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Vol.4, No.12A, 1464-1470 (2012) Health
http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/health.2012.412A211
Parental influence on childhood obesity: A review
Isabel Lin Tzou1*
, Nain-Feng Chu2,3
1
Keck School of Medicine of University of Southern California, Los Angeles, USA; *
Corresponding Author: tzou@usc.edu
2
Taitung Hospital, Department of Health, Taiwan
3
School of Public Health, National Defense Medical Center, Taipei, Taiwan
Received 4 November 2012; revised 14 December 2012; accepted 20 December 2012
ABSTRACT
The issue of childhood obesity is expanding at
an accelerated rate compared to previous gen-
erations. Both medical and societal conesquen-
ces have arisen from this predicament in chil-
dren and adults. The significance of parental
influence as a factor is of key interest in devel-
oping possible prevention programs. Three ma-
jor categories of focus are parental control, at-
titudes, and behavior in association with child-
hood overweight and obesity. This comprehen-
sive systematic and evidence-based review sum-
marizes currently published results, as well as
addresses gaps and flaws which should be inc-
luded in future research on pediatric obesity and
parental influence.
Keywords: Childhood Obesity; Childhood
Overweight; Parental Influence; Eating Habits
1. INTRODUCTION
Obesity is a growing worldwide epidemic, threatening
current and future generations alike. Currently, the obe-
sity epidemic affects more than 17%, 12.5 million, of
American children, almost triple the prevalence rate of
just the previous generation [1]. In 2010, over 42 million
children, under the age of five, were affected by obesity,
around 35 million of which are in developing countries
[2]. While obesity-associated mortalities and morbidities
occur more commonly in adults, the negative risk factors
for diseases are significantly noticeable in childhood as
well [3]. Without any changes made, these problems as-
sociated with obesity will only continue to increase at a
rapid pace, making the expedient prevention of child-
hood obesity essential.
As adults, pediatric overweight and obesity is a pre-
dictor of adult obesity, increasing their likelihood of de-
veloping chronic diseases such as diabetes, heart disease,
hypertension, and some cancers as well as body image
disparagement [2,4-9]. For example, the evidence of car-
diovascular risk factors caused by childhood overweight
and obesity are predictors of adult cardiovascular mor-
bidity and mortality [8]. Studies indicate that adolescent
overweight in men is attributed to increased mortality
from chronic diseases such as coronary heart disease,
atherosclerosis, colorectal cancer and gout [10,11]. For
women, adolescent overweight and obesity is correlated
with arthritis decreasing functional limitations to perform
daily activities and menstrual abnormalities, which is a
risk factor for polycystic ovary disease (PCOD) [11,12].
The psychosocial consequences from childhood over-
weight and obesity also carry over in adulthood [12].
There are many adverse physical and mental effects of
childhood obesity both acute and long-term. The effects of
childhood obesity are quite similar to adults. For exam-
ple, in children as young as five, physical symptoms in-
clude high blood pressure, dyslipidaemia, chronic inflam-
mation, endothelial dysfunction, hyperinsulinaemia and
increased blood clotting tendency—all of which are car-
diovascular and insulin resistance risk factors leading to
diseases such as cardiovascular disease and type II dia-
betes mellitus [10,12,13]. Obesity also causes second-
dary pulmonary complication risk factors such as sleep ap-
nea, asthma, and exercise intolerance limiting the child’s
physical activity status [8,12-14]. Children who are over-
weight and obese also suffer from psychosocial cones-
quences and tend to be discriminated and stereotyped as
lazy, unhealthy, academically unsuccessful, socially inept,
and non-hygienic causing negative self-image and self-
esteem issues [8,12,13].
Having a high-energy intake and low energy expendi-
ture may attribute directly to obesity but unhealthy envi-
ronments that promote eating are to blame as well [13,
15,16]. Environmental cues influence a person’s respon-
siveness to eat food starting from toddlerhood, when
food deprivation is no longer the sole factor triggering
the need to eat [7]. These environmental cues can be at-
tributed to both family and social factors which influence
the food intake of a child [17]. For instance, the home
environment set by the availability of foods, preference
for particular food items, portion size, cultural values,
food preparation, mealtime structure and feeding styles
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1465
are all first pre-determined for the child by parental in-
fluences at a young age where autonomy is not yet pos-
sible [7].
The purpose of this review is to summarize literature
regarding parental influence and childhood overweight
as well as propose suggestions for future research. Pa-
rental control, attitudes, and eating behaviors were exa-
mined in order to determine the parental impact on pedi-
atric overweight and obesity.
2. PARENTAL CONTROL
Generally, parents serve as role models to determine
what, when, and how to eat based upon the surrounding
food environment and cultural lifestyle [16]. Parent-child
interactions during feedings impose some type of control
on the child’s eating autonomy such as pressuring or re-
stricting a child to and from certain foods [16]. Parental
behaviors and influences used on feeding children in-
clude three main aspects: parenting style, home environ-
ment, and food availability [15]. Hypotheses based on
these behaviors influencing children’s weight status have
engendered both positive and negative outcomes. Some
studies show that parents may impose stricter food limi-
tations in order to prevent their child from excess weight
gain, while other studies show the opposite effect of con-
trol causing the child to have the inability to regulate
self-control of food intake leading to excess weight gain
as seen in Table 1 [16,18,19].
