This document discusses the rise of neoliberalism and its negative impacts, particularly on youth and public memory. It argues that neoliberal policies have dismantled democratic institutions and social protections. This has increased inequality and precarity for young people, who now face a bleak future with few opportunities or security. Additionally, neoliberalism promotes "organized forgetting" of progressive ideas and social movements, instead celebrating individualism. The result is a rise in state violence and a surveillance system that views all, especially the marginalized, as potential criminals or terrorists. Recent youth protests against austerity and inequality have been met with police crackdowns, demonstrating how neoliberal states now merge violence and governance.
This document examines the causes of the 2011 Arab uprisings by testing the relationship between economic grievances, social fragmentation, and mass movement in the Arab world. It analyzes how class-based (horizontal) cleavages related to economic factors like corruption and unemployment compare to group-based (vertical) cleavages along ethnic, tribal and religious lines in predicting popular uprisings. The document reviews literature on the impact of both types of social divisions, finding that only perceptions of corruption were significantly linked to the Arab uprisings, while both high and low levels of ethnic fragmentation were also correlated with mass movement. Tribalism was found to negatively impact protests but it is unclear if this is due to regime type.
Identity Formation and Socialization of Urban Adolescent MalesDaniel P. Vitaletti
This document discusses identity formation and socialization of urban adolescent males. It examines how community disadvantage and social disorganization mediate these processes. Concentrated poverty in urban areas shapes community structure and interactions, altering conventional norms. Within this context, fear becomes normalized and an aggressive identity often emerges as an adaptation for survival. The paper analyzes this issue through macro theories like social stratification and micro theories of identity, morality, and socialization. It discusses how lack of social capital and resources hinders moral development and forces structural commitments oriented around survival rather than personal choices.
The document discusses the rise of personalized politics, where individuals participate in collective action through their personal social networks and stories rather than through traditional groups. It outlines some key aspects of personalized politics, including inclusive frames that lower barriers to participation, the use of social networks to share personal concerns, and defining politics through personal lifestyle values. The document also contrasts the styles of personalized politics on the left and right, noting that the right emphasizes individual freedom and emotional reactions to perceived threats to freedom.
Higher levels of economic segregation are associated with lower incomes, particularly for black residents. Higher levels of racial segregation are associated with lower incomes for blacks, lower educational attainment for whites and blacks, and lower levels of safety for all area residents.”
This document discusses the importance of developing a global perspective through education. It outlines 5 dimensions that can help foster a global perspective:
1. Perspective consciousness - The awareness that one's own view of the world is shaped by influences and is not universally shared. Others have profoundly different views.
2. "State of the planet" awareness - Awareness of prevailing world conditions, trends, developments regarding issues like population, resources, technology, conflicts.
3. Cross-cultural awareness - Understanding and appreciating other national cultures and cultures within one's own nation.
4. Knowledge of global dynamics - Understanding the ways nations, organizations, populations and groups are interconnected and interact worldwide.
5
The document analyzes the historical foundations of voluntary charity and philanthropy as a market response to needs, rather than a "third sector" separate from private enterprise and government. It discusses evidence that voluntary assistance has existed since ancient times in China, Egypt, India, Persia, Judea, Greece and Rome in response to human and market needs. Throughout history, voluntary assistance has primarily been provided through private action rather than government coercion.
New democratic movements for global regeneration driessen 2019TravisDriessen1
Our global species is confronted with the converging crisis of climate change, unsustainable levels of inequality, mass extinction, and growing water and natural resource scarcity that are threatening the existential crisis of collapse. This fallout has already led to massive displacement and refugee crisis across Latin America and the African continent. New democratic social movements are recombining and ushering in new opportunities for a revolution of regenerative settlements to be built out across the globe. Doing so, can create new opportunities to restore biodiversity, bring the atmosphere to safe operating levels, lift billions into unprecedented human prosperity, and transform global governance to promote a new era cooperation, human discovery and peaceful co-existence.
- The document discusses several anthropological articles that examine different cultures and practices. Article 1 describes body rituals in America. Article 2 discusses how culture influences human behavior. Article 3 analyzes gender differences in communication styles. Article 4 examines nonverbal communication across cultures. Article 5 provides an example of cross-cultural misunderstanding around gift-giving. Article 6 discusses an anthropological reforestation project in Haiti. Article 7 analyzes how poverty affects maternal bonding. Article 8 studies gender roles in different societies. Article 9 looks at informal dispute resolution in a Liberian society. Article 10 argues for applying cultural anthropology to counterinsurgency. Article 11 examines a Zande philosophy of witchcraft. Article 12 studies magical practices
This document examines the causes of the 2011 Arab uprisings by testing the relationship between economic grievances, social fragmentation, and mass movement in the Arab world. It analyzes how class-based (horizontal) cleavages related to economic factors like corruption and unemployment compare to group-based (vertical) cleavages along ethnic, tribal and religious lines in predicting popular uprisings. The document reviews literature on the impact of both types of social divisions, finding that only perceptions of corruption were significantly linked to the Arab uprisings, while both high and low levels of ethnic fragmentation were also correlated with mass movement. Tribalism was found to negatively impact protests but it is unclear if this is due to regime type.
Identity Formation and Socialization of Urban Adolescent MalesDaniel P. Vitaletti
This document discusses identity formation and socialization of urban adolescent males. It examines how community disadvantage and social disorganization mediate these processes. Concentrated poverty in urban areas shapes community structure and interactions, altering conventional norms. Within this context, fear becomes normalized and an aggressive identity often emerges as an adaptation for survival. The paper analyzes this issue through macro theories like social stratification and micro theories of identity, morality, and socialization. It discusses how lack of social capital and resources hinders moral development and forces structural commitments oriented around survival rather than personal choices.
The document discusses the rise of personalized politics, where individuals participate in collective action through their personal social networks and stories rather than through traditional groups. It outlines some key aspects of personalized politics, including inclusive frames that lower barriers to participation, the use of social networks to share personal concerns, and defining politics through personal lifestyle values. The document also contrasts the styles of personalized politics on the left and right, noting that the right emphasizes individual freedom and emotional reactions to perceived threats to freedom.
Higher levels of economic segregation are associated with lower incomes, particularly for black residents. Higher levels of racial segregation are associated with lower incomes for blacks, lower educational attainment for whites and blacks, and lower levels of safety for all area residents.”
This document discusses the importance of developing a global perspective through education. It outlines 5 dimensions that can help foster a global perspective:
1. Perspective consciousness - The awareness that one's own view of the world is shaped by influences and is not universally shared. Others have profoundly different views.
2. "State of the planet" awareness - Awareness of prevailing world conditions, trends, developments regarding issues like population, resources, technology, conflicts.
3. Cross-cultural awareness - Understanding and appreciating other national cultures and cultures within one's own nation.
4. Knowledge of global dynamics - Understanding the ways nations, organizations, populations and groups are interconnected and interact worldwide.
5
The document analyzes the historical foundations of voluntary charity and philanthropy as a market response to needs, rather than a "third sector" separate from private enterprise and government. It discusses evidence that voluntary assistance has existed since ancient times in China, Egypt, India, Persia, Judea, Greece and Rome in response to human and market needs. Throughout history, voluntary assistance has primarily been provided through private action rather than government coercion.
New democratic movements for global regeneration driessen 2019TravisDriessen1
Our global species is confronted with the converging crisis of climate change, unsustainable levels of inequality, mass extinction, and growing water and natural resource scarcity that are threatening the existential crisis of collapse. This fallout has already led to massive displacement and refugee crisis across Latin America and the African continent. New democratic social movements are recombining and ushering in new opportunities for a revolution of regenerative settlements to be built out across the globe. Doing so, can create new opportunities to restore biodiversity, bring the atmosphere to safe operating levels, lift billions into unprecedented human prosperity, and transform global governance to promote a new era cooperation, human discovery and peaceful co-existence.
- The document discusses several anthropological articles that examine different cultures and practices. Article 1 describes body rituals in America. Article 2 discusses how culture influences human behavior. Article 3 analyzes gender differences in communication styles. Article 4 examines nonverbal communication across cultures. Article 5 provides an example of cross-cultural misunderstanding around gift-giving. Article 6 discusses an anthropological reforestation project in Haiti. Article 7 analyzes how poverty affects maternal bonding. Article 8 studies gender roles in different societies. Article 9 looks at informal dispute resolution in a Liberian society. Article 10 argues for applying cultural anthropology to counterinsurgency. Article 11 examines a Zande philosophy of witchcraft. Article 12 studies magical practices
For students of CAPE pursuing Sociology or Caribbean studies. This would provide relevant information pertinent to their understanding of Caribbean society and Culture.
The document discusses various concepts related to the study of consumption including different types of migrants like elites, economic migrants, and political refugees. It also discusses questions about how media and popular culture help transnational youth cope and which coping mechanisms they gravitate towards. Key thinkers discussed include Paul Willis on social reproduction and working class youth, cultural citizenship and belonging, Said's contrapunctual method of reading texts, Ortiz's concept of Cuban culture as a contrapunteo of Spanish and African influences, and Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction involving different types of capital and how habitus shapes social practices.
The document discusses the State of Black America report published by the National Urban League. It celebrates the 40th anniversary of the report and discusses how it has become a benchmark for examining racial equality in America. It highlights some of the offerings from the 2016 report, including a complete website with data and analysis, a web series discussing the key findings, and the full report which is available online. It also discusses the Equality Index included in the report, which tracks racial equality using metrics in areas like economics, health, education, social justice, and civic engagement. The Equality Index for 2016 shows that black Americans have 72.2% of the equality that white Americans have. The document calls for a "Main Street Marshall Plan"
The Politics of Distinction discount flyerMattia Fumanti
This book analyzes the political elites in Rundu, Namibia over three generations from colonialism to independence. It highlights how elites shaped morality and civic ethics in the public sphere through promoting concepts of civility and nation-building. In examining the moral agency and distinction-seeking of elites, the book counters views of postcolonial African states as authoritarian and corrupt, instead showing how elites contributed to evolving cultures. It also draws different conclusions about African urbanization than analyses focusing on large cities by intricately linking the biographies of Rundu and its inhabitants through generational transitions from apartheid to independence.
OAS: INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL INCLUSION IN THE AMERICASStanleylucas
This document discusses inequality and social inclusion in the Americas. It notes that while economic growth has reduced poverty, inequality remains a major problem that undermines democracy. Large segments of the population live in vulnerable conditions, and discrimination exists based on factors like gender, race, and employment status. The document argues that addressing inequality requires not just increasing incomes but reducing discrimination and exclusion across multiple dimensions in order to promote more just, democratic societies.
This document discusses stratification and social mobility. It defines different systems of stratification including ascribed and achieved status, slavery, castes, and social classes. It also discusses perspectives on stratification from Marx, Weber, functionalism, and conflict theory. The document examines social class measurement and trends in income, wealth, and poverty in the US. It describes types of social mobility including horizontal, vertical, intergenerational, and intragenerational mobility.
This document summarizes John Powell's presentation on the intersection of race and class, and the need for a regional, equitable approach to address disparities. Some key points:
- Race and class are interconnected but using class alone cannot address racial inequities. Both must be considered to understand inequality.
- Racial segregation leads to "opportunity segregation" where communities of color lack access to good schools, jobs, housing, and other opportunities.
- Sprawl and fragmented development patterns drain resources from urban communities and block access to opportunities, especially for people of color and the poor.
- A transformative approach is needed that brings investment to distressed areas, provides housing connected to opportunities, and
This document discusses theories on the relationship between ethnicity and conflict. It provides evidence that pre-existing ethnic divisions do influence social conflict within countries. Specifically, it finds that two measures of ethnic division - polarization and fractionalization - jointly influence conflict, with polarization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves political power or religion, and fractionalization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves resources. The document analyzes the ubiquity of internal conflicts within countries and finds that over half involve ethnic or religious dimensions. It discusses both primordial and instrumental views of the role of ethnicity in conflicts.
In this presentation, given at the end of this semester's CM443/743 class (New Media and Public Relations), I predict the end of the world, and whether social media will be the cause of it. I also create the "Societal Collapse Index," a score inspired by the HANDY model that is based on a country's EPI (Environmental Performance Index) and its World Bank Gini score. Based on their most recent EPI and Gini scores, the top five societies I predict the collapse of are: The Central African Republic, South Africa, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.
The document discusses two perspectives for understanding the power of ethno-politics in the contemporary world: a political-pragmatic approach and a social-psychological approach. The political approach analyzes how ethnic groups can use ethno-politics to gain material and political outcomes. It also examines the role of ethno-political entrepreneurs and how ethno-politics can destabilize states and international relations. The social-psychological approach focuses on how ethno-politics provides individuals with a sense of identity and security, especially during times of social and political uncertainty.
The document discusses several individualistic theories of poverty: biogenetic theory, which claims intelligence explains poverty; culture of poverty theory, which argues the poor have dysfunctional values; and human capital theory, which asserts lack of education causes poverty. Each is critiqued for ignoring structural factors like inequality, discrimination, and lack of opportunity that impact poverty beyond individual choices or attributes. While education and skills are important, success depends more on access to social and cultural capital like networks, privilege, and converting human capital into well-paying jobs.
The document discusses how the American political system contributes to poverty from a structural perspective. It argues that the system is designed to protect privileged interests rather than help the poor. Government does less than other nations to reduce poverty through taxes and benefits. Businesses have outsized political influence through lobbying and campaign donations, exacerbating inequality. The two-party system and checks and balances favor those with money. As a result, policies around minimum wage, unemployment insurance, welfare and labor laws do little to help the poor.
This document is a thesis presented by Tobin Spratte to the faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado, Boulder in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master's of Arts in Mass Communication. The thesis is entitled "For the Good of All Mankind: Public Culture and the Morality of Capitalism in the United States". The thesis explores the relationship between capitalism and democracy in American public culture and examines how Americans reconcile their support for both a market economy and democratic values based on concepts of morality.
This document discusses how cultural systems shape common perceptions of poverty through popular beliefs and ideologies. It outlines how individualistic explanations of poverty have dominated public discourse since the 1970s, reinforced by terms like "personal responsibility" and the Horatio Alger myth. While some acknowledge structural factors, they still qualify the individualistic perspective. The media also influences perceptions by framing stories episodically and perpetuating stereotypes. Conservative groups further push the individualistic view through extensive lobbying and media campaigns.
Patriotic stupidity and globalization (2)GRAZIA TANTA
SUMMARY
3 – Globalization exists and will not turn back
4 – How to clearly see, today, patriotism
5 – Nationalism is a self-interested invention. Heretical notes on the Portuguese case
Wealth and race/ethnicity are two major determinants of social stratification in the Caribbean. Wealth determines one's social class, with those who own the means of production dominating the upper class and those with little wealth in the lower class. Race/ethnicity also structures stratification, as seen during periods of slavery and indentureship, with different ethnic groups like whites, Africans, Indians, and Chinese maintaining distinct social patterns and values. While some argue class has become more important, others believe race/ethnicity continues to influence social status and mobility in Caribbean societies.
The document discusses several topics related to government, the economy, and the environment including:
1) Economic systems like capitalism and socialism and how they differ in their approaches to private ownership and profit motives.
2) Models of power and authority in political systems including Weber's three types of authority.
3) Political behavior in the US including factors that influence participation and voter trends over time.
4) Models of power structures in the US including elite and pluralist models.
5) Changes in the US economy including the growing diversity of the workforce and rise of contingent work arrangements.
This document provides an introduction and overview of a thesis exploring how high technology has impacted the ethos of American Millennials born after 1979. It discusses how Millennials have grown up in an environment dominated by rapid technological advancement and how this has shaped their cultural values and behaviors. In particular, it notes that Millennials' cultural transmission has increasingly come through virtual and technological means rather than traditional heritage and traditions. This is argued to be neutralizing American culture and generating conflicts between generations. The introduction sets up an examination of literature on how factors like politics, technology use, workplace interactions, parenting, and a growing sense of entitlement have compounded to influence the Millennial ethos in America.
Social capital refers to the social networks and shared values that allow people to cooperate. It first appeared in a 1916 book discussing how neighbors could work together in overseeing schools. Today social capital is often defined as the networks and understandings that facilitate cooperation. Robert Putnam argued in 2000 that Americans' sense of community has declined as socializing has decreased. Social capital exists in forms of bonds within social groups, bridges between groups, and linkages between different social levels. It provides benefits but can also be used for harmful ends or hinder outsiders. Critics argue the concept is vague and changing forms of social engagement online may still build community.
Students go to school for several reasons, including to get a good job, make more money, gain a broader worldview, and better participate in democracy. In school, students learn norms and values of the status quo through the "hidden curriculum," including nationalism, passive learning, and respect for authority. Schools also tend to encourage competition over cooperation. A student's cultural capital, or cultural exposure and worldview gained from family, directly impacts their future socioeconomic status. However, wealthier students generally have more access to educational resources and opportunities. Overall, the document examines factors like socioeconomic status, private interests in education, and inequities in educational opportunities that pose social problems in the U.S. education system.
This document summarizes 10 government programs that provide benefits to wealthy individuals and corporations, including tax deductions for yacht interest payments, mortgage interest on high-value homes, rental property expenses, 50% of business meal costs, lower capital gains tax rates, elimination of estate tax for most people, ability to deduct gambling losses up to winnings, Social Security taxes only on first $118,500 of income, retirement savings incentives that mainly benefit high earners, and deductibility of tax preparation fees.
For students of CAPE pursuing Sociology or Caribbean studies. This would provide relevant information pertinent to their understanding of Caribbean society and Culture.
The document discusses various concepts related to the study of consumption including different types of migrants like elites, economic migrants, and political refugees. It also discusses questions about how media and popular culture help transnational youth cope and which coping mechanisms they gravitate towards. Key thinkers discussed include Paul Willis on social reproduction and working class youth, cultural citizenship and belonging, Said's contrapunctual method of reading texts, Ortiz's concept of Cuban culture as a contrapunteo of Spanish and African influences, and Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction involving different types of capital and how habitus shapes social practices.
The document discusses the State of Black America report published by the National Urban League. It celebrates the 40th anniversary of the report and discusses how it has become a benchmark for examining racial equality in America. It highlights some of the offerings from the 2016 report, including a complete website with data and analysis, a web series discussing the key findings, and the full report which is available online. It also discusses the Equality Index included in the report, which tracks racial equality using metrics in areas like economics, health, education, social justice, and civic engagement. The Equality Index for 2016 shows that black Americans have 72.2% of the equality that white Americans have. The document calls for a "Main Street Marshall Plan"
The Politics of Distinction discount flyerMattia Fumanti
This book analyzes the political elites in Rundu, Namibia over three generations from colonialism to independence. It highlights how elites shaped morality and civic ethics in the public sphere through promoting concepts of civility and nation-building. In examining the moral agency and distinction-seeking of elites, the book counters views of postcolonial African states as authoritarian and corrupt, instead showing how elites contributed to evolving cultures. It also draws different conclusions about African urbanization than analyses focusing on large cities by intricately linking the biographies of Rundu and its inhabitants through generational transitions from apartheid to independence.
OAS: INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL INCLUSION IN THE AMERICASStanleylucas
This document discusses inequality and social inclusion in the Americas. It notes that while economic growth has reduced poverty, inequality remains a major problem that undermines democracy. Large segments of the population live in vulnerable conditions, and discrimination exists based on factors like gender, race, and employment status. The document argues that addressing inequality requires not just increasing incomes but reducing discrimination and exclusion across multiple dimensions in order to promote more just, democratic societies.
This document discusses stratification and social mobility. It defines different systems of stratification including ascribed and achieved status, slavery, castes, and social classes. It also discusses perspectives on stratification from Marx, Weber, functionalism, and conflict theory. The document examines social class measurement and trends in income, wealth, and poverty in the US. It describes types of social mobility including horizontal, vertical, intergenerational, and intragenerational mobility.
This document summarizes John Powell's presentation on the intersection of race and class, and the need for a regional, equitable approach to address disparities. Some key points:
- Race and class are interconnected but using class alone cannot address racial inequities. Both must be considered to understand inequality.
- Racial segregation leads to "opportunity segregation" where communities of color lack access to good schools, jobs, housing, and other opportunities.
- Sprawl and fragmented development patterns drain resources from urban communities and block access to opportunities, especially for people of color and the poor.
- A transformative approach is needed that brings investment to distressed areas, provides housing connected to opportunities, and
This document discusses theories on the relationship between ethnicity and conflict. It provides evidence that pre-existing ethnic divisions do influence social conflict within countries. Specifically, it finds that two measures of ethnic division - polarization and fractionalization - jointly influence conflict, with polarization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves political power or religion, and fractionalization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves resources. The document analyzes the ubiquity of internal conflicts within countries and finds that over half involve ethnic or religious dimensions. It discusses both primordial and instrumental views of the role of ethnicity in conflicts.
In this presentation, given at the end of this semester's CM443/743 class (New Media and Public Relations), I predict the end of the world, and whether social media will be the cause of it. I also create the "Societal Collapse Index," a score inspired by the HANDY model that is based on a country's EPI (Environmental Performance Index) and its World Bank Gini score. Based on their most recent EPI and Gini scores, the top five societies I predict the collapse of are: The Central African Republic, South Africa, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.
The document discusses two perspectives for understanding the power of ethno-politics in the contemporary world: a political-pragmatic approach and a social-psychological approach. The political approach analyzes how ethnic groups can use ethno-politics to gain material and political outcomes. It also examines the role of ethno-political entrepreneurs and how ethno-politics can destabilize states and international relations. The social-psychological approach focuses on how ethno-politics provides individuals with a sense of identity and security, especially during times of social and political uncertainty.
The document discusses several individualistic theories of poverty: biogenetic theory, which claims intelligence explains poverty; culture of poverty theory, which argues the poor have dysfunctional values; and human capital theory, which asserts lack of education causes poverty. Each is critiqued for ignoring structural factors like inequality, discrimination, and lack of opportunity that impact poverty beyond individual choices or attributes. While education and skills are important, success depends more on access to social and cultural capital like networks, privilege, and converting human capital into well-paying jobs.
The document discusses how the American political system contributes to poverty from a structural perspective. It argues that the system is designed to protect privileged interests rather than help the poor. Government does less than other nations to reduce poverty through taxes and benefits. Businesses have outsized political influence through lobbying and campaign donations, exacerbating inequality. The two-party system and checks and balances favor those with money. As a result, policies around minimum wage, unemployment insurance, welfare and labor laws do little to help the poor.
This document is a thesis presented by Tobin Spratte to the faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado, Boulder in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master's of Arts in Mass Communication. The thesis is entitled "For the Good of All Mankind: Public Culture and the Morality of Capitalism in the United States". The thesis explores the relationship between capitalism and democracy in American public culture and examines how Americans reconcile their support for both a market economy and democratic values based on concepts of morality.
This document discusses how cultural systems shape common perceptions of poverty through popular beliefs and ideologies. It outlines how individualistic explanations of poverty have dominated public discourse since the 1970s, reinforced by terms like "personal responsibility" and the Horatio Alger myth. While some acknowledge structural factors, they still qualify the individualistic perspective. The media also influences perceptions by framing stories episodically and perpetuating stereotypes. Conservative groups further push the individualistic view through extensive lobbying and media campaigns.
Patriotic stupidity and globalization (2)GRAZIA TANTA
SUMMARY
3 – Globalization exists and will not turn back
4 – How to clearly see, today, patriotism
5 – Nationalism is a self-interested invention. Heretical notes on the Portuguese case
Wealth and race/ethnicity are two major determinants of social stratification in the Caribbean. Wealth determines one's social class, with those who own the means of production dominating the upper class and those with little wealth in the lower class. Race/ethnicity also structures stratification, as seen during periods of slavery and indentureship, with different ethnic groups like whites, Africans, Indians, and Chinese maintaining distinct social patterns and values. While some argue class has become more important, others believe race/ethnicity continues to influence social status and mobility in Caribbean societies.
The document discusses several topics related to government, the economy, and the environment including:
1) Economic systems like capitalism and socialism and how they differ in their approaches to private ownership and profit motives.
2) Models of power and authority in political systems including Weber's three types of authority.
3) Political behavior in the US including factors that influence participation and voter trends over time.
4) Models of power structures in the US including elite and pluralist models.
5) Changes in the US economy including the growing diversity of the workforce and rise of contingent work arrangements.
This document provides an introduction and overview of a thesis exploring how high technology has impacted the ethos of American Millennials born after 1979. It discusses how Millennials have grown up in an environment dominated by rapid technological advancement and how this has shaped their cultural values and behaviors. In particular, it notes that Millennials' cultural transmission has increasingly come through virtual and technological means rather than traditional heritage and traditions. This is argued to be neutralizing American culture and generating conflicts between generations. The introduction sets up an examination of literature on how factors like politics, technology use, workplace interactions, parenting, and a growing sense of entitlement have compounded to influence the Millennial ethos in America.
Social capital refers to the social networks and shared values that allow people to cooperate. It first appeared in a 1916 book discussing how neighbors could work together in overseeing schools. Today social capital is often defined as the networks and understandings that facilitate cooperation. Robert Putnam argued in 2000 that Americans' sense of community has declined as socializing has decreased. Social capital exists in forms of bonds within social groups, bridges between groups, and linkages between different social levels. It provides benefits but can also be used for harmful ends or hinder outsiders. Critics argue the concept is vague and changing forms of social engagement online may still build community.
Students go to school for several reasons, including to get a good job, make more money, gain a broader worldview, and better participate in democracy. In school, students learn norms and values of the status quo through the "hidden curriculum," including nationalism, passive learning, and respect for authority. Schools also tend to encourage competition over cooperation. A student's cultural capital, or cultural exposure and worldview gained from family, directly impacts their future socioeconomic status. However, wealthier students generally have more access to educational resources and opportunities. Overall, the document examines factors like socioeconomic status, private interests in education, and inequities in educational opportunities that pose social problems in the U.S. education system.
This document summarizes 10 government programs that provide benefits to wealthy individuals and corporations, including tax deductions for yacht interest payments, mortgage interest on high-value homes, rental property expenses, 50% of business meal costs, lower capital gains tax rates, elimination of estate tax for most people, ability to deduct gambling losses up to winnings, Social Security taxes only on first $118,500 of income, retirement savings incentives that mainly benefit high earners, and deductibility of tax preparation fees.
This document provides information about unemployment benefits for part-time community college faculty in California. It explains that part-time faculty are eligible for unemployment benefits during term breaks because their employment is contingent in nature and they do not have reasonable assurance of being rehired. It outlines the application process and addresses common questions from the application to ensure faculty understand they qualify. It also provides guidance on appealing any denial of benefits.
You love your job because you find meaning and purpose in your work. You enjoy the people you work with and feel a sense of community. Most importantly, your job allows you to use your skills to help or serve others in a way that is personally fulfilling.
This document provides instructions for playing a game called "Cultural Pursuit" where students find classmates who can answer questions about cultural differences. The questions cover topics like having a name mispronounced, knowing what certain terms mean, experiencing stereotypes, tracing family heritage, and more. The goal is for students to learn about each other's cultures and backgrounds.
The document discusses the key concepts and areas of analysis in sociology, including its origins in the French Revolution and industrialization. It examines fundamental aspects of society like culture, socialization, and social structure. Several social issues and problems are also analyzed through an intersectional lens, such as addiction, social stratification, race, gender, crime and deviance, and social control.
2019: Eternal Sanguinity And Monster Of Institutional MalignancySantosh Jha
Given the global trend of average person becoming less aware of his or her milieus and average person becoming slave to political narrative of societal and cultural ‘Realities’ in the milieus, there does not seem any initiative for institutional reforms. It is rather more probable that in years to come, conflicts shall completely color the Consciousness and Cognition of average person and masses shall turn into happy tools in the hands of handful of politicians and corporate, who shall recipe over the ‘conflicts’ to dish out to masses to ensure their own unbridled agenda…
Part I Studying nonprofit organizationsThe study of nonprofit.docxdanhaley45372
Part I: Studying nonprofit organizations
The study of nonprofit, third sector, or voluntary organizations is a fairly recent development in the history of the social sciences. What has become one of the most dynamic and interdisciplinary fields of the social sciences today began to gather momentum more than three decades ago. At the same time, the field is rooted in long-standing intellectual and disciplinary approaches that seek to come to terms with the complexity and vast variety of nonprofit organizations and related forms and phenomena. After considering this chapter, the reader should:
■ have an understanding of the wide range of institutions, organizations, and types of activities that come under the label of the nonprofit sector;
■ be able to identify key intellectual traditions of nonprofit sector research;
■ have a sense of the major factors that influenced the field and that contributed to its development; and
■ be able to navigate through the book’s various parts and chapters in terms of specific content and their thematic connections. Some of the key concepts introduced in this chapter are:
THE EMERGENCE OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR IN THE US While the concept of civil society as such is not common currency in the US, there is nonetheless a deep-seated cultural understanding that civil society finds its clearest expression in this country. Indeed a strong political as well as cultural current running through American history and contemporary society sees the US as an ongoing “experiment” in civility, community, democracy, and self-governance. Not only the country as a whole, but cities, such as New York, Chicago, Miami, and Los Angeles in particular, regard themselves as the “social laboratories” of modern urban life: they are among the most diverse in the world in ethnic, religious, and social terms, with large portions of immigrant populations, small local government, and high levels of community organizing and individualism. A strong expression of this cultural self-understanding is that the US, in all its imperfections and injustices, is nonetheless regarded as the embodiment of human political progress. This ideological current assumes at times mythical dimensions, perhaps because it is so closely linked to, and rests on, major symbols of US political history. In countless political speeches as well as in popular culture frequent references are made to highly symbolic events and documents that provide deep roots of legitimacy to both nonprofit organizations and the notion of self-organization. Among the most prominent of such cultural-political icons:
Charity, i.e. individual benevolence and caring, is a value and practice found in all major world cultures and religions. It is one of the “fi ve pillars” of Islam, and central to Christian and Jewish religious teaching and practice as well. In many countries, including the US, the notion of charity includes relief of poverty, helping the sick, disabled, and elderly, supporting.
The sociological imagination chapter one the promise c.ariysn
This document summarizes chapter one of C. Wright Mills' book "The Sociological Imagination". It discusses how people often feel trapped by personal troubles within their private lives and environments, but these troubles are actually rooted in broader historical and social forces. It introduces the concept of the "sociological imagination", which allows one to understand how individual experiences are shaped by larger social contexts and shifts in society and history. The sociological imagination bridges the divide between personal troubles and public issues, and sees how they are interconnected. It enables people to understand both their own biographies and their society's structure and development.
The Sociological Imagination Chapter One The Promise C..docxjoshua2345678
The Sociological Imagination
Chapter One: The Promise
C. Wright Mills (1959)
Nowadays people often feel that their private lives are a series of traps. They sense that within
their everyday worlds, they cannot overcome their troubles, and in this feeling, they are often
quite correct. What ordinary people are directly aware of and what they try to do are bounded by
the private orbits in which they live; their visions and their powers are limited to the close-up
scenes of job, family, neighborhood; in other milieux, they move vicariously and remain
spectators. And the more aware they become, however vaguely, of ambitions and of threats
which transcend their immediate locales, the more trapped they seem to feel.
Underlying this sense of being trapped are seemingly impersonal changes in the very structure of
continent-wide societies. The facts of contemporary history are also facts about the success and
the failure of individual men and women. When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes a
worker; a feudal lord is liquidated or becomes a businessman. When classes rise or fall, a person
is employed or unemployed; when the rate of investment goes up or down, a person takes new
heart or goes broke. When wars happen, an insurance salesperson becomes a rocket launcher; a
store clerk, a radar operator; a wife or husband lives alone; a child grows up without a parent.
Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without
understanding both.
Yet people do not usually define the troubles they endure in terms of historical change and
institutional contradiction. The well-being they enjoy, they do not usually impute to the big ups
and downs of the societies in which they live. Seldom aware of the intricate connection between
the patterns of their own lives and the course of world history, ordinary people do not usually
know what this connection means for the kinds of people they are becoming and for the kinds of
history-making in which they might take part. They do not possess the quality of mind essential
to grasp the interplay of individuals and society, of biography and history, of self and world.
They cannot cope with their personal troubles in such ways as to control the structural
transformations that usually lie behind them.
Surely it is no wonder. In what period have so many people been so totally exposed at so fast a
pace to such earthquakes of change? That Americans have not known such catastrophic changes
as have the men and women of other societies is due to historical facts that are now quickly
becoming 'merely history.' The history that now affects every individual is world history. Within
this scene and this period, in the course of a single generation, one sixth of humankind is
transformed from all that is feudal and backward into all that is modern, advanced, and fearful.
Political colonies are freed; new and less visible forms of imperialism installed. Re.
The Sociological Imagination Chapter One The Promise C..docxarnoldmeredith47041
The Sociological Imagination
Chapter One: The Promise
C. Wright Mills (1959)
Nowadays people often feel that their private lives are a series of traps. They sense that within
their everyday worlds, they cannot overcome their troubles, and in this feeling, they are often
quite correct. What ordinary people are directly aware of and what they try to do are bounded by
the private orbits in which they live; their visions and their powers are limited to the close-up
scenes of job, family, neighborhood; in other milieux, they move vicariously and remain
spectators. And the more aware they become, however vaguely, of ambitions and of threats
which transcend their immediate locales, the more trapped they seem to feel.
Underlying this sense of being trapped are seemingly impersonal changes in the very structure of
continent-wide societies. The facts of contemporary history are also facts about the success and
the failure of individual men and women. When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes a
worker; a feudal lord is liquidated or becomes a businessman. When classes rise or fall, a person
is employed or unemployed; when the rate of investment goes up or down, a person takes new
heart or goes broke. When wars happen, an insurance salesperson becomes a rocket launcher; a
store clerk, a radar operator; a wife or husband lives alone; a child grows up without a parent.
Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without
understanding both.
Yet people do not usually define the troubles they endure in terms of historical change and
institutional contradiction. The well-being they enjoy, they do not usually impute to the big ups
and downs of the societies in which they live. Seldom aware of the intricate connection between
the patterns of their own lives and the course of world history, ordinary people do not usually
know what this connection means for the kinds of people they are becoming and for the kinds of
history-making in which they might take part. They do not possess the quality of mind essential
to grasp the interplay of individuals and society, of biography and history, of self and world.
They cannot cope with their personal troubles in such ways as to control the structural
transformations that usually lie behind them.
Surely it is no wonder. In what period have so many people been so totally exposed at so fast a
pace to such earthquakes of change? That Americans have not known such catastrophic changes
as have the men and women of other societies is due to historical facts that are now quickly
becoming 'merely history.' The history that now affects every individual is world history. Within
this scene and this period, in the course of a single generation, one sixth of humankind is
transformed from all that is feudal and backward into all that is modern, advanced, and fearful.
Political colonies are freed; new and less visible forms of imperialism installed. Re.
The document summarizes the discussions and recommendations from the Young Ambassadors Forum on tackling global issues. The forum addressed challenges facing youth, including unequal access to education and opportunity. Participants recommended reforming education systems to focus on cooperation over competition. They also advocated for greater civic engagement using digital tools and condemned restrictions on freedom of speech. Additional recommendations focused on combating all forms of modern slavery, protecting refugees and stateless persons, prioritizing human life over geopolitical power games, and investing in civil society.
Unit iv Inequality, Discrimination and Marginalisation in EducationThanavathi C
1) Education plays a critical role in reducing social inequalities by providing vocational training, developing skilled regional workers, and advancing research and partnerships. However, ensuring equal access to education remains a challenge.
2) Social inequalities exist in the form of gender, racial, ethnic, and caste-based discrimination. Caste systems in particular assign hereditary social statuses that determine life opportunities.
3) Marginalized groups face socioeconomic exclusion and lack access to resources and participation. Discrimination stems from a lack of appreciation for diversity and prejudice against perceived differences.
This document discusses global citizenship and resistance to globalization. It defines global citizenship as having rights and obligations within various communities on both the local and global levels. Global citizens can travel across boundaries while making sense of a complex world with many types of globalization. Resistance to globalization takes many forms, including trade protectionism, fair trade approaches, and efforts to help those disenfranchised by economic marginalization. The document examines transnational organizations and cyberactivist groups that give voice to resistance and promote values like democracy, justice, and sustainability. It argues that reform is needed to allow world citizens more direct participation in global governance.
Descent from the age of unreason into the ages of chaos and darknessShantanu Basu
The document summarizes the descent from an "Age of Unreason" to "Ages of Chaos and Darkness" in a nation. It describes how arrogance and lack of magnanimity in victory can breed extremism and opposition. This leads to an Age of Unreason where facts are distorted and unreasoned hate grows. Eventually, this descends into an Age of Chaos as more players manipulate political choices for economic gain. Without reconciliation of differing opinions, unilateral decisions devoid of reason will undermine accountability and damage a nation's democracy, polity, society and economy.
Power politics and resistance continuous analytical refelction final copyjoseph1023
Globalization has connected the world through increased trade, cultural exchange, and technology. However, critics argue it has replaced colonialism by allowing wealthy nations to exploit poorer ones through economic and institutional means. It has also eroded unique cultures and traditions. The rise of neoliberalism has accelerated privatization and reduced government responsibilities. While supporting free market policies, it has increased inequality and consolidated power among the wealthy. The debate around a "clash of civilizations" examines whether policies like multiculturalism have succeeded or failed at creating tolerant societies, as immigration policies impact cultural diversity.
Universities as Communities of Young Scholars and Inquirersnoblex1
In the 1970's and 1980's, students, even incoming first-year students, were considered moral arbiters at universities: they sat on the most sensitive committees (regulations, by the way, that I doubt anyone bothered to change formally to reflect the new infantilization of students); they destroyed most of the in loco parentis functions of the university; they freed women from paternalistic special protections, and, to put it in its mildest terms, they lectured a faculty intimidated by them, and, above all, an administration intimidated by them, on what it was to be human, to be progressive, and to be useful to society.
Generally unopposed by administrations uncertain of their own moral and actual authority, students swept away the specific restraints placed upon their voluntary behaviors and made the in loco parentis role of universities seem like some embarrassing vestige of the 19th century.
Rather than arguing for their political beliefs in voluntary, open, unprivileged forums, "teach-ins" and lectures such as those held on the Vietnam War then, the heirs of the sixties, now in power, have institutionalized their views in the in loco parentis role of universities, and they have made their ideological analysis of American society, gender, and oppression the official secular religion of academic life.
Most undergraduates, in this view, enter universities inadequately aware of the effects of American "racism, sexism and heterosexism" on their psyches, their behavior, and the society and its "victims" around them, a set of phenomena that those morally superior and no doubt deeply insightful adults who report to various Deans or Vice-Provosts for Student Life must define and explain to them.
The phenomenon known by Marxists as "false consciousness" (what could workers know, compared to intellectuals and ideologues, about what workers objectively should want?), and the Leninists used the concept to justify the dictatorship of the Bolshevik party - since the workers, of course, inconveniently did not agree with the Bolsheviks about their real interests - over a working class that was deemed not only a victim of capitalism but of its own false consciousness.
As the doctrine now is taught to "facilitators" for variously named programs of "diversity and multicultural education" at hundreds of colleges and universities (for the generation of the Sixties certainly learned how to network), "false consciousness" is labelled "internalized oppression" - most easily identified by the tendency to reject the Administration's view of reality - and "internalized oppression" is judged to be a particularly insidious means and product of American oppression.
While countless courses in the official curriculum undertake to enlighten students about the unjust ways of their society and the official, politically orthodox views they ought to hold, this is not enough.
Source: https://ebookschoice.com/universities-as-communities-of-young-scholars-and-inquirers/
This is a war that we must and shall win with better ideas and proven performance. The odds appear to be stacked against us, but that is just an illusion by the popular media, which now functions openly as the Progressive propaganda machine. Major television networks that used to pride themselves in getting the story behind the news and educating the American viewer about what their government was really doing now serve as perpetual spin doctors for the administration.
The Negative Impact of the Birtual Threats to the Political Stability of the ...ijtsrd
In the following article the definitions of the virtual world, virtual world and virtual threat, the negative impact of the virtual threats to the stability of the society are analyzed from the scientific theoretical viewpoint. Also, the information on the diverse approaches to the impacts of the virtual threats to the life of the society. Nuriyman Abulkhasan "The Negative Impact of the Birtual Threats to the Political Stability of the Society" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Special Issue | Modern Trends in Scientific Research and Development, Case of Asia , October 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd35795.pdf Paper Url :https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/35795/the-negative-impact-of-the-birtual-threats-to-the-political-stability-of-the-society/nuriyman-abulkhasan
Mills argues that to understand society, one needs a "sociological imagination" that allows them to see how individual experiences are shaped by broader social and historical forces. He distinguishes between "personal troubles" which are private issues affecting individuals, and "public issues" which transcend individuals and have to do with problems in social structures and institutions. Personal troubles can only be addressed within an individual's immediate context, while public issues require examining how social groups and historical periods influence many individuals. Having a sociological imagination means being able to connect private troubles to their public and structural context.
This document summarizes Peter Dahlgren's presentation on the contingencies of political participation via social media. Some key points:
1) Dahlgren argues that political participation through social media is shaped by various contingencies including political economy, technology, and socio-cultural patterns. These factors both enable and constrain online participation.
2) He examines how the commercial logic and data collection practices of major tech companies like Google and Facebook can undermine democracy by collecting personal information without transparency and sluicing users towards certain sites.
3) Socio-cultural currents online often promote individualized consumerism and entertainment over political engagement, which can subvert alternative politics and civic participation. Navigating these
Rethinking Participation In A European Contextnnriaz
This document discusses frameworks for understanding marginalized groups and their participation in society. It focuses on intersectionality and how people have multiple, intersecting identities that shape their experiences of marginalization. Gypsy communities are used as a case study. Some key challenges to their participation include poverty, poor health, lack of education, employment barriers, and cultural barriers. However, the online sphere, like Facebook, may help lower barriers to political and civic participation for marginalized youth by making engagement easier and more interactive at low cost. Understanding intersectionality and exploring virtual spaces are presented as ways to potentially increase meaningful participation of marginalized groups like young Gypsies.
Mass society, mass culture and mass communication steps towards defining the ...Alexander Decker
This academic article discusses the concepts of mass society, mass culture, and mass communication. It provides an overview of how French, German, and American sociologists viewed and defined the concept of "mass" in the early to mid-1930s. The article then examines in depth the work of prominent scholars like Tarde, Park, Simmel, Tonnies, Wallas, and Lippman and how they analyzed mass society and the role of public opinion. It explores ideas around crowds, collective behavior, propaganda, and stereotypes. The conclusion reiterates that the effects of mass communication on masses can influence behaviors and limit independent thinking.
The presentation is based on a philosophical paper which outlines both the causes of the current attack on the welfare state and recommends new thinking about the purpose and structure of the welfare state
Similar to The violence of organized forgetting (20)
Work and labor 4 2015 (WORK IN PROGRESS)Eric Strayer
This document discusses various topics related to work and labor, including:
- The average American will work 90,000 hours in their lifetime doing jobs that are often useless or destructive.
- Bertrand Russell's view that work falls into two categories: physical labor and management/oversight, with physical labor being unpleasant and underpaid.
- Marx's vision of a communist society where people can choose different activities each day rather than specializing in one type of work.
- Questions about how many hours a person should work depending on whether they like or hate their job.
- Examples of unsafe working conditions and wage theft in various industries such as fast food, factories, and garment workers.
The document discusses Syrian refugees in a brief presentation that was created in 30 minutes. While the basics of the presentation were completed quickly, the sources were not thoroughly checked. The presentation lacks detailed notes due to time constraints.
This document discusses the history and current state of education in the United States. It notes that education was originally restricted to white males but has expanded to include more groups over time. However, inequalities remain as socioeconomic status and race/ethnicity continue to influence access to education and educational attainment. The document also examines theories like functionalism and conflict theory in analyzing education systems.
This document provides information about filing for unemployment benefits for part-time community college faculty during term breaks. It explains that part-time faculty are eligible for unemployment benefits between terms due to the contingent nature of their employment contracts. It outlines the application process and addresses common questions from the application to ensure faculty understand they qualify despite potentially having a class scheduled for the next term. The document emphasizes that faculty should appeal any denial of benefits.
This document discusses poverty and deprivation in the United States through a series of slides. It begins by arguing that "deprivation" is a better term than "poverty" to describe the condition. Several slides then provide statistics on the number of Americans experiencing deprivation, including over 45 million people or 15% of the population. Specific groups that experience above average rates of deprivation are identified as minorities, children, single mothers, the disabled, and veterans. The document challenges common stereotypes about those experiencing deprivation. It concludes by discussing the concepts of absolute and relative deprivation.
The document summarizes two incidents of fires in garment factories - the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York that killed 146 workers, mostly young immigrant women, and a 2012 fire in Bangladesh that killed 112 people. Both fires occurred in factories where exits were locked, trapping the workers inside. The Triangle fire led to increased safety regulations and unions fighting for better conditions, but another fire in Bangladesh just two months later showed that issues of locked doors and unsafe conditions persisted abroad.
This document lists the locations that are included in the photo series "Everything You Own" by Peter Menzel, which documents the possessions of families from different countries and locations around the world, including Albania, Bhutan, California, China, England, Iceland, India, Iraq, Israel, Italy, Kuwait, Mali, Mexico, Mongolia, Samoa, Sao Paulo, Ethiopia, Japan, Russia, Thailand, South Africa, Soweto, and the USA.
The document profiles the sleeping arrangements and aspirations of children from around the world, including:
- Erlen, a 14-year-old pregnant girl living in a small shack in Brazil who hopes to become a vet.
- Dong, a 9-year-old boy sharing a room with his family in rural China who wants to be a policeman.
- Douha, a 10-year-old Palestinian refugee girl sharing a room with five sisters who dreams of becoming a pediatrician.
- Tzvika, a 9-year-old Orthodox Jewish boy from an Israeli settlement who wants to be a rabbi.
The document looks at the diverse living situations and hopes of children
Black Wall Street in Tulsa, Oklahoma was a prosperous African American community in the early 1900s that proved black people could create a successful infrastructure (paragraph 1). The community was wealthy because residents supported one another and money circulated many times within the community, taking a year sometimes to leave (paragraph 2). However, on June 1, 1921 the largest massacre of non-military Americans occurred when the Ku Klux Klan led a race riot that destroyed 35 city blocks and left over 800 people injured and 10,000 homeless (paragraph 3). The riot was triggered by white folks who had returned from WWI poor and jealous of the wealth of black veterans, yet the black community received no restitution for the destruction of their homes and
The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in 1911 was one of the deadliest industrial disasters in U.S. history, killing over 140 workers, mostly young immigrant women between 14-48 years old. Managers had locked exit doors to prevent theft, trapping many workers inside as the fire spread. The fire increased support for improved factory safety standards and workers' unions to fight for better conditions in sweatshops.
Marshall McLuhan argued that the medium itself, not just the content, should be the focus of study. He gave the example of how a light bulb enables the creation of spaces during nighttime that would otherwise be dark. McLuhan wrote that electronic mass media collapse space and time, enabling global interaction and living. Today, the "global village" metaphor describes how the Internet allows global communication and linking of websites across borders, with implications for new sociological structures and cultures.
The document discusses various environmental issues such as deforestation, climate change, pollution, and their causes and impacts. It notes that deforestation in the Amazon rose significantly from 2000-2009 mainly to clear land for cattle pastures and agriculture. Approximately 80% of deforestation is attributed to agriculture. Cattle breeding in Brazil also contributes as it is profitable and currency fluctuations have incentivized expansion. These activities release greenhouse gases and damage habitats, wildlife, and global climate stability. Solutions proposed include renewable energy, more fuel efficient vehicles, and using hemp as an environmentally friendly alternative.
The document discusses various environmental issues facing the world, including rapid urbanization, pollution, global warming, and access to water. It notes that the number of cities with over 1 million people has risen from 86 in 1950 to 400 today, and is projected to reach 550 by 2015. Half the world's population now lives in urban areas, up from only 3% in 1800. Issues covered include air pollution from cities, deforestation of the Amazon, rising sea levels threatening small island nations, and challenges achieving agreements on climate change. It also addresses that over 1 billion people lack access to safe drinking water and thousands die daily from water-related diseases, while privatization of water resources has expanded water companies' control over drinking water in
An Introduction to the introduction of sociologyEric Strayer
The document discusses several key concepts in sociology as outlined by various sociologists. It begins by discussing how insanity is rare in individuals but common in groups, and how understanding social forces is the first step of sociology. It emphasizes C. Wright Mill's concept of translating personal troubles into public issues to understand how individual experiences intersect with broader social influences. The document also discusses Max Weber's view of sociology as interpreting social actions and their outcomes. Overall, it provides an overview of classical sociological theories and thinkers to illustrate the focus of sociology on understanding society and social problems through objective analysis of human interactions and their broader contexts.
This document discusses sex and gender inequality. It notes that while women have made gains, full equality has not been achieved as evidenced by occupational segregation and the failure to pass the Equal Rights Amendment. Gender is defined as a social and cultural construction rather than purely biological. The document examines feminist thinkers who argued that abolishing the slavery of women would allow true relationships to form. It also notes ongoing issues like the gender pay gap and underrepresentation of women in political office.
This document provides an overview of sociological perspectives on the family. It defines the family, discusses how family structures have changed over time and varied across cultures, and examines trends in marriage and divorce rates in the United States. Key points include:
1) Sociologists view the family as both a pattern of behaviors and set of cultural expectations. The family is the basic social unit and provides economic cooperation and care for children.
2) Family structures have changed with different eras - hunter-gatherer families differed from agricultural or industrial families. In modern times, roles of men and women have evolved.
3) Marriage and divorce rates in the US peaked in the 1960s and have declined or leveled off since
Gregg Segal is a photographer based in Altadena, CA. He studied photography and film at California Institute of the Arts and received an MFA in dramatic writing from New York University. Segal's photography blends his background in film with a writer's perspective, featuring themes and irony. His portraiture work has been featured in several major publications and he has won awards from numerous photography organizations.
This document discusses the use of theory in quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods research. It provides definitions of theory for quantitative research as sets of interrelated variables and hypotheses about relationships between variables. Qualitative research may use theoretical lenses to guide examination of important issues and populations. Theories in qualitative research can emerge inductively from themes in the data. Mixed methods research can incorporate deductive testing and inductive emerging theories, and theories can act as lenses to guide studies.
04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
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‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
1. 7/23/13 10:50 PMThe Violence of Organized Forgetting
Page 1 of 30http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/17647-the-violence-of-organized-forgetting
(Image: Jared Rodriguez / Truthout)
The Violence of Organized Forgetting
"People who remember court madness through
pain, the pain of the perpetually recurring
death of their innocence; people who forget
court another kind of madness, the madness of
the denial of pain and the hatred of innocence."
- James Baldwin
Learning to Forget
America has become amnesiac - a country
in which forms of historical, political, and
moral forgetting are not only willfully
practiced but celebrated. The United States
has degenerated into a social order that is
awash in public stupidity and views critical thought as both a liability and a
threat. Not only is this obvious in the presence of a celebrity culture that em-
braces the banal and idiotic, but also in the prevailing discourses and policies of
a range of politicians and anti-public intellectuals who believe that the legacy of
the Enlightenment needs to be reversed. Politicians such as Michelle Bach-
mann, Rick Santorum and Newt Gingrich along with talking heads such as Bill
O'Reilly, Glenn Beck and Anne Coulter are not the problem, they are sympto-
matic of a much more disturbing assault on critical thought, if not rationale
thinking itself. Under a neoliberal regime, the language of authority, power
and command is divorced from ethics, social responsibility, critical analysis and
social costs.
Also See: Henry A. Giroux | Hoodie Politics: Trayvon Martin and Racist Violence in
Post-Racial America
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These anti-public intellectuals are part of a disimagination machine that solidi-
fies the power of the rich and the structures of the military-industrial-surveil-
lance-academic complex by presenting the ideologies, institutions and relations
of the powerful as commonsense.[1] For instance, the historical legacies of resis-
tance to racism, militarism, privatization and panoptical surveillance have long
been forgotten and made invisible in the current assumption that Americans
now live in a democratic, post-racial society. The cheerleaders for neoliberalism
work hard to normalize dominant institutions and relations of power through
a vocabulary and public pedagogy that create market-driven subjects, modes of
consciousness, and ways of understanding the world that promote accommoda-
tion, quietism and passivity. Social solidarities are torn apart, furthering the re-
treat into orbits of the private that undermine those spaces that nurture non-
commodified knowledge, values, critical exchange and civic literacy. The peda-
gogy of authoritarianism is alive and well in the United States, and its repres-
sion of public memory takes place not only through the screen culture and insti-
tutional apparatuses of conformity, but is also reproduced through a culture of
fear and a carceral state that imprisons more people than any other country in
the world.[2] What many commentators have missed in the ongoing attack on
Edward Snowden is not that he uncovered information that made clear how
corrupt and intrusive the American government has become - how willing it is
to engage in vast crimes against the American public. His real "crime" is that he
demonstrated how knowledge can be used to empower people, to get them to
think as critically engaged citizens rather than assume that knowledge and edu-
cation are merely about the learning of skills - a reductive concept that substi-
tutes training for education and reinforces the flight from reason and the goose-
stepping reflexes of an authoritarian mindset.[3]
To read more articles by Henry A. Giroux and other authors in the Public Intel-
lectual Project, click here.
Since the late1970s, there has been an intensification in the United States, Cana-
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da and Europe of neoliberal modes of governance, ideology and policies - a his-
torical period in which the foundations for democratic public spheres have been
dismantled. Schools, public radio, the media and other critical cultural appara-
tuses have been under siege, viewed as dangerous to a market-driven society
that considers critical thought, dialogue, and civic engagement a threat to its ba-
sic values, ideologies, and structures of power. This was the beginning of an
historical era in which the discourse of democracy, public values, and the com-
mon good came crashing to the ground. Margaret Thatcher in Britain and soon
after Ronald Reagan in the United States - both hard-line advocates of market
fundamentalism - announced that there was no such thing as society and that
government was the problem not the solution. Democracy and the political
process were all but sacrificed to the power of corporations and the emerging
financial service industries, just as hope was appropriated as an advertisement
for a whitewashed world in which the capacity of culture to critique oppressive
social practices was greatly diminished. Large social movements fragmented
into isolated pockets of resistance mostly organized around a form of identity
politics that largely ignored a much-needed conversation about the attack on
the social and the broader issues affecting society such as the growing inequali-
ty in wealth, power and income.
What is particularly new is the way in which young people have been increas-
ingly denied a significant place in an already weakened social contract and the
degree to which they are absent from how many countries now define the fu-
ture. Youth are no longer the place where society reveals its dreams. Instead,
youth are becoming the site of society's nightmares. Within neoliberal narra-
tives, youth are mostly defined as a consumer market, a drain on the economy,
or stand for trouble.[4] Young people increasingly have become subject to an
oppressive disciplinary machine that teaches them to define citizenship through
the exchange practices of the market and to follow orders and toe the line in the
face of oppressive forms of authority. They are caught in a society in which al-
most every aspect of their lives is shaped by the dual forces of the market and a
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growing police state. The message is clear: Buy/ sell/ or be punished. Mostly
out of step, young people, especially poor minorities and low-income whites,
are increasingly inscribed within a machinery of dead knowledge, social rela-
tions and values in which there is an attempt to render them voiceless and in-
visible.
How young people are represented betrays a great deal about what is increas-
ingly new about the economic, social, cultural and political constitution of
American society and its growing disinvestment in young people, the social
state and democracy itself.[5] The structures of neoliberal violence have put the
vocabulary of democracy on life support, and one consequence is that subjectiv-
ity and education are no longer the lifelines of critical forms of individual and
social agency. The promises of modernity regarding progress, freedom and
hope have not been eliminated; they have been reconfigured, stripped of their
emancipatory potential and relegated to the logic of a savage market instrumen-
tality. Modernity has reneged on its promise to young people to provide social
mobility, stability and collective security. Long-term planning and the institu-
tional structures that support them are now relegated to the imperatives of pri-
vatization, deregulation, flexibility and short-term profits. Social bonds have
given way under the collapse of social protections and the attack on the welfare
state. Moreover, all solutions to socially produced problems are now relegated
to the mantra of individual solutions.[6]
Public problems collapse into the limited and depoliticized register of private
issues. Individual interests now trump any consideration of the good of society
just as all problems are ultimately laid at the door of the solitary individual,
whose fate is shaped by forces far beyond his or her capacity for personal re-
sponsibility. Under neoliberalism everyone has to negotiate their fate alone,
bearing full responsibility for problems that are often not of their own doing.
The implications politically, economically and socially for young people are dis-
astrous and are contributing to the emergence of a generation of young people
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who will occupy a space of social abandonment and terminal exclusion. Job in-
security, debt servitude, poverty, incarceration and a growing network of real
and symbolic violence have entrapped too many young people in a future that
portends zero opportunities and zero hopes. This is a generation that has be-
come the new register for disposability, redundancy, and new levels of surveil-
lance and control.
The severity and consequences of this shift in modernity under neoliberalism
among youth is evident in the fact that this is the first generation in which the
"plight of the outcast may stretch to embrace a whole generation."[7] Zygmunt
Bauman argues that today's youth have been "cast in a condition of liminal
drift, with no way of knowing whether it is transitory or permanent."[8] That is,
the generation of youth in the early 21st century has no way of grasping if they
will ever "be free from the gnawing sense of the transience, indefiniteness, and
provisional nature of any settlement."[9] Neoliberal violence produced in part
through a massive shift in wealth to the upper 1%, growing inequality, the
reign of the financial service industries, the closing down of educational oppor-
tunities, and the stripping of social protections from those marginalized by race
and class has produced a generation without jobs, an independent life and even
the most minimal social benefits.
Youth no longer inhabit the privileged space, however compromised, that was
offered to previous generations. They now occupy a neoliberal notion of tem-
porality of dead time, zones of abandonment and terminal exclusion marked by
a loss of faith in progress and a belief in those apocalyptic narratives in which
the future appears indeterminate, bleak and insecure. Progressive visions pale
and are smashed next to the normalization of market-driven government poli-
cies that wipe out pensions, eliminate quality health care, punish unions, demo-
nize public servants, raise college tuition, and produce a harsh world of jobless-
ness - all the while giving billions and "huge bonuses, instead of prison sen-
tences . . . to those bankers and investment brokers who were responsible for
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the 2008 meltdown of the economy and the loss of homes for millions of Ameri-
cans."[10] Students, in particular, now find themselves in a world in which
heightened expectations have been replaced by dashed hopes. The promises of
higher education and previously enviable credentials have turned into the
swindle of fulfillment as, "For the first time in living memory, the whole class of
graduates faces a future of crushing debt, and a high probability, almost the cer-
tainty, of ad hoc, temporary, insecure and part-time work and unpaid 'trainee'
pseudo-jobs deceitfully rebranded as 'practices' - all considerably below the
skills they have acquired and eons below the level of their expectations." [11]
What has changed about an entire generation of young people includes not
only neoliberal society's disinvestment in youth and the lasting fate of down-
ward mobility, but also the fact that youth live in a commercially carpet-
bombed and commodified environment that is unlike anything experienced by
those of previous generations. Nothing has prepared this generation for the in-
hospitable and savage new world of commodification, privatization, jobless-
ness, frustrated hopes and stillborn projects. [12] Commercials provide the pri-
mary content for their dreams, relations to others, identities and sense of
agency. There appears to be no space outside the panoptican of commercial bar-
barism and casino capitalism. The present generation has been born into a
throwaway society of consumers in which both goods and young people are in-
creasingly objectified and disposable. Young people now reside in a world in
which there are few public spheres or social spaces autonomous from the reach
of the market, warfare state, debtfare, and sprawling tentacles of what is omi-
nously called the Department of Homeland Security.
