buildings, Plinth area, carpet area, floor space index, Introduction to building byelaws, concept of sun light & ventilation. Components of Buildings & their functions, Basic concept of R.C.C., Introduction to types of foundation
Chapter 5
Transportation: Introduction to Transportation Engineering; Traffic and Road Safety: Types and Characteristics of Various Modes of Transportation; Various Road Traffic Signs, Causes of Accidents and Road Safety Measures.
Chapter 6
Environmental Engineering: Environmental Pollution, Environmental Acts and Regulations, Functional Concepts of Ecology, Basics of Species, Biodiversity, Ecosystem, Hydrological Cycle; Chemical Cycles: Carbon, Nitrogen & Phosphorus; Energy Flow in Ecosystems.
Water Pollution: Water Quality standards, Introduction to Treatment & Disposal of Waste Water. Reuse and Saving of Water, Rain Water Harvesting. Solid Waste Management: Classification of Solid Waste, Collection, Transportation and Disposal of Solid. Recycling of Solid Waste: Energy Recovery, Sanitary Landfill, On-Site Sanitation. Air & Noise Pollution: Primary and Secondary air pollutants, Harmful effects of Air Pollution, Control of Air Pollution. . Noise Pollution Harmful Effects of noise pollution, control of noise pollution, Global warming & Climate Change, Ozone depletion, Greenhouse effect
Text Books:
1. Palancharmy, Basic Civil Engineering, McGraw Hill publishers.
2. Satheesh Gopi, Basic Civil Engineering, Pearson Publishers.
3. Ketki Rangwala Dalal, Essentials of Civil Engineering, Charotar Publishing House.
4. BCP, Surveying volume 1
Andreas Schleicher presents PISA 2022 Volume III - Creative Thinking - 18 Jun...EduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher, Director of Education and Skills at the OECD presents at the launch of PISA 2022 Volume III - Creative Minds, Creative Schools on 18 June 2024.
1. READING, WRITING & REVOLUTION
Political Socialization & the Literacy Campaign in Cuba
by Craig Collins, Ph.D.
Latin America Studies Conference
December, 1985
*A NOTE TO THE READER: Since this article was written in late 1985, a
lot has changed in Cuba & the world. The collapse of the Soviet Union
deprived Cuba of its most important economic, political and military ally
and intensified the US effort to isolate Cuba and force it to abandon its
revolutionary commitment to political sovereignty and socialism. At the
same time, several Latin American countries (especially Venezuela) have
expressed their support for the anti-imperialist politics of Cuba. These new
conditions have prompted major reforms inside Cuba as Castro and his
aging generation of revolutionary elites are replaced with a new generation
that must rethink and restructure Cuba's economic and political system to
cope with the new conditions of the 21st century. The article's age prevents
it from undertaking an analysis of how these changes are affecting the
process of political socialization inside Cuba.
Upon capturing state power, Third World revolutionary governments
commonly face a host of formidable problems. They must make good on
their promises of ending backwardness and poverty while defending the
regime from internal subversion and external hostility. To accomplish these
difficult tasks, they must enlist the active support of a population steeped in
a tradition of political apathy and cynicism, and unskilled in the operation of
modern technology. This uneducated and skeptical population must be
convinced that the new regime deserves their support; but, beyond that, they
must be convinced of the need to transform themselves: to turn their apathy
into action; their ignorance into knowledge; and their isolation into unity.
How can this be done? Central to this process is the mode of political
socialization. The success or failure of a revolution may be determined by
the effectiveness of the political socialization process created by the
country's new leadership. Under revolutionary conditions, political
socialization is a process of both education and re-education; and, by nature,
it is new and experimental. Its goal is the complete transformation of a
traditional subject political culture into a revolutionary participant political
2. culture. If it fails to make this transformation, the revolution will fail as well,
or find itself frozen midstream.
This paper will examine a single revolution's earliest attempt to formulate an
effective mode of political socialization. It will examine this process from
both the objective environment which surrounded and conditioned its
formation, and from the subjective decisions and choices made by the key
actors involved. Finally, it will make some tentative assessments of the
success or failure of this mode of political socialization in historical
retrospect.
After Fidel Castro's guerilla army came to power in 1959, he committed his
new regime to a total transformation of Cuban society. However, Cuba's
political culture presented a formidable barrier to Castro's vision of a new
Cuba. The revolutionary government inherited an educational system and
political culture that had provided the Bautista dictatorship with a tiny,
corrupt educated elite and a general population of docile and ignorant
citizens.
Castro realized that the Revolution would inevitably suffocate if it remained
surrounded by a political culture steeped in ignorance and political apathy.
His promises of a prosperous, independent Cuba required more than the
passive good wishes of the island's population. It demanded active,
enthusiastic, widespread involvement in changing the socio-economic
inequalities of traditional Cuban society. It also demanded a population
educated to develop and operate modern agricultural and industrial
technology. Thus Castro faced the task of convincing the Cuban people that
the revolutionary regime could not transform Cuban society without their
active, educated support and involvement. As Fidel put it:
"On January 1st, 1959 many people thought they had stepped into a world
of riches. What they had really done was to win the opportunity to start
creating--in the midst of underdevelopment, poverty, ignorance & misery--
the wealth and well being of the future." 1
For Castro, this historic opportunity would be lost if the people could not be
educated, and their commitment and enthusiasm for the Revolution secured.
Hence, education stood at the very heart of the process of creating a new
political culture and a new society. In Castro's words, "All revolution is an
extraordinary process of education. Revolution and education are the same
3. thing." 2
Cuba's initial experiment in creating a new form of political socialization
arose out of the government's first attempts to overcome widespread
ignorance and illiteracy while mobilizing active enthusiasm for the new
regime's revolutionary goals. Speaking before the UN General Assembly in
1960 Castro declared:
"Next year our people propose to launch an all-out offensive against
illiteracy with the ambitious goal of teaching every illiterate person to read
and write. Organizations of teachers, students, and workers--the entire
population--are preparing themselves for an intensive campaign; and within
a few months Cuba will be the first country in the Americas to be able to
claim that it has not a single illiterate inhabitant."3
Many historians and analysts of the Cuban Literacy Campaign have failed to
recognize its dual nature. They have viewed it simply as a crash program to
overcome illiteracy. But the object of the Literacy Campaign was far more
ambitious and politically strategic. The Literacy Campaign was used by the
revolutionary leadership as a tool for transforming the images, values, and
behavior of Cuba's citizens. The Campaign was Castro's first experiment
with a new mode of political socialization. An experiment which, because of
its success, became a crucial formative episode in a historical process which
shaped the revolutionary elite's commitment to a specific style of political
socialization--a style which became institutionalized and persisted for
decades despite its loss of effectiveness. The Literacy Campaign will be
examined as a prototype of the many government-orchestrated mass
mobilizations that followed in its wake. From this vantage point, the
Campaign will be assessed as an institutionalized style of political
socialization and social transformation.
In 1959, as Cuban guerillas toppled Bautista and paraded in victory through
the streets of Havana, an American professor, Herman Hyman, stimulated
the development of political socialization as a specific field of inquiry in
American political science. Hyman described political socialization as, "a
continuous learning process involving both emotional learning and
manifest political indoctrination, and as being mediated by all of the
participations and experiences of the individual.4 The result of political
socialization, is a set of orientations--cognitive, affective, and evaluative-
-toward the political system."5
4. The sources of these attitudes are many: they may be specific or diffuse,
latent or manifest, formal or informal, planned or unplanned, and may take
place at every stage of the individual's life. However, Hyman describes
political socialization as a gradual process which tends to perpetuate
political cultures and structures through time.6 Generally speaking, Hyman
is right. Gradualness and perpetualization of traditional political values are
the usual characteristics of political socialization.
However, revolutionary governments like China and Cuba seized power
surrounded by a traditional political culture antithetical to the revolutionary
aspirations of the new regime. Thus, the new leadership comes to view this
traditional set of political attitudes, orientations, beliefs, and behaviors as a
formidable enemy. An enemy that can kill the revolutionary process in its
infancy unless it is uprooted, and a new political culture planted in its place.
By 1960, the Cuban government was searching for a way to uproot Cuba's
traditional patterns of political socialization and replace them with a new
mode of socialization that would embrace, in both form and content, the
regime's vision of a new Cuba and a new man. The Literacy Campaign was
Castro's initial weapon in this battle. It was designed to accomplish far more
than teaching people to read. It was seen as a method of infusing the Cuban
people with a sense of national pride, solidarity, and enthusiasm for the new
government and its revolutionary goals. According to one Cuban educator,
the Literacy Campaign had the following consequences:
"Our campaign has put the youth of Cuba in direct contact, on a daily and
prolonged basis (for almost a year), with the peasants and mountain folk,
the poorest and most isolated people on the island. Almost 100,000 teachers
and students, aided by more than 170,000 adult volunteers, have launched a
true movement for national fusion. This extensive experience in communal
life cannot help but greatly increase understanding among the various
classes and strata of the population. But in our view there is something
more; (during the campaign) the entire populace could participate in the
tasks of the revolution. The revolution no longer was a phenomenon
reserved for a small group--zealous and active; it was converted into a true
mass movement."7
Thus the Literacy Campaign was designed to transform all of the traditional
conduits of political socialization--the family, schools, peer groups,
5. workplaces, media and government institutions--into social allies of the
Revolution. It was the first of the great revolutionary mobilization efforts
organized to involve all Cubans, regardless of age, sex, occupation,
education, social class or place of residence.
If you were illiterate, you could study; if you were literate, you could teach.
One revolutionary poster proclaimed: "Whoever you are, wherever you are,
this is your campaign, participate in whatever way you can." Of the 5
million Cubans old enough to have been affected by the Literacy Campaign,
1.25 million were actively drawn into the process as students or teachers.
Richard Fagen estimates that, when you add to these direct participants the
hundreds of thousands who were linked to some form of organized support
for the campaign, it is probably safe to say the campaign affected in some
real way the lives of most Cubans who by 1961 were old enough to have
even minimal political awareness.8
The popular enthusiasm for the Campaign was probably the product of
several factors. First, Fidel's government was at the peak of its popularity.
After toppling the hated Bautista dictatorship only a year before, Castro had
just repelled a CIA-sponsored invasion at Playa Giron (the Bay of Pigs) as
the Literacy Campaign began. Also, as a direct attack on one of the most
obvious, shameful and widely condemned legacies of the old educational
system, the campaign against illiteracy enjoyed substantial popular support
in its own right.
Castro's government had little trouble linking Cuba's old educational system-
-notorious for its fiscal neglect, pedagogical incompetence, and bureaucratic
corruption--to Cuba's legacy of underdevelopment, dictatorship, and foreign
exploitation. Castro charged that the old education system served only a tiny
urban elite whose children attended private or church sponsored schools
while poor children--if they attended school at all--went to second rate
public schools known for their irrelevance, incompetence, and corruption.
Fidel argued that Cuba's bankrupt educational system had left the people
ignorant and apathetic. This ignorance and apathy served only the domestic
tyrants and foreign imperialists who stood to profit by keeping Cuba
vulnerable to exploitation and incapable of independent economic
development.
While not everyone agreed with Castro's analysis of the problem, even his
diehard opponents found it hard to muster a strong argument against
6. improving education and ending illiteracy. The facts tended to reinforce the
revolutionary analysis of Cuba's educational crisis. Despite Cuba's relatively
affluent position vis-a-vis most Latin American countries, Cuban education
had deteriorated since the 1920s and had fallen well below the average level
for most of Latin America. Relative to total population, there was more
primary education for Cubans in 1923 than in 1953. By 1955, all but three
countries in Latin America were claiming higher primary enrollment than
Cuba. The average primary enrollment for Latin America was 64%, while
Cuba's stood only at 51%. The 1953 census showed that one of every four
Cubans over 9 years of age had never been to school, while half of those
who had attended dropped out before sixth grade. Over 25% of all Cubans
were illiterate, while another 50% were, at best, semi-illiterate.10
By linking these conditions to Cuba's legacy of oppression,
underdevelopment, and Yankee exploitation, the new regime was able to
infuse the Literacy Campaign with revolutionary fervor and widespread
popularity. Indeed, the Literacy Campaign was designed to be, and in fact
became, a national crusade with a scope, duration, and intensity rare at any
time or place except under conditions of war. Hence, it wasn't surprising that
the guerrilla regime adopted military language to characterize the campaign.
Mass organizations of teachers were deemed brigades who formed a literacy
army whose goal was to crush the enemy of illiteracy. The campaign was
portrayed by government and press as a national emergency, a battle, and a
triumphal march. Speaking to the young literacy brigadistas departing to the
countryside Castro said:
"For there are two armies in our nation: one armed with rifles; one armed
with books. The revolution needs both of these armies. Heroism is just as
necessary to defeat illiteracy as it is to conquer the mercenaries of
imperialism. The battle that defeats ignorance will give our country more
glory than any military battle we have waged so far."11
According to Richard Fagen's account, when young volunteers were sent by
the hundreds to the Playa Giron (Bay of Pigs) area to work, they arrived by
way of a mock invasion, on beaches still littered with the residue of battle.
While airplanes bombarded the shore with booklets and instruction
materials, the brigadistas disembarked from small boats armed with giant
pencils and notebooks. Through such appeals to national pride and
patriotism the leadership sought to inspire awareness of the campaign and
enlist enthusiasm and participation throughout the social structure and in
7. every corner of the island.12
One of the most effective contributions to the campaign's publicity blitz and
motivational effort came from new literates themselves. As part of their final
exam, each student was required to write a letter to Fidel, countersigned by
their teacher. Many letters were given wide publicity, as each province
competed for the honor of being the first to achieve 100% literacy. These
letters seemed to serve at least two purposes. First they gave special
importance and individuality to the final achievement of literacy. Second,
for the public, it helped humanize the mass of statistics, giving the campaign
drama, variety, and special meaning.
Thus, in the course of making Cuba a nation of literates, the Revolution
began to transform the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors that characterized
Cuba's traditional political culture of cynicism, isolation, and apathy into a
revolutionary culture based on pride, enthusiasm, and unity.
Richard Fagen points out that, for most Cubans, the Literacy Campaign's
impact was influential because of the newness of the experience. For the first
time, urban children were meeting older peasants and living the life of the
rural poor; isolated villagers were becoming acquainted with a revolution
personified by a fresh-faced literacy volunteer; illiterates were becoming
students and readers for the first time in their lives; families were forced to
part with their idealistic adolescents for a noble cause; and peasant
youngsters lived, played, worked and studied alongside city children.
Throughout the island, people who had always avoided political
involvement and viewed government with a mixture of hostility and
suspicion, found themselves tied by family and friendship to a massive
governmental campaign.13
In general, these experiences proved to be overwhelmingly positive; and, for
many, the campaign became a central formative experience in their lives.
For the brigadistas and their students, the nine-month campaign was an
intensive, intimate, and often rewarding experience whose effects would not
be easily forgotten. During my visit to the island in 1975, I met many people
who remembered the literacy campaign with great clarity, fondness, and
nostalgia. They spoke of pride; how much they'd learned about the
conditions of Cuba's rural poor as literary workers; and how exciting and fun
it had been to be with their friends on a noble adventure. One peasant
woman, now a local schoolteacher, spoke of how learning to read had
8. transformed her life; and of her gratitude to Fidel and the young brigadista
who had taught her to read.
It was clear from my experience that, 15 years after the Campaign, the
cognitive, effective, and evaluative perceptions of the Cuban people had
been altered significantly by this event. There seemed little doubt that, as an
initial experiment in re-socializing the Cuban people, the Literacy Campaign
had been an overwhelming success. However, the same cannot be said for
the constant barrage of government-orchestrated campaigns that have
followed in its wake. While the format for these campaigns is clearly
modeled after the Literacy Campaign, they no longer inspire enthusiasm,
learning, unity, or national pride among many Cubans.
After the overwhelming success of the Literacy Campaign mass
mobilizations became a routine feature of Cuban life, quickly losing their
newness. Over the decades, the revolutionary elite has mobilized the Cuban
people to struggle against colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism,
counter-revolution, racism, male chauvinism, bureaucratism, sectarianism,
property destruction, absenteeism, poor housing, military unpreparedness,
low productivity, food/clothing/and fuel shortages and much, much more. In
fact "La Lucha" (The Struggle), which usually means some form of self-
sacrifice and voluntary effort, stands at the core of Cuban revolutionary
ideology. Struggle, sacrifice, and obedience have become the essential
environment in which Cuba's new communist man will be formed; the
crucible for testing each individual's loyalty to the regime and commitment
to the Revolution. Speaking to the subject of creating the new man through
mass participation, an editorial in Granma (the official government
newspaper) had this to say:
"[All of our campaigns] no matter at what moment or in what sector they
have taken place, have aided in the fundamental task: the formulation of a
new man, a man with a profound consciousness of his role in society and of
his duties and social responsibilities, a man capable of constructing
Communism and living with it. We see the new man as arising from the huge
educational campaigns that the revolution has started, from our troops'
voluntary laborers [a host of social programs are named]. This conception
obliges the revolution to develop plans involving increased participation by
the masses in the execution of diverse tasks. On the road to Communism, the
masses will daily have to increase their participation in societal tasks,
paying more attention to the management and direction of these
9. activities."14
While Cuban leaders seemed dedicated to the idea that constant mass
involvement in government-directed campaigns would create the ideal
communist man, I found substantial evidence to the contrary. Despite the
popularity and success of the Literacy Campaign, Cubans have become
bitter and cynical toward government and politics over the last 25 years.
Many Cubans I met seemed tired of the endless calls for volunteering their
labor; and angered by further rationing of what little material goods they
have to help Cuba's balance of payments. Also, many openly opposed
sending their sons off to fight in Angola or Ethiopia. In recent years, the
throngs of Cubans who filled the Peruvian Embassy, and the 20,000 who
fled the island for the U.S. by boat, testify to the fact that there is mass
dissatisfaction with the New Cuban Society. The present generation of
Cubans docking on the shores of Miami is the same one that spent its youth
teaching peasants to read and participating in an endless series of
revolutionary campaigns. The modern Cuban emigrant isn't from the old
landowning "gusano" class, these are children of the revolution. Clearly the
revolutionary model of political socialization is failing.