Wardle et al. studied four common feeding styles seen
in the development of childhood obesity: emotional fee-
ding, instrumental feeding, prompting/encouragement to
eat, and control over eating. Emotional feeding and in-
strumental feeding are seen to be associated with trigger-
ing eating cues in absence of hunger [17]. Excessive
prompting and encouragement to eat are often associated
with the parent’s belief of heavy babies being healthier,
or by a parent’s enthusiasm to see the child eat certain
foods. The last most common feeding type is control over
eating, this includes restriction of certain foods which are
believed to improve the child’s diet and reduce the pos-
sibility of excess weight gain. Wardle et al. compared two
groups of parents: overweight/obese and normal/lean
weight mothers and their feeding styles for their children.
The only difference in feeding styles between the two
groups that was observed was the obese mothers exerted
significantly less control over their children’s food intake.
The difference in control may have contributed to the
difference in weights of children with obese parents ver-
sus normal weight parents [17].
Faith et al. divided their subjects between low-risk and
Table 1. Parental control in feeding practices on children’s weight status.
Summaries
Studies
Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBMa
Level
Wardle et al.
(2002)
Common feeding
stylesb Cross-sectional
ď‚· Obese and overweight mothers exerted less control over their
child’s food intake compared to normal/lean weight mothers
ď‚· No significant results found in other feeding styles
Level II-2
Faith et al.
(2004)
Feeding styles Cross-sectional
ď‚· In low-risk familiesc
â—‹ Monitoring predicted a reduced BMI
ď‚· In high-risk familiesd
â—‹ Restriction predicted higher BMI scores
ď‚· Pressure to eat predicted reduced BMI scores
Level II-2
Klesges et al.
(1991)
Modification
of diet
Case-control
 Mothers adjusted children’s self-selected diet by decreasing
the amount of total kilocalories, kilocalories from fat, and
sodium content
ď‚· No difference observed between foods chosen by mothers of
obese children compared mothers of normal weight children
Level II-1
Robinson et al.
(2001)
Control of food
intake
Cross-sectional
ď‚· Control of food intake was inversely associated with degree
of overweight in girls
ď‚· Less control of food intake by parents who were overweight
compared to parents who were normal weight
Level II-1
Johannsen et al.
(2006)
Control of food
intake
Cross-sectional
 Girls with father’s who were more controlling had a higher
percent fat
 Girls with father’s who were more controlling had more
concern about their daughters’ weight
Level II-2
a
Evidence-Based Medicine (EBM) levels based on US Preventative Services Task Force (USPSTF); b
Common feeding styles include: emotional feeding,
instrumental feeding, prompting/encouragement to eat, and control over eating; c
Low-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight < 33rd percentile; d
High-risk:
mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight > 66th percentile.
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-14701466
high-risk families and investigated the feeding styles of
monitoring, restriction, and pressure to eat on the child-
hood eating practices [20]. The results proved interesting
and differed between the two groups. In the low-risk fa-
milies, the feeding style of monitoring predicted a re-
duced BMI. However, in high-risk families, restriction of
eating predicted higher BMI scores, while pressure to eat
predicted reduced BMI scores. The increase and decrease
of control as a general aspect did not have the same ef-
fect across either of the three feeding styles and in each
of the separate risk groups [20].
Kleges et al. investigated the threat of parental influ-
ence on food selection in children and its association with
obesity. The study centered on activities in which chil-
dren were able to choose their own foods for lunch, rang-
ing from low to high-nutritional level items [21]. The
children were first able to choose any food items they
wanted for lunch. For the second task, the children were
asked to choose a new lunch in which they were told that
their mother would inspect their food choices afterwards.
For the last task, the mothers came in and were allowed
to modify the lunches that their children themselves had
selected. Between the first and second criteria, the chil-
dren showed a drastic decrease in the amount of sugar
content selected. However, when the mothers were able
to adjust the food, they modified their child’s lunch to
have an overall less amount of kilocalories, fewer calo-
ries from fat and less sodium content. There was no sig-
nificant difference found between the foods chosen by
the mothers of obese children versus the mothers of nor-
mal weight children [21].
Robinson et al. aimed to determine the direct relation-
ship of the parent’s control of food intake with the child’s
degree of overweight [19]. Parental control over chil-
dren’s consumption of food was weakly inversely asso-
ciated with the degree of overweight in girls, however no
significant relationship was found in boys. The parents
who reported greater control over the food intake of their
child had daughters who were less overweight. Among
the parents who were overweight, their control on their
children’s food intake was significantly less when com-
pared to the other normal weight parents [19].
The Johannsen et al. study on control of food intake
had significant results between the fathers and daughters
[22]. Daughters with fathers who were stricter on the
control of food intake had a higher percent fat. These
fathers also had more concern about their daughter’s wei-
ght. Contrary to their original hypothesis, the mothers’
control over the children’s eating was not significantly
associated with the weight measures of either the daugh-
ters or the sons. The authors attributed this difference to
the smaller sample size of fathers, however, their find-
ings suggest that the fathers may play a role in the con-
trol of feeding practices [22].
3. PARENTAL ATTITUDES
Parental attitudes play an important role in determin-
ing the weight status of children. The attitudes and per-
ceptions that the parents emit are helpful in predicting
how the child’s dietary habits and physical activity pat-
terns are influenced as summarized in Table 2. If parents
do not recognize childhood overweight and obesity as a
health risk, they are less likely to acknowledge this as a
problem, making prevention and treatment difficult [14].
Baughcum et al. unveiled three main beliefs held by
mothers by examining maternal feeding practices on
childhood obesity, specifically with low-income mothers.
The mothers believed that heavier infants and toddlers
represented a predictor of good health and successful
parenting. They feared that their child was not getting
enough to eat, causing them to introduce solid foods to
their diets before the recommended age, and used food to
reinforce appropriate behