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Peace is often seen as the absence of war, while war is seen as the absence of peace. Conflict arises from the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals between groups and occurs when different values, such as physical or material possessions, status, or power, are in dispute. Peace and conflict studies is a social science field that analyzes behaviors related to both violent and nonviolent conflicts with the goal of understanding how to create a more desirable human condition and seeking solutions to conflicts that are peaceful and beneficial to all parties involved.
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Conflict EscalationPage 1 of 27Printed from Oxford Res
Conflict Escalation
Page 1 of 27
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, International Studies. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user
may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
date: 19 January 2022
Conflict Escalation
Richard BÜsch, Philosophisch-Sozialwissenschaftliche, Universität Augsburg
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.82
Published online: 20 November 2017
Summary
Even though most conflicts in everyday life manifest themselves as cursory bagatelles, there
are conflicts that end up in situations of organized, collective violence (e.g., armed conflict).
To understand how trivial contradictions can become meaningful conflicts in a broader
societal context, it is crucial to examine the process of conflict escalation. Conflict escalation
can be understood as an intensification of a conflict with regard to the observed extent and
the means used. An escalating conflict represents a developing social system in its own right,
having the legitimization of violence as a key feature. Here, a broader social science
perspective on the concept of conflict escalation is offered, outlining its intellectual history,
explaining its major perspectives and current emphases, and exploring newer avenues in
approaching social conflict.
Keywords: conflict escalation, violence, Peace and Conflict Studies, conflict, social science,
legitimization of violence, intensification of conflict
Subjects: Conflict Studies
Introduction
From a life partner who refuses to do the dishes, to a labor union striking to demand higher
wages, to a government and an opposition disputing mutual claims, conflict is an ubiquitous
element of everyday life. However, there is a large diversity of conflict in all these spheres of
social life. Most conflicts manifest themselves as cursory bagatelles, but a few end up in
situations of organized, collective violence (e.g., armed conflict). It is thus crucial to
understand how trivial contradictions can become meaningful conflicts in a broader societal
context. This evolution, referred to as conflict escalation, is understood as an intensification of
a conflict with regard to the observed extent and the means used (Pruitt, Kim, & Rubin, 2003,
pp. 87â91; Mitchell, 2014, pp. 71â75). Conflict escalation is characterized by processes of
circular interaction that âlead to the growth and restructuring of the parties, generating new
reasons and pretexts for applying additional means, thus leading to an expansion and
fundamentalization of the content of the conflictâ (Eckert & Willems, 2003, p. 1183). Given its
dynamics and, to a certain degree, its autonomous nature, an escalating conflict represents
both an evolving process and a self-stabilizing structure, or, in other words, a social system in
its own right.
Richard BÜsch, Philosophisch-Sozialwissenschaftliche, Universität Augsburg
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefo ...
Modern conflict
Modern conflict as it provides the basis's for social sciences ,history ,Economics and Arts studies.
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, .docx
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, or the data using Brazil as an example, please use the passage to support your own interpretation of how social stratification manifests itself in American society, and how it may work to the benefit or detriment of society as a whole.
Societal Stratification
ARCHIBALD O. HALLER
Encyclopedia of Sociology. Vol. 4. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Macmillan Reference USA, 2001. p2864-2874.
Copyright:Â COPYRIGHT 2001 Macmillan Reference USA, COPYRIGHT 2006 Gale, COPYRIGHT 2007 Gale, Cengage Learning
Listen
Page 2864
SOCIETAL STRATIFICATION
Societal stratification phenomena are the relatively enduring, hierarchically ordered relationships of power among the units of which society is composed. The smallest units are adults, gainfully employed men and/or women, nuclear families, or sometimes extended families or households. Such units are ordered from highest to lowest in terms of power: political power, acquisitional power, the power of prestige, and the power of informational standing. Everybody experiences stratification every day, although a person often notices it only in the sense that some people seem better or worse off than he or she is. Social thinkers, powerful people, and revolutionaries have always been especially concerned with stratification.
Page 2865  |  Top of Article
Secure knowledge of the varying forms stratification structures may take is important because of the effects those structures have on many aspects of human experience, such as people's dreams of a better life, efforts to improve their situations, strivings for success, fear of failure, sympathy for the less fortunate, envy of others' good fortune, and even feelings about revolution.
A complete understanding of stratification requires several kinds of knowledge: first, what stratification structures consist of and how they vary; second, the individual and collective consequences of the different states of those structures; and third, the factors that make stratification structures change. This article reviews current thinking on the first of these elements.
HISTORY: CLASSICAL THEORY
Two different lines of thought inform modern theory on societal stratification. One is classical theory; concerned with political power and privilege, it employs historical evidence. The other is the empirical tradition, which deals with systematic data on stratification as it exists contemporarily. Present-day theory of the behavior of stratification phenomena can be traced to Karl Marx's challenge to the manufacturing and financial elites of his day. Behind his concerns and those of the working class for which he was Europe's chief spokesman for many years lay the great economic and political upheavals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The American and French revolutions and their aftermath culminated in legislation that made adults in many countries equal before the law. The related wave of emancipation of slaves and serf ...
Chapter 5: Political Organisation in Anthropology
I have compiled these notes from different resources. I am hopeful that these notes will help students who are willing to grab information on this subject for civil services exams or university exams. Good Luck
Recommended
Conflict EscalationPage 1 of 27Printed from Oxford Res
Conflict Escalation
Page 1 of 27
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, International Studies. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user
may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
date: 19 January 2022
Conflict Escalation
Richard BÜsch, Philosophisch-Sozialwissenschaftliche, Universität Augsburg
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.82
Published online: 20 November 2017
Summary
Even though most conflicts in everyday life manifest themselves as cursory bagatelles, there
are conflicts that end up in situations of organized, collective violence (e.g., armed conflict).
To understand how trivial contradictions can become meaningful conflicts in a broader
societal context, it is crucial to examine the process of conflict escalation. Conflict escalation
can be understood as an intensification of a conflict with regard to the observed extent and
the means used. An escalating conflict represents a developing social system in its own right,
having the legitimization of violence as a key feature. Here, a broader social science
perspective on the concept of conflict escalation is offered, outlining its intellectual history,
explaining its major perspectives and current emphases, and exploring newer avenues in
approaching social conflict.
Keywords: conflict escalation, violence, Peace and Conflict Studies, conflict, social science,
legitimization of violence, intensification of conflict
Subjects: Conflict Studies
Introduction
From a life partner who refuses to do the dishes, to a labor union striking to demand higher
wages, to a government and an opposition disputing mutual claims, conflict is an ubiquitous
element of everyday life. However, there is a large diversity of conflict in all these spheres of
social life. Most conflicts manifest themselves as cursory bagatelles, but a few end up in
situations of organized, collective violence (e.g., armed conflict). It is thus crucial to
understand how trivial contradictions can become meaningful conflicts in a broader societal
context. This evolution, referred to as conflict escalation, is understood as an intensification of
a conflict with regard to the observed extent and the means used (Pruitt, Kim, & Rubin, 2003,
pp. 87â91; Mitchell, 2014, pp. 71â75). Conflict escalation is characterized by processes of
circular interaction that âlead to the growth and restructuring of the parties, generating new
reasons and pretexts for applying additional means, thus leading to an expansion and
fundamentalization of the content of the conflictâ (Eckert & Willems, 2003, p. 1183). Given its
dynamics and, to a certain degree, its autonomous nature, an escalating conflict represents
both an evolving process and a self-stabilizing structure, or, in other words, a social system in
its own right.
Richard BÜsch, Philosophisch-Sozialwissenschaftliche, Universität Augsburg
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefo ...
Modern conflict
Modern conflict as it provides the basis's for social sciences ,history ,Economics and Arts studies.
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, .docx
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, or the data using Brazil as an example, please use the passage to support your own interpretation of how social stratification manifests itself in American society, and how it may work to the benefit or detriment of society as a whole.
Societal Stratification
ARCHIBALD O. HALLER
Encyclopedia of Sociology. Vol. 4. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Macmillan Reference USA, 2001. p2864-2874.
Copyright:Â COPYRIGHT 2001 Macmillan Reference USA, COPYRIGHT 2006 Gale, COPYRIGHT 2007 Gale, Cengage Learning
Listen
Page 2864
SOCIETAL STRATIFICATION
Societal stratification phenomena are the relatively enduring, hierarchically ordered relationships of power among the units of which society is composed. The smallest units are adults, gainfully employed men and/or women, nuclear families, or sometimes extended families or households. Such units are ordered from highest to lowest in terms of power: political power, acquisitional power, the power of prestige, and the power of informational standing. Everybody experiences stratification every day, although a person often notices it only in the sense that some people seem better or worse off than he or she is. Social thinkers, powerful people, and revolutionaries have always been especially concerned with stratification.
Page 2865  |  Top of Article
Secure knowledge of the varying forms stratification structures may take is important because of the effects those structures have on many aspects of human experience, such as people's dreams of a better life, efforts to improve their situations, strivings for success, fear of failure, sympathy for the less fortunate, envy of others' good fortune, and even feelings about revolution.
A complete understanding of stratification requires several kinds of knowledge: first, what stratification structures consist of and how they vary; second, the individual and collective consequences of the different states of those structures; and third, the factors that make stratification structures change. This article reviews current thinking on the first of these elements.
HISTORY: CLASSICAL THEORY
Two different lines of thought inform modern theory on societal stratification. One is classical theory; concerned with political power and privilege, it employs historical evidence. The other is the empirical tradition, which deals with systematic data on stratification as it exists contemporarily. Present-day theory of the behavior of stratification phenomena can be traced to Karl Marx's challenge to the manufacturing and financial elites of his day. Behind his concerns and those of the working class for which he was Europe's chief spokesman for many years lay the great economic and political upheavals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The American and French revolutions and their aftermath culminated in legislation that made adults in many countries equal before the law. The related wave of emancipation of slaves and serf ...
Chapter 5: Political Organisation in Anthropology
I have compiled these notes from different resources. I am hopeful that these notes will help students who are willing to grab information on this subject for civil services exams or university exams. Good Luck
Aristotle S Theory Of Revolution Looking At The Lockean Side
Essay Writing Service
http://StudyHub.vip/Aristotle-S-Theory-Of-Revolution--Looki đ
Introduction to social dimensions of education
this is the newer version of the file I uploaded last year...
Why is war so central to the academic study of International Politics?
The human being, as a social animal has always been in the middle of a behaviorist crossroad. Cooperation and conflict have always been the two main options humans have had when socializing with other individuals. In the V century B.C., Thucydides had already studied conflict among individuals in its most extended and destructive form writing about the Peloponnesian war between Sparta and Athens. In the modern age, from Thomas Hobbes to Hans Morgenthau, we can see that war and its causes have been and continue to be one of the most important issues for the social sciences academia (Baldwin: 1979, p. 161). But, why war? Destruction, violence or competition seem to captivate the human being the same way fire does. Fire is the singularity of a chemical reaction that is only produced under certain exceptional conditions in nature. It needs fuel, a means to propagate and detonating. Fire has certain similarities with war. It is exceptional1, but because of its magnitude and power to transform the environment, its capacity attract the humans beingâs attention is practically inevitable and even more so today, with the dramatic increase of the destructive ability of weapons.