The structures of neoliberal modernity do more than disinvest in young people
and commodify them, they also transform the protected space of childhood into
a zone of disciplinary exclusion and cruelty, especially for those young people
further marginalized by race and class who now inhabit a social landscape in
which they are increasingly disparaged as flawed consumers or pathologized
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others. With no adequate role to play as consumers, many youth are now con-
sidered disposable, forced to inhabit "zones of social abandonment" extending
from homeless shelters and bad schools to bulging detention centers and pris-
ons.[13] In the midst of the rise of the punishing state, the circuits of state re-
pression, surveillance, and disposability increasingly "link the fate of blacks,
Latinos, Native Americans, poor whites, and Asian Americans" who are now
caught in a governing-through-crime-youth complex, which increasingly serves
as a default solution to major social problems.[14] As Michael Hart and Antonio
Negri point out, young people live in a society in which every institution be-
comes an "inspection regime" - recording, watching, gathering information and
storing data.[15] Complementing these regimes is the shadow of the prison,
which is no longer separated from society as an institution of total surveillance.
Instead, "total surveillance is increasingly the general condition of society as a
whole. 'The prison,' " Michel Foucault notes, "begins well before its doors. It be-
gins as soon as you leave your house - and even before."[16]
Everyone is Now a Potential Terrorist
At the start of the second decade of the 21st century, young people all over the
world are demonstrating against a variety of issues ranging from economic in-
justice and massive inequality to drastic cuts in education and public services.
These demonstrations have and currently are being met with state-sanctioned
violence and an almost pathological refusal to hear their demands. More specif-
ically, in the United States the state monopoly on the use of violence has intensi-
fied since the 1980s, and in the process, has been increasingly directed against
young people, low-income whites, poor minorities, immigrants, and women.
As the welfare state is hollowed out, a culture of compassion is replaced by a
culture of violence, cruelty and disposability. Collective insurance policies and
social protections have given way to the forces of economic deregulation, the
transformation of the welfare state into punitive workfare programs, the priva-
tization of public goods and an appeal to individual accountability as a substi-
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tute for social responsibility.
Under the notion that unregulated market-driven values and relations should
shape every domain of human life, the business model of governance has evis-
cerated any viable notion of social responsibility while furthering the criminal-
ization of social problems and cutbacks in basic social services, especially for
the poor, young people and the elderly.[17] Within the existing neoliberal his-
torical conjuncture, there is a merging of violence and governance and the sys-
temic disinvestment in and breakdown of institutions and public spheres that
have provided the minimal conditions for democracy. This becomes obvious in
the emergence of a surveillance state in which the social media not only become
new platforms for the invasion of privacy, but further legitimate a culture in
which monitoring functions are viewed as benign while the state-sponsored so-
ciety of hyper-fear increasingly defines everyone as either a snitch or a terrorist.
Everyone, especially minorities of race and ethnicity, now live under a surveil-
lance panoptican in which "living under constant surveillance means living as
criminals."[18]
As young people make diverse claims on the promise of a radical democracy,
articulating what a fair and just world might be, they are increasingly met with
forms of physical, ideological and structural violence. Abandoned by the exist-
ing political system, young people in Oakland, California, New York City, Que-
bec and numerous other cities throughout the globe have placed their bodies on
the line, protesting peacefully while trying to produce a new language, politics,
imagine long-term institutions, and support notions of "community that mani-
fest the values of equality and mutual respect that they see missing in a world
that is structured by neoliberal principles."[19] In Quebec, in spite of police vio-
lence and threats, thousands of students demonstrated for months against a for-
mer right-wing government that wanted to raise tuition and cut social protec-
tions. These demonstrations are continuing in a variety of countries throughout
the globe and embrace an investment in a new understanding of the commons
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as a shared space of knowledge, debate, exchange and participation.
Such movements, however diverse, are not simply about addressing current in-
justices and reclaiming space but also about producing new ideas, generating a
new conversation and introducing a new political language. Rejecting the no-
tion that democracy and markets are the same, young people are calling for an
end to the poverty, grotesque levels of economic inequality, the suppression of
dissent and the permanent war state. They refuse to be defined exclusively as
consumers rather than as workers, and they reject the notion that the only inter-
ests that matter are monetary. They also oppose those market-driven values
and practices aimed at both creating radically individualized subjects and un-
dermining those public spheres that create bonds of solidarity that reinforce a
commitment to the common good. And these movements all refuse the notion
that financialization defines the only acceptable definition of exchange, one that
is based exclusively on the reductionist notion of buying and selling.
Resistance and the Politics of the Historical Conjuncture
Marginalized youth, workers, artists and others are raising serious questions
about the violence of inequality and the social order that legitimates it. They are
calling for a redistribution of wealth and power - not within the old system, but
in a new one in which democracy becomes more than a slogan or a legitimation
for authoritarianism and state violence. As Stanley Aronowitz and Angela
Davis, among others, have argued, the fight for education and justice is insepa-
rable from the struggle for economic equality, human dignity and security, and
the challenge of developing American institutions along genuinely democratic
lines.[20] Today, there is a new focus on public values, the need for broad-
based movements for solidarity, and alternative conceptions of politics, democ-
racy and justice.
All of these issues are important, but what must be addressed in the most im-
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mediate sense is the threat that the emerging police state in the United States
poses not to just the young protesters occupying a number of American cities,
but also the threat it poses to democracy itself. This threat is being exacerbated
as a result of the merging of a war-like mentality and neoliberal mode of disci-
pline and education in which it becomes difficult to reclaim the language of
obligation, social responsibility and civic engagement.[21] Everywhere we look
we see the encroaching shadow of the police state. The government now requi-
sitions the publics' telephone records and sifts through its emails. It labels whis-
tle-blowers such as Edward Snowden as traitors, even though they have ex-
posed the corruption, lawlessness and host of antidemocratic practices engaged
in by established governments. Police can take DNA samples of all people ar-
rested of a crime, whether they are proven guilty or not. The United States is
incarcerating people in record numbers, imprisoning over 2.3 million inmates
while "6 million people at any one time [are] under carceral supervision - more
than were in Stalin's Gulag."[22]
While there has been considerable coverage in the progressive media given to
the violence that was waged against the Occupy movement and other protest-
ers, I want to build on these analyses by arguing that it is important to situate
such violence within a broader set of categories that enables a critical under-
standing of not only the underlying social, economic and political forces at
work in such assaults, but also allows us to reflect critically on the distinctive-
ness of the current historical period in which they are taking place. For exam-
ple, it is difficult to address such state-sponsored violence against young people
without analyzing the devolution of the social state and the corresponding rise
of the warfare and punishing state.
Stuart Hall's reworking of Gramsci's notion of conjuncture is important here be-
cause it provides both an opening into the forces shaping a particular historical
moment while allowing for a merging of theory and strategy.[23] Conjuncture
in this case refers to a period in which different elements of society come to-
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gether to produce a unique fusion of the economic, social, political, ideological
and cultural in a relative settlement that becomes hegemonic in defining reality.
That ruptural unity is today marked by a neoliberal conjuncture. In this partic-
ular historical moment, the notion of conjuncture helps us to address theoreti-
cally how youth protests are largely related to a historically specific neoliberal
project that promotes vast inequalities in income and wealth, creates the stu-
dent-loan-debt bomb, eliminates much-needed social programs, eviscerates the
social wage, and privileges profits and commodities over people.
Within the United States especially, the often violent response to nonviolent
forms of youth protests must also be analyzed within the framework of a mam-
moth military-industrial state and its commitment to war and the militarization
of the entire society.[24] The merging of the military-industrial complex, sur-
veillance state and unbridled corporate power points to the need for strategies
that address what is specific about the current warfare and surveillance state
and the neoliberal project and how different interests, modes of power, social
relations, public pedagogies and economic configurations come together to
shape its politics. Such a conjuncture is invaluable politically in that it provides
a theoretical opening for making the practices of the warfare state and the ne-
oliberal revolution visible in order "to give the resistance to its onward march,
content, focus and a cutting edge."[25] It also points to the conceptual power of
making clear that history remains an open horizon that cannot be dismissed
through appeals to the end of history or end of ideology.[26] It is precisely
through the indeterminate nature of history that resistance becomes possible
and politics refuses any guarantees and remains open.
I want to argue that the current historical moment or what Stuart Hall calls the
"long march of the Neoliberal Revolution,"[27] has to be understood in terms of
the growing forms of violence that it deploys and reinforces. Such antidemocra-
tic pressures and their relationship to the rising protests of young people in the
United States and abroad are evident in the crisis that has emerged through the
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merging of governance and violence, the growth of the punishing state, and the
persistent development of what has been described by Alex Honneth as "a
failed sociality."[28]
The United States has become addicted to violence, and this dependency is fu-
eled increasingly by its willingness to wage war at home and abroad. War in
this instance is not merely the outgrowth of polices designed to protect the se-
curity and well-being of the United States. It is also, as C. Wright Mills pointed
out, part of a "military metaphysics" - a complex of forces that includes corpora-
tions, defense industries, politicians, financial institutions and universities.[29]
War provides jobs, profits, political payoffs, research funds, and forms of politi-
cal and economic power that reach into every aspect of society. War is also one
of the nation's most honored virtues, and its militaristic values now bear down
on almost every aspect of American life.[30] As modern society is formed
against the backdrop of a permanent war zone, a carceral state and hyper-mili-
tarism, the social stature of the military and soldiers has risen. As Michael
Hardt and Tony Negri have pointed out, "In the United States, rising esteem for
the military in uniform corresponds to the growing militarization of the society
as a whole. All of this despite repeated revelations of the illegality and immoral-
ity of the military's own incarceration systems, from Guantanamo to Abu
Ghraib, whose systematic practices border on if not actually constitute
torture."[31] The state of exception in the United States, in particular, has be-
come permanent and promises no end. War has become a mode of sovereignty
and rule, eroding the distinction between war and peace. Increasingly fed by a
moral and political hysteria, warlike values produce and endorse shared fears
as the primary register of social relations.