In spite of some remarkable progress by the Revolution in education, the
drop-out rate in Cuban schools has been rapidly climbing over the last 20
years. The great efforts made by the Revolution to attract young farmers and
workers into vocational and technological schools (especially agricultural
ones) was enormously successful in the mid-1960s. But, since then, the
number has dramatically dropped; by 1972, some agricultural schools were
empty. By 1971, language schools had become far more popular than
agricultural schools (there were 24,033 students in language schools and
only 7,757 registered in agricultural schools).15 Castro himself admitted that
moral incentives and revolutionary motivation seemed to have failed: "Who
wants to work in the countryside? [It] is rough, it is poor--it doesn't change
from one year to the next [and will stay like it is] for years to come."16 The
overall drop-out rate has been extremely high as well. Statistics show that
79% of those children entering elementary school in 1965 did not finish in
1971. The drop-out rate in rural areas was 88%. For junior high the overall
record was slightly worse.17
Despite countless education campaigns modeled after the Literacy
Campaign, the statistics on Cuban education continue to worsen. The
situation is mirrored in the economic sphere as well. In 1967, Fidel held
10. great hope for the economic miracles that would be performed by the
generation that would grow up during the Literacy Campaign:
"It is precisely in these virgin minds of the new generation which has grown
up with the Revolution that we can find the fewest of these ideas of the past
and perceive most clearly revolutionary ideas. A mass of hundreds of
thousands of young people [will be able to] work and produce with entirely
new conceptions. [They will be] capable of doubling and even tripling the
output of traditional workers, and these young people will do it not with the
idea that their work is going to solve personal problems, but in the belief
that it will provide a definitive solution to the problems of the whole
society."18
However, despite constant calls for voluntary labor campaigns designed to
mobilize and inspire the new Cuban worker to sacrifice and work harder for
the Revolution, labor absenteeism continued to decrease and productivity
continued to fall as the new generation filled the workforce.
Castro's government attempted widespread voluntary labor mobilizations
throughout the late 1960s. Using the same rhetoric and appeals to national
pride, struggle, victory over imperialism, collective effort, etc., found in the
literacy Campaign, the leadership successfully mobilized greater and greater
number of people into huge voluntary work brigades. Increases in the
mobilization of voluntary labor (mostly urbanites in non-productive jobs) for
sugar and other harvests went from 106,000 in 1966 to 302,000 in 1968, and
to 700,000 in 1970.19
However, poor organization of voluntary work and the lack of skills of
volunteers resulted in considerable waste of time and resources. Voluntary
labor was often recruited without any real need for it; in many cases
volunteers spent hours waiting to be transported to fields only to remain idle
upon arriving because of lack of needed tools. The fizzle of the heavily
publicized 10 million ton sugar harvest mobilization of 1970 (and the
subsequent dramatic increase in workers absenteeism to 20%) made evident
the gross failure of government-orchestrated voluntary labor campaigns.20
By 1975, many workers I talked with considered these voluntary campaigns
uninspiring and wasteful. Indeed, by that time, many of these "voluntary"
campaigns had become considerably less voluntary. Government-induced
peer group pressure was used in combination with subtle modes of coercion
11. in order to "get out the troops." By not participating you could lose your
place on waiting lists for new houses, better jobs, or transfers to a preferred
living area. These measures, used in ever-greater frequency, reflected the
government's inability to inspire the kind of voluntary commitment,
solidarity, and enthusiasm it had once achieved through the Literacy
Campaign.
Once routinized, bureaucratized and institutionalized, government-
orchestrated campaigns modeled after he Literacy Campaign ceased to
perform their desired function of revolutionary political socialization.
However, it is probably true that the routinization and institutionalization of
voluntary campaigns are not solely to blame for the failure of this mode of
political socialization. At least two other factors must bear significant
responsibility as well.
First, this method of political socialization has an inherent contradiction
which Cuba has never successfully resolved. Government-orchestrated mass
campaigns are elitist and dictatorial in essence, but democratic and populist
in rhetoric. Asking people to make great sacrifices without involving them in
the decision-making process may work well under emergency conditions, or
in periods of national triumph and euphoria. However, top-down calls for
sacrifice and participation may be resisted in peacetime; especially when the
rhetoric of democracy is used, while its absence in reality is obvious.
The Castro regime has never significantly democratized its national
decision-making process. The charismatic personality of Fidel still jealously
guards the citadels of political and economic power. Despite efforts at
"Peoples' Power" organized dissent and opposition has not been tolerated. In
the absence of democratic debate and tolerance for organized opposing
views, many people feel alienated from political activity and cynical about
their ability to effect any change in national policy. Thus, as time passed, the
unchanging top-down nature of the Cuban system made the democratic-
populist slogans used to mobilize and inspire Cubans ring ever more hollow
with each passing year.