A Short History And Theory Of Respect
Academic Paper Writing Service
http://StudyHub.vip/A-Short-History-And-Theory-Of-Respect đ
ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE, PROFESSIONAL ETHICS ANDGUANTĂNAMO.docx
ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE, PROFESSIONAL ETHICS AND
GUANTĂNAMO
Gregory S. McNeal'
In this essay I draw attention to the intersection between the social scientific
literature on organizational culture and the legal ethics literature. Drawing
from the organizational theory literature I detail a framework for assessing
organizational culture and explain how organizational culture reflects more
than rules and structure within an organization, but rather represents dee-
per values, practices, and ways of thinking. While organizational culture is
difficult to change, it can be modified or sustained through power, status,
rewards, and other mechanisms. After establishing a baseline for assessing
organizational culture I highlight efforts by the Bush administration to ex-
ercise control over a military culture which was resistant to the administra-
tion's legal policy initiatives. This effort at control manifested itself in the
creation of the military commissions in 2001, an attempt to minimize the
influence of military attorneys in 2003. and efforts to exercise political con-
trol over military commissions in 2006: each effort was successfully resisted
by members of the military. I conclude by observing that the literature on
organizational culture can provide insights into the literature on legal eth-
ics and political control ofthe military specifically and political control of
bureaucracies more generally.
I. INTRODUCTION
In this symposium essay I plan to highlight key points where the li-
terature on organizational culture can aid scholars in understanding the im-
pact of values, practices, and ethical rules on the behavior of attorneys with-
in politicized organizations. To accomplish this goal, I first detail a frame-
work for assessing organizational culture and explain how organizational
culture reĂąects more than rules and structure within an organization, but
rather represents deeper values, practices, and ways of thinking. Next, I use
the example ofthe military commissions and the Bush administration's in-
terrogation policy to demonstrate how the Bush administration tried unsuc-
cessfully to exercise control over a military culture which was resistant to
its legal policy initiatives. I also explain how members of the military suc-
cessfully resisted these efforts to modify their organizational culture and
Gregory S. McNeal, Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, Pennsylvania State Universi-
ty Dickinson School of Law.
125
126 CASE W. RES. J. INT'L L. [Vol. 42:125
resisted enhanced political control over the activities of the rhilitary. Taken
together, these observations suggest that the literature on organizational
culture can provide useful insights into the literature on legal ethics and
political control of the military specifically and political control of bureau-
cracies more generally.
II. A N OVERVIEW OF ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE THEORY
Organizational cultures are slowly evolving reflections of the
shared and leamed values, be.
!JUSTICE, CONFLICT, AND ADVERSARY ARGUMENT AN EXAMINATI.docx
!
JUSTICE, CONFLICT, AND ADVERSARY ARGUMENT:
AN EXAMINATION OF STUART HAMPSHIREâS IDEAS
AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR AMERICAN PUBLIC
ADMINISTRATION
MICHAEL W. SPICER
Cleveland State University
ABSTRACT
This article draws on the ideas of Stuart Hampshire to examine the
political practices of our culture as a basis for deriving a shared
understanding of justice. It is argued here that such practices intimate a
notion of procedural justice or âhearing the other side:â the idea that
there is virtue in settling the various disputes that arise among us
concerning our different interests and conceptions of the good,
including our different conceptions of substantive justice, by processes
of adversarial argument rather than force. The article also argues that, if
public administration scholars and practitioners wish to foster
procedural justice, then, they need to have an understanding of and
appreciation for our constitutional practices of adversarial argument, as
well as seeking other ways of promoting such adversarial argument
within their own particular agencies and organizations.
How best to secure justice in our relationships with one
another in society is a question that has arguably been central to
political discourse since at least Plato. Moreover, it is also a
question that, at least since the emergence of the so-called ânew
public administrationâ and âsocial equity theoryâ in the late
1960âs, has garnered some attention within the field of public
administration (for recent reviews of this literature, see
Wooldridge & Gooden, 2009; Guy & McCandless, 2012). Early
writers in this area, such as David Hart (1974) and George
Frederickson (1976) drew on the work of John Rawls (1971) to
develop a theory of social equity that would be applicable to
public administration. However, as Charles Abel and Arthur
Sementelli argue, in their recent account of how the idea of
justice relates to public administration, âany conception of
446 PAQ WINTER 2014
justiceâ must âremain essentially contestedâ (2007, 13) so that
âno theory can ever be a final account of justiceâ (27).
Nonetheless, simply because the meaning of justice is
contestable does not mean that justice has no meaning at all. In
fact, As Abel and Sementelli emphasize, drawing on the ideas of
Wittgenstein, âjustice is not a free-floating concept: the term
cannot mean just anything at all. It is grounded in the particular
social practices of a people, in their culture, in their traditionsâ
(23). Consistent with the emphasis that Abel and Sementelli
place here on the importance of our social practices in discerning
the meaning of justice, this paper examines the political practices
of our culture as a basis for deriving a shared understanding of
justice. Drawing on the ideas of Stuart Hampshire, it is argued
that such practices typically intimate, although obviously never
perfectly realize, a notion of procedural justice or âhe.
Arendtian Perspective of the State and Sovereignty Nexus: A Contemporary Inte...
The political-legal precepts of the State and sovereignty have occupied a center stage in the
realm of political theory. The State as an organized political community under a solitary system of government
is construed to be concomitant with sovereignty in its modus operandi. In the discourse of this nature, the facet
of concern graduates into being that which underpins these actualities. It could be enunciated that the State and
sovereignty are two incomplete dashes of realism which are ever ready to receive the other for either to be
complete for apropos functioning. The subject of concern of this exposition is what is it that institutes the
ostensible efficacy or efficacy per excellence in the functioning of these two co-realities? The approach utilized
in the pursuit of conceivable panacea to this quandary was critical phenomenology coupled as well as guided by
a hermeneutic propensity. Upon the employment of the previous methodology, the sequel was that power,
precisely, the ascendency of the subjects delineates the symmetry between the State along with sovereignty.
Furthermore, it is this sway of the led that is liable to the linkage that subsists between these co-realities. The
caveat, as well as the mode forward in maintaining this brand of rapport, is via the apposite conscientization of
the citizenry in matters appertaining to the legal aspects as a sort of appropriate empowerment.
Class, Satus, Party - By Fatima Ashaq
Weberâs theory consisted of:
That status and class do NOT always go hand in hand together.
social honor: which is a recognizable power.
Weberâs 3 types of political leadership:
Charismatic domination, Traditional domination, & Legal domination.
Status groups make-up the social order.
Classes make up economic order.
Parties make up political and legal order.
The Great Debates.ppt
1.Realism vs Liberalismâ (1919-1939) Content and context
2.Traditionalism vs Behaviouralism (1950s & 60s) methodological debate
3. Neorealism vs Neoliberalism (1970s, inter-paradigm)
4. Rationalism vs Reflectivism (1980s, positivism vs post-positivism)
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace TheoryAuthor(s) S
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory
Author(s): Sebastian Rosato
Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (Nov., 2003), pp. 585-602
Published by: American Political Science Association
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American Political Science Review Vol. 97, No. 4 November 2003
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory
SEBASTIAN ROSATO The University of Chicago
Democratic peace theory is probably the most powerful liberal contribution to the debate on the causes of war and peace. In this paper I examine the causal logics that underpin the theory
to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic
pacifism. Ifind that they do not. Democracies do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict
resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash. Moreover, elected leaders
are not especially accountable to peace loving publics or pacific interest groups, democracies are not
particularly slow to mobilize or incapable of surprise attack, and open political competition does not
guarantee that a democracy will reveal private information about its level of resolve thereby avoiding
conflict. Since the evidence suggests that the logics do not operate as stipulated by the theory's proponents,
there are good reasons to believe that while there is certainly peace among democracies, it may not be
caused by the democratic nature of those states.
emocratic peace theory-the claim that democ- them.2 An evaluation of democratic peace theory, then,
racies rarely fight one another because they rests on answering two questions. First, do the data sup-
share common norms of live-and-let-live and port the claim that democracies rarely fight each other?
domestic institutions that constrain the recourse to Second, is there a compelling explanation for why this
war--is probably the most powerful liberal contribu- should be the case?
tion to the debate on the causes of war and peace.1 If Democratic peace theorists have discovered a pow-
the theory is correct, it has important implications for erful empirical generalization: Democracies rarely go
bot ...
A critique of john rawlsâ social justice theory and the fate of nigeriaâs pol...