The war on terror, rebranded under Obama as the "Overseas Contingency Op-
eration," has morphed into war on democracy. Everyone is now considered a
potential terrorist, providing a rational for both the government and private
corporations to spy on anybody, regardless of whether they have committed a
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crime. Surveillance is supplemented by a growing domestic army of baton-
wielding police forces who are now being supplied with the latest military
equipment. Military technologies such as Drones, SWAT vehicles and machine-
gun-equipped armored trucks once used exclusively in high-intensity war
zones such as Iraq and Afghanistan are now being supplied to police depart-
ments across the nation and not surprisingly "the increase in such weapons is
matched by training local police in war zone tactics and strategies."[32] The do-
mestic war against "terrorists" [code for young protesters] provides new oppor-
tunities for major defense contractors and corporations who "are becoming
more a part of our domestic lives."[33] As Glenn Greenwald points out, "Arm-
ing domestic police forces with paramilitary weaponry will ensure their system-
atic use even in the absence of a terrorist attack on US soil; they will simply find
other, increasingly permissive uses for those weapons."[34] Of course, the new
domestic paramilitary forces will also undermine free speech and dissent with
the threat of force while simultaneously threatening core civil liberties, rights
and civic responsibilities. Given that "by age 23, almost a third of Americans
are arrested for a crime," it becomes clear that in the new militarized state
young people, especially poor minorities, are viewed as predators, a threat to
corporate governance, and are treated as disposable populations.[35] This siege
mentality will be reinforced by the merging of private and corporate intelli-
gence and surveillance agencies, and the violence it produces will increase as
will the growth of a punishment state that acts with impunity. Too much of this
violence is reminiscent of the violence used against civil rights demonstrators
by the forces of Jim Crow in the 1950s and 1960s.[36]
Yet, there is more at work here than the prevalence of armed knowledge and a
militarized discourse, there is also the emergence of a militarized society that
now organizes itself "for the production of violence."[37] A society in which
"the range of acceptable opinion inevitably shrinks."[38] But the prevailing
move in American society to a permanent war status does more than promote a
set of unifying symbols that embrace a survival of the fittest ethic, promoting
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conformity over dissent, the strong over the weak, and fear over responsibility,
it also gives rise to what David Graeber has called a "language of command" in
which violence becomes the most important element of power and mediating
force in shaping social relationships.[39]
Permanent War and the Public Pedagogy of Hyper-Violence
As a mode of public pedagogy, a state of permanent war needs willing subjects
to abide by its values, ideology, and narratives of fear and violence. Such legiti-
mation is largely provided through a market-driven culture addicted to the pro-
duction of consumerism, militarism and organized violence, largely circulated
through various registers of popular culture that extend from high fashion and
Hollywood movies to the creation of violent video games and music concerts
sponsored by the Pentagon. The market-driven spectacle of war demands a cul-
ture of conformity, quiet intellectuals and a largely passive republic of con-
sumers. There is also a need for subjects who find intense pleasure in commod-
ification of violence and a culture of cruelty. Under neoliberalism, culture ap-
pears to have largely abandoned its role as a site of critique. Very little appears
to escape the infantilizing and moral vacuity of the market. For instance, the ar-
chitecture of war and violence is now matched by a barrage of goods parading
as fashion. For instance, in light of the recent NSA and PRISM spying revela-
tions in the United States, The New York Times ran a story on a new line of
fashion with the byline: "Stealth Wear Aims to Make a Tech Statement."[40]
As the pleasure principle is unconstrained by a moral compass based on a re-
spect for others, it is increasingly shaped by the need for intense excitement and
a never-ending flood of heightened sensations. Marked by a virulent notion of
hardness and aggressive masculinity, a culture of violence has become com-
monplace in a society in which pain, humiliation and abuse are condensed into
digestible spectacles endlessly circulated through extreme sports, reality TV,
video games, YouTube postings, and proliferating forms of the new and old
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media. But the ideology of hardness, and the economy of pleasure it justifies are
also present in the material relations of power that have intensified since the
Reagan presidency, when a shift in government policies first took place and set
the stage for the emergence of unchecked torture and state violence under the
Bush-Cheney regime. Conservative and liberal politicians alike now spend mil-
lions waging wars around the globe, funding the largest military state in the
world, providing huge tax benefits to the ultrarich and major corporations, and
all the while draining public coffers, increasing the scale of human poverty and
misery, and eliminating all viable public spheres - whether they be the social
state, public schools, public transportation or any other aspect of a formative
culture that addresses the needs of the common good.
State violence, particularly the use of torture, abductions, and targeted assassi-
nations are now justified as part of a state of exception in which a "political cul-
ture of hyper-punitiveness"[41] has become normalized. Revealing itself in a
blatant display of unbridled arrogance and power, it is unchecked by any sense
of either conscience or morality. How else to explain the right-wing billionaire,
Charles Koch, insisting that the best way to help the poor is to get rid of the
minimum wage. In response, journalist Rod Bastanmehr points out that "Koch
didn't acknowledge the growing gap between the haves and the have-nots, but
he did make sure to show off his fun new roll of $100-bill toilet paper, which
was a real treat for folks everywhere."[42] It gets worse. Ray Canterbury, a Re-
publican member of the West Virginia House of Delegates insisted that "stu-
dents could be forced into labor in exchange for food."[43] In other words, stu-
dents could clean toilets, do janitorial work or other menial chores in order to
pay for their free school breakfast and lunch programs. In Maine, Rep. Bruce
Bickford (R) has argued that the state should do away with child labor laws.
His rationale speaks for itself. He writes: ""Kids have parents. Let the parents be
responsible for the kids. It's not up to the government to regulate everybody's
life and lifestyle. Take the government away. Let the parents take care of their
kids."[44] This is a version of social Darwinism on steroids, a tribute to Ayn
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Rand that would make even her blush.
Public values are not only under attack in the United States and elsewhere but
appear to have become irrelevant just as those spaces that enable an experience
of the common good are now the object of disdain by right-wing and liberal
politicians, anti-public intellectuals and an army of media pundits. State vio-
lence operating under the guise of personal safety and security, while parading
as a bulwark of democracy, actually does the opposite and cancels out democ-
racy "as the incommensurable sharing of existence that makes the political pos-
sible."[45] Symptoms of ethical, political and economic impoverishment are all
around us.
One recent example can be found in the farm bill passed by Republicans, which
provides $195 billion in subsidies for agribusiness, while slashing roughly $4
billion from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). SNAP
provides food stamps for the poor. Not only are millions of food stamp benefi-
ciaries at risk, but it is estimated that benefits would be eliminated for nearly
two millions Americans, many of them children. Katrina vanden Huevel writes
in the Washington Post that it is hard to believe that any party would want to
publicize such cruel practices. She writes:
"In this time of mass unemployment, 47 million Americans rely on
food stamps. Nearly one-half are children under 18; nearly 10 percent
are impoverished seniors. The recipients are largely white, female and
young. The Republican caucus has decided to drop them from the bill
as "extraneous," without having separate legislation to sustain them.
Who would want to advertise these cruel values?
Neoliberal policies have produced proliferating zones of precarity and
exclusion embracing more and more individuals and groups who lack
jobs, need social assistance, lack health care or are homeless. Accord-
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ing to the apostles of casino capitalism, providing "nutritional aid to
millions of pregnant mothers, infants and children . . . feeding poor
children and giving them adequate health care" is a bad expenditure
because it creates "a culture of dependency - and that culture of depen-
dency, not runaway bankers, somehow caused our economic crisis."
[46]
But there is more to the culture of cruelty than simply ethically challenged poli-
cies that benefit the rich and punish the poor, particularly children, there is also
the emergence of a punishing state, a governing through crime youth complex,
and the emergence of the school-to-prison pipeline as the new face of Jim
Crow.[47]
A symptomatic example of the way in which violence has saturated everyday
life can be seen in the increased acceptance of criminalizing the behavior of
young people in public schools. Behaviors that were normally handled by
teachers, guidance counselors and school administrators are now dealt with by
the police and the criminal justice system. The consequences have been disas-
trous for many young people. Increasingly, poor minority and white youth are
being "funneled directly from schools into prison. Instead of schools being a
pipeline to opportunity, schools are feeding our prisons. Justified by the war
on drugs, the United States is in the midst of a prison binge made obvious by
the fact that "Since 1970, the number of people behind bars . . . has increased 600
percent."[48] Moreover, it is estimated that in some cities such as Washington,
DC, that 75 percent of young black men can expect to serve time in prison.
Michelle Alexander has pointed out that "One in three young African American
men is currently under the control of the criminal justice system in prison, in
jail, on probation, or on parole - yet mass incarceration tends to be categorized
as a criminal justice issue as opposed to a racial justice or civil rights issue (or
crisis)."[49]
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Young black men in American have an identity ascribed to them that is a direct
legacy of slavery. They are considered dangerous, expendable, threatening and
part of a culture of criminality. They are guilty of criminal behavior not because
of the alleged crimes they might commit but because they are the product of a
collective imagination paralyzed by the racism of a white supremacist culture
they can only view them as a dangerous nightmare, But the real nightmare re-
sides in a society that hides behind the mutually informing and poisonous no-
tions of colorblindness and a post-racial society, a convenient rhetorical obfus-
cation that allows white Americans to ignore the institutional and individual
racist ideologies, practices and policies that cripple any viable notion of justice
and democracy. As the Trayvon Martin case and verdict made clear, young
black men are not only being arrested and channeled into the criminal justice
system in record numbers, they are also being targeted by the police, harassed
by security forces, and in some instances killed because they are black and as-
sumed to be dangerous.[50]
Under such circumstances, not only do schools resemble the culture of prisons,
but young children are being arrested and subjected to court appearances for
behaviors that can only be termed as trivial. How else to explain the case of a
diabetic student who, because she fell asleep in study hall, was arrested and
beaten by the police or the arrest of a 7-year-old boy, who because of a fight he
got into with another boy in the schoolyard, was put in handcuffs and held in
custody for 10 hours in a Bronx police station. In Texas, students who miss
school are not sent to the principal's office or assigned to detention. Instead,
they are fined, and in too many cases, actually jailed. It is hard to imagine, but
in a Maryland school, a 13- year old girl was arrested for refusing to say the
pledge of allegiance. There is more at work than stupidity and a flight from re-
sponsibility on the part of educators, parents and politicians who maintain
these laws, there is also the growing sentiment that young people constitute a
threat to adults and that the only way to deal with them is to subject them to
mind-crushing punishment.
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This medieval type of punishment inflicts pain on the psyche and the body of
young people as part of a public spectacle. Even more disturbing is how the
legacy of slavery informs this practice given that "Arrests and police interac-
tions . . . disproportionately affect low-income schools with large African-
American and Latino populations"[41] Poor minorities live in a new age of Jim
Crow, one in which the ravages of segregation, racism, poverty and dashed
hopes are amplified by the forces of "privatization, financialization, militariza-
tion and criminalization," fashioning a new architecture of punishment, mas-
sive human suffering and authoritarianism.[42] Students being miseducated,
criminalized and arrested through a form of penal pedagogy in prison-type
schools provide a grim reminder of the degree to which the ethos of contain-
ment and punishment now creeps into spheres of everyday life that were large-
ly immune in the past from this type of state violence. This is not merely bar-
barism parading as reform - it is also a blatant indicator of the degree to which
sadism and the infatuation with violence have become normalized in a society
that seems to take delight in dehumanizing itself.
Widespread violence now functions as part of an anti-immune system that
turns the economy of genuine pleasure into a mode of sadism that creates the
foundation for sapping democracy of any political substance and moral vitality.
The predominance of the disimagination machine in American society, along
with its machinery of social death and historical amnesia, seeps into in all as-
pects of life, suggesting that young people and others marginalized by class,
race and ethnicity have been abandoned. But historical and public memory is
not merely on the side of domination.
As the anthropologist, David Price, points out, historical memory is a potent
weapon in fighting against the "desert of organized forgetting" and implies a
rethinking of the role that artists, intellectuals, educators, youth and other con-
cerned citizens can play in fostering a "reawakening of America's battered pub-
lic memories."[53] Against the tyranny of forgetting, educators, young people,
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social activists, public intellectuals, workers and others can work to make visi-
ble and oppose the long legacy and current reality of state violence and the rise
of the punishing state. Such a struggle suggests not only reclaiming, for in-
stance, education as a public good but also reforming the criminal justice sys-
tem and removing the police from schools. In addition, there is a need to em-
ploy public memory, critical theory, and other intellectual archives and re-
sources to expose the crimes of those market-driven criminogenc regimes of
power that now run the commanding institutions of society, with particular em-
phasis on how they have transformed the welfare state into a warfare state.
The rise of casino capitalism and the punishing state with their vast apparatus-
es of real and symbolic violence must be also addressed as part of a broader his-
torical and political attack on public values, civic literacy and economic justice.
Crucial here is the need to engage how such an attack is aided and abetted by
the emergence of a poisonous neoliberal public pedagogy that depoliticizes as
much as it entertains and corrupts. State violence cannot be defined simply as a
political issue but also as a pedagogical issue that wages violence against the
minds, desires, bodies and identities of young people as part of the reconfigura-
tion of the social state into the punishing state. At the heart of this transforma-
tion is the emergence of a new form of corporate sovereignty, a more intense
form of state violence, a ruthless survival-of-the-fittest ethic used to legitimate
the concentrated power of the rich, and a concerted effort to punish young peo-
ple who are out of step with neoliberal ideology, values and modes of gover-
nance.