Second, and perhaps most crucial of all, Cuba's transformation into a
prosperous, independent socialist state has not been successful. Twenty five
years after the revolution, the Cuban economy remains dependent upon
exporting only few unstable primary products for its survival. It receives
approximately $9 million a day in foreign assistance from the Soviet Bloc,
12. giving it the highest per capita aid ratio in Latin America. While Soviet aid
allows Castro to continue basic social programs and keep the island
economically afloat, economic prosperity seems as illusive as ever. Again
and again, unrealistically high economic targets have been set, promises
have been made that could not be kept, hopes have been raised only to be
disappointed. Today, Cubans have a clear sense that they are economically,
politically, and militarily dependent on the Soviet Union. Their enthusiasm
for national pride and independence can only suffer under such conditions.
Two-and-a-half decades of sacrifice and voluntary participation seems to
have moved the island no closer to national independence or economic self-
sufficiency. Moral incentives and revolutionary enthusiasm inevitably wane
under such stress. Hence, the Castro government has been forced to partially
abandon mass voluntary campaigns and replace them with some mixture of
state coercion and material incentives. The late 70s and early 80s have
witnessed a steady retreat from the Great Revolutionary Campaigns so
characteristic in the 60s and early 70s. Castro's government seems to be
quietly withdrawing its support from the mass campaign as an
institutionalized mode of political socialization. It has been replaced with an
ever-expanding state bureaucracy on the Soviet model, and a clear structure
of rewards and punishments for compulsory political and economy activity.
Castro's retreat from the mode of revolutionary political socialization born
during the Literacy Campaign is symptomatic of the general malaise of the
Cuban Revolution. Economic stagnation, and political commandism have
steadily eroded Cuba's initial attempts to create a political culture actively
committed to the revolutionary democratic transformation of the society and
the individual. The retreat to bureaucratic regimentation and coercion is
symptomatic of a revolutionary process frozen mid-stream.
**************** Footnotes ****************
1) Granma, Weekly Review, Dec. 15, 1968, p. 3.
2) Universidad Popular, 6th series, Educacion y Revolucion (Havana:
Imprenta National de Cuba, Apr. 1961), p. 271.
3) United Nations Official Records of General Assembly, 15th Session, Pt. I,
Vol. I, (New York, Sept. 20-Oct. 17, 1960)
4) James A. Bill and Robert L. Hardgrave, Jr., Comparative Politics: The
Quest for Theory (University Press of America, 1981), p. 99.
5) Ibid.
13. 6) Ibid.
7) Quoted in Richard R. Fagen, The Transformation of Political Culture in
Cuba, (Stanford University Press, 1969), p. 59.
8) Ibid, p. 55.
9) Richard Jolly, "Education: The Pre-Revolutionary Background," Chap. 4
in Dudley Seers; ed., Cuba: The Economic and Social Revolution (Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1964), p. 168.
10) Ibid., p. 164-167.
11) Quoted in Fagen, The Transformation of Political Culture in Cuba, p.
181.
12) Ibid., p. 56.
13) Ibid., p. 61.
14) Granma, Weekly Review, Sept. 27, 1966, p. 2.
15) Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Cuba in the 1970s, (University of New Mexico
Press, Albuquerque, N.M., 1974), p. 94.
16) Fidel Castro, “Speech at the Final Session of the 2nd Congress of the
young Communist League,” Granma, Weekly Review, Apr. 16, 1972, pp.
2-4.
17) Mesa-Lago, Cuba in the 1970s, p. 93.
18) Quoted in, Leo Huberman and Paul Sweezy, Socialism in Cuba,
(Monthly Review Press, N.Y., 1969), pp. 150-1.
19) Carmelo Mesa-Lago, The Economy of Socialist Cuba, (University of
New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, N.M., 1981), p. 129.
20) Ibid.