A critique of john rawlsâ social justice theory and the fate of nigeriaâs pol...Alexander Decker
The International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE). Science, Technology and Medicine Journals Call for Academic ManuscriptsÂ
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The human being, as a social animal has always been in the middle of a behaviorist crossroad. Cooperation and conflict have always been the two main options humans have had when socializing with other individuals. In the V century B.C., Thucydides had already studied conflict among individuals in its most extended and destructive form writing about the Peloponnesian war between Sparta and Athens. In the modern age, from Thomas Hobbes to Hans Morgenthau, we can see that war and its causes have been and continue to be one of the most important issues for the social sciences academia (Baldwin: 1979, p. 161). But, why war? Destruction, violence or competition seem to captivate the human being the same way fire does. Fire is the singularity of a chemical reaction that is only produced under certain exceptional conditions in nature. It needs fuel, a means to propagate and detonating. Fire has certain similarities with war. It is exceptional1, but because of its magnitude and power to transform the environment, its capacity attract the humans beingâs attention is practically inevitable and even more so today, with the dramatic increase of the destructive ability of weapons.
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ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE, PROFESSIONAL ETHICS AND
GUANTĂNAMO
Gregory S. McNeal'
In this essay I draw attention to the intersection between the social scientific
literature on organizational culture and the legal ethics literature. Drawing
from the organizational theory literature I detail a framework for assessing
organizational culture and explain how organizational culture reflects more
than rules and structure within an organization, but rather represents dee-
per values, practices, and ways of thinking. While organizational culture is
difficult to change, it can be modified or sustained through power, status,
rewards, and other mechanisms. After establishing a baseline for assessing
organizational culture I highlight efforts by the Bush administration to ex-
ercise control over a military culture which was resistant to the administra-
tion's legal policy initiatives. This effort at control manifested itself in the
creation of the military commissions in 2001, an attempt to minimize the
influence of military attorneys in 2003. and efforts to exercise political con-
trol over military commissions in 2006: each effort was successfully resisted
by members of the military. I conclude by observing that the literature on
organizational culture can provide insights into the literature on legal eth-
ics and political control ofthe military specifically and political control of
bureaucracies more generally.
I. INTRODUCTION
In this symposium essay I plan to highlight key points where the li-
terature on organizational culture can aid scholars in understanding the im-
pact of values, practices, and ethical rules on the behavior of attorneys with-
in politicized organizations. To accomplish this goal, I first detail a frame-
work for assessing organizational culture and explain how organizational
culture reĂąects more than rules and structure within an organization, but
rather represents deeper values, practices, and ways of thinking. Next, I use
the example ofthe military commissions and the Bush administration's in-
terrogation policy to demonstrate how the Bush administration tried unsuc-
cessfully to exercise control over a military culture which was resistant to
its legal policy initiatives. I also explain how members of the military suc-
cessfully resisted these efforts to modify their organizational culture and
Gregory S. McNeal, Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, Pennsylvania State Universi-
ty Dickinson School of Law.
125
126 CASE W. RES. J. INT'L L. [Vol. 42:125
resisted enhanced political control over the activities of the rhilitary. Taken
together, these observations suggest that the literature on organizational
culture can provide useful insights into the literature on legal ethics and
political control of the military specifically and political control of bureau-
cracies more generally.
II. A N OVERVIEW OF ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE THEORY
Organizational cultures are slowly evolving reflections of the
shared and leamed values, be.
!JUSTICE, CONFLICT, AND ADVERSARY ARGUMENT AN EXAMINATI.docx
!