The value of making young people stupid, subject to an educational deficit has
enormous currency in a society in which existing relations of power are normal-
ized. Under such conditions, those who hold power accountable are reviewed
as treasonous while critically engaged young people are denounced as un-
American.[54] In any totalitarian society, dissent is viewed as a threat, civic lit-
eracy is denounced, and those public spheres that produce engage citizens are
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dismantled or impoverished through the substitution of training for education.
It is important to note that Edward Snowden was labeled as a spy not a whis-
tle-blower - even though he exposed the reach of the spy services into the lives
of most Americans. More importantly, he was denounced as being part of a
generation that unfortunately combined being educated with a distrust of au-
thority.
Of course, these antidemocratic tendencies represent more than a threat to
young people, they also put in peril all of those individuals, groups, public
spheres and institutions now considered disposable because that are at odds
with a world run by bankers, the financial elite and the rich. Only a well-orga-
nized movement of young people, educators, workers, parents, religious
groups and other concerned citizens will be capable of changing the power rela-
tions and vast economic inequalities that have generated what has become a
country in which it is almost impossible to recognize the ideals of a real democ-
racy.
Conclusion:
The rise of the punishing state and the governing-through-crime youth complex
throughout American society suggests the need for a politics that not only
negates the established order but imagines a new one, one informed by a radi-
cal vision in which the future does not imitate the present.[55] In this discourse,
critique merges with a sense of realistic hope or what I call educated hope, and
individual struggles merge into larger social movements. The challenges that
young people are mobilizing against oppressive societies all over the globe are
being met with a state-sponsored violence that is about more than police brutal-
ity. This is especially clear in the United States, given its transformation from a
social state to a warfare state, from a state that once embraced a semblance of
the social contract to one that no longer has a language for justice, community
and solidarity - a state in which the bonds of fear and commodification have re-
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placed the bonds of civic responsibility and democratic vision. Until educators,
individuals, artists, intellectuals and various social movements address how the
metaphysics of casino capitalism, war and violence have taken hold on Ameri-
can society (and in other parts of the world) along with the savage social costs
they have enacted, the forms of social, political, and economic violence that
young people are protesting against, as well as the violence waged in response
to their protests, will become impossible to recognize and act on.
If the ongoing struggles waged by young people are to matter, demonstrations
and protests must give way to more sustainable organizations that develop al-
ternative communities, autonomous forms of worker control, collective forms
of health care, models of direct democracy and emancipatory modes of educa-
tion. Education must become central to any viable notion of politics willing to
imagine a life and future outside of casino capitalism. There is a need for edu-
cators, young people, artists and other cultural workers to develop an educative
politics in which people can address the historical, structural and ideological
conditions at the core of the violence being waged by the corporate and repres-
sive state and to make clear that government under the dictatorship of market
sovereignty and power is no longer responsive to the most basic needs of
young people - or most people for that matter.
The issue of who gets to define the future, own the nation's wealth, shape the
parameters of the social state, control the globe's resources, and create a forma-
tive culture for producing engaged and socially responsible citizens is no longer
a rhetorical issue, but offers up new categories for defining how matters of rep-
resentations, education, economic justice, and politics are to be defined and
fought over. At stake here is the need for both a language of critique and possi-
bility. A discourse for broad-based political change is crucial for developing a
politics that speaks to a future that can provide sustainable jobs, decent health
care, quality education and communities of solidarity and support for young
people. Such a vision is crucial and relies on ongoing educational and political
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struggles to awaken the inhabitants of neoliberal societies to their current reali-
ty and what it means to be educated not only to think outside of neoliberal com-
monsense but also to struggle for those values, hopes, modes of solidarity, pow-
er relations and institutions that infuse democracy with a spirit of egalitarian-
ism and economic and social justice and make the promise of democracy a goal
worth fighting for. For this reason, any collective struggle that matters has to
embrace education as the center of politics and the source of an embryonic vi-
sion of the good life outside of the imperatives of predatory capitalism. Too
many progressives and people on the left are stuck in the discourse of foreclo-
sure and cynicism and need to develop what Stuart Hall calls a "sense of poli-
tics being educative, of politics changing the way people see things."[56] This is
a difficult task, but what we are seeing in cities such as Chicago, Athens and
other dead zones of capitalism throughout the world is the beginning of a long
struggle for the institutions, values and infrastructures that make critical educa-
tion and community the center of a robust, radical democracy. This is a chal-
lenge for young people and all those invested in the promise of a democracy
that extends not only the meaning of politics, but also a commitment to eco-
nomic justice and democratic social change.
I take up this issue in Henry A. Giroux, Universities in Chains: Challenging the
Military-Industrial-Academic Complex (Boulder: Paradigm, 2007).
Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color-
blindness (New York: The New Press, 2010).
This issue is taken up brilliantly in Kenneth J. Saltman, The Failure of Corporate
School Reform (Boulder: Paradigm, 2013).
These themes are taken up in Lawrence Grossberg, Caught In the Crossfire: Kids,
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Politics, and America's Future, (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2005); Henry A.
Giroux, Youth in a Suspect Society (New York: Routledge, 2009).
See, for example, Jean and John Comaroff, "Reflections of Youth, from the Past
to the Postcolony," Frontiers of Capital: Ethnographic Reflections on The New Econo-
my, ed. Melissa S. Fisher and Greg Downey, (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2006) pp. 267-281.
Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Times: Living in an Age of Uncertainty (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 2007), p. 14.
Zygmunt Bauman, "Downward mobility is now a reality," The Guardian (May
31, 2012). Bauman develops this theme in detail in both Zygmunt Bauman, On
Education, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2012) and Zygmunt Bauman, This Is
Not A Diary, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2012).
Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives (London: Polity, 2004), p. 76.
Rabbi Michael Lerner, "Trayvon Martin: A Jewish Response," Tikkun (July 14,
2013).
Zygmunt Bauman, On Education (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2012), p. 47.
Ibid., Bauman, On Education, p. 47.
I have borrowed the term "zones of social abandonment" from Joäo Biehl, Vita:
Life in a Zone of Social Abandonment (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2005); see also Henry A. Giroux, Disposable Youth (New York: Routledge, 2012)
and Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow (New York: The Free Press, 2012).
[14]
Angela Y. Davis, "State of Emergency," in Manning Marable, Keesha Middle-
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mass, and Ian Steinberg, Eds. Racializing Justice, Disenfranchising Lives (New
York: Palgrave, 2007), p. 324.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Declaration (Argo Navis Author Services,
2012), p. 20.
[16]
Ibid., Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Declaration, p. 20.
[17]
See Loic Wacquant, Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecu-
rity (Durham,NC: Duke University Press, 2009).
[18]
John Steppling, "Control & Punish," JohnSteppling.com, (June 22, 2013).
[19]
Kyle Bella, "Bodies in Alliance: Gender Theorist Judith Butler on the Occupy
and SlutWalk Movements," TruthOut (December 15, 2011).
Stanley Aronowitz, "The Winter of Our Discontent," Situations IV, no.2 (Spring
2012), pp. 37-76.
I take this up in Henry A. Giroux, Education and the Crisis of Public Values
(New York: Peter Lang, 2011).
[22]
Adam Gopnik, "The Caging of America," The New Yorker, (January 30, 2012).
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Stuart Hall interviewed by James Hay, "Interview with Stuart Hall," Communi-
cation and Critical/Cultural Studies 10:1 (2013): 10-33.
There are many sources that address this issue, see, in particular, Melvin A.
Goodman, National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism (San Francisco:
City Lights, 2013).
[25]
Stuart Hall, "The Neo-Liberal Revolution," Cultural Studies, Vol. 25, No. 6, (No-
vember 2011), p. 706.
[26]
Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties
(New York: Free Press, 1966) and the more recent Francis Fukuyama, The End of
History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 2006) .
[27]
Stuart Hall, "The March of the Neoliberals," The Guardian, (September 12, 2011)
[28]
Alex Honneth, Pathologies of Reason (New York: Columbia University Press,
2009), p. 188.
C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.
222.
See Gore Vidal, Imperial America: Reflections on the United States of Amnesia (New
York: Nation Books, 2004); Gore Vidal, Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace (New
York: Nation Books, 2002); Chris Hedges, War is a Force that Gives Us Meaning
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(New York: Anchor Books, 2003); Chalmers Johnson, The Sorrows of Empire: Mil-
itarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (New York: Metropolitan Books,
2004); Andrew Bacevich, The New American Militarism (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 2005); Chalmers Johnson, Nemesis: The Last Days of the Republic
(New York: Metropolitan Books, Andrew J. Bacevich, Washington Rules: Ameri-
ca's Path To Permanent War, (New York, N.Y.: Metropolitan Books, Henry Hold
and Company, 2010); Nick Turse, The Complex: How the Military Invades Our
Everyday Lives (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2008).
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Declaration (Argo Navis Author Services,
2012), p. 22
[32]
Andrew Becker and G.W. Schulz, "Cops Ready for War," RSN, (December 21,
2011).
[33]
Ibid., Becker and Schulz, "Cops Ready for War."
[34]
Glenn Greenwald, "The Roots of The UC-Davis Pepper-Spraying," Salon (Nov.
20, 2011).
[35]
Erica Goode, "Many in U.S. Are Arrested by Age 23, Study Finds," The New
York Times, (December 19, 2011) p. A15.
[36]
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Phil Rockstroh, "The Police State Makes Its Move: Retaining One's Humanity in
the Face of Tyranny," CommonDreams, (November 15, 2011).
[37]
Michael Geyer, "The Militarization of Europe, 1914–1945," in The Militarization of
the Western World, ed. John R. Gillis (New York: Rutgers University Press, 1989),
p. 79.
[38]
Tony Judt, "The New World Order," The New York Review of Books 11:2 (July
14, 2005), p.17.
[39]
David Graeber, "Dead Zones of the Imagination," HAU: Journal of Ethnograph-
ic Theory 2 (2012), p. 115.
Jenna Wortham, "Stealth Wear Aims to Make a Tech Statement," The New
York Times (June 29, 2013).
[41]
Steve Herbert and Elizabeth Brown, "Conceptions of Space and Crime in the
Punitive Neoliberal City," Antipode (2006), p. 757.
Rod Bastanmehr, "Absurd: Billionaire Koch Brother Claims Eliminating Mini-
mum Wage Would help the Poor," AlterNet (July 11, 2013).
Hannah Groch-Begley, "Fox Asks if Children Should Work for School Meals,"
Media Matters (April 25, 2013. Online:
[44]
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Amanda Terkel, "Maine GOP Legislators Looking To Loosen Child Labor
Laws," Huffington Post, (March 30, 2011).
[45]
Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas, "Translators Note," in Jean-Luc Nancy,
The Truth of Democracy, (New York, NY: Fordham University Press, 2010), pp.
ix.
Paul Krugman, "From the Mouths of Babes," The New York Times (May 30,
2013), Online:
Ibid., Michelle Alexander.
Jody Sokolower, "Schools and the New Jim Crow: An Interview With Michelle
Alexander," Truthout, (June 4, 2013).
Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color-
blindness (New York: The New Press, 2010), p. 9.
For a particularly egregious and offensive defense of this racist stereotype,
see Richard Cohen, "Racism versus Reality," Washington Post (July 16, 2013).
Online:
[51]
Smartypants, "A Failure of Imagination," Smartypants Blog Spot (March 3,
2010). Online:
Don Hazen, "The 4 Plagues: Getting a Handle on the Coming Apocalypse," Al-
ternet, (June 4, 2013).
David Price, "Memory's Half-life: A Social History of Wiretaps," Counterpunch
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20:6 (June 2013), p. 14.
I take up this issue in detail in Henry A. Giroux, The Educational Deficit and the
War on Youth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2013).
[55]
John Van Houdt, "The Crisis of Negation: An Interview with Alain Badiou,"
Continent, 1.4 (2011): 234-238.
[56]
Zoe Williams, "The Saturday Interview: Stuart Hall," The Guardian (February
11, 2012).