JUSTICE, CONFLICT, AND ADVERSARY ARGUMENT:
AN EXAMINATION OF STUART HAMPSHIREâS IDEAS
AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR AMERICAN PUBLIC
ADMINISTRATION
MICHAEL W. SPICER
Cleveland State University
ABSTRACT
This article draws on the ideas of Stuart Hampshire to examine the
political practices of our culture as a basis for deriving a shared
understanding of justice. It is argued here that such practices intimate a
notion of procedural justice or âhearing the other side:â the idea that
there is virtue in settling the various disputes that arise among us
concerning our different interests and conceptions of the good,
including our different conceptions of substantive justice, by processes
of adversarial argument rather than force. The article also argues that, if
public administration scholars and practitioners wish to foster
procedural justice, then, they need to have an understanding of and
appreciation for our constitutional practices of adversarial argument, as
well as seeking other ways of promoting such adversarial argument
within their own particular agencies and organizations.
How best to secure justice in our relationships with one
another in society is a question that has arguably been central to
political discourse since at least Plato. Moreover, it is also a
question that, at least since the emergence of the so-called ânew
public administrationâ and âsocial equity theoryâ in the late
1960âs, has garnered some attention within the field of public
administration (for recent reviews of this literature, see
Wooldridge & Gooden, 2009; Guy & McCandless, 2012). Early
writers in this area, such as David Hart (1974) and George
Frederickson (1976) drew on the work of John Rawls (1971) to
develop a theory of social equity that would be applicable to
public administration. However, as Charles Abel and Arthur
Sementelli argue, in their recent account of how the idea of
justice relates to public administration, âany conception of
446 PAQ WINTER 2014
justiceâ must âremain essentially contestedâ (2007, 13) so that
âno theory can ever be a final account of justiceâ (27).
Nonetheless, simply because the meaning of justice is
contestable does not mean that justice has no meaning at all. In
fact, As Abel and Sementelli emphasize, drawing on the ideas of
Wittgenstein, âjustice is not a free-floating concept: the term
cannot mean just anything at all. It is grounded in the particular
social practices of a people, in their culture, in their traditionsâ
(23). Consistent with the emphasis that Abel and Sementelli
place here on the importance of our social practices in discerning
the meaning of justice, this paper examines the political practices
of our culture as a basis for deriving a shared understanding of
justice. Drawing on the ideas of Stuart Hampshire, it is argued
that such practices typically intimate, although obviously never
perfectly realize, a notion of procedural justice or âhe.
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The political-legal precepts of the State and sovereignty have occupied a center stage in the
realm of political theory. The State as an organized political community under a solitary system of government
is construed to be concomitant with sovereignty in its modus operandi. In the discourse of this nature, the facet
of concern graduates into being that which underpins these actualities. It could be enunciated that the State and
sovereignty are two incomplete dashes of realism which are ever ready to receive the other for either to be
complete for apropos functioning. The subject of concern of this exposition is what is it that institutes the
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The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace TheoryAuthor(s) S
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory
Author(s): Sebastian Rosato
Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (Nov., 2003), pp. 585-602
Published by: American Political Science Association
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American Political Science Review Vol. 97, No. 4 November 2003
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory
SEBASTIAN ROSATO The University of Chicago
Democratic peace theory is probably the most powerful liberal contribution to the debate on the causes of war and peace. In this paper I examine the causal logics that underpin the theory
to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic
pacifism. Ifind that they do not. Democracies do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict
resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash. Moreover, elected leaders
are not especially accountable to peace loving publics or pacific interest groups, democracies are not
particularly slow to mobilize or incapable of surprise attack, and open political competition does not
guarantee that a democracy will reveal private information about its level of resolve thereby avoiding
conflict. Since the evidence suggests that the logics do not operate as stipulated by the theory's proponents,
there are good reasons to believe that while there is certainly peace among democracies, it may not be
caused by the democratic nature of those states.
emocratic peace theory-the claim that democ- them.2 An evaluation of democratic peace theory, then,
racies rarely fight one another because they rests on answering two questions. First, do the data sup-
share common norms of live-and-let-live and port the claim that democracies rarely fight each other?
domestic institutions that constrain the recourse to Second, is there a compelling explanation for why this
war--is probably the most powerful liberal contribu- should be the case?
tion to the debate on the causes of war and peace.1 If Democratic peace theorists have discovered a pow-
the theory is correct, it has important implications for erful empirical generalization: Democracies rarely go
bot ...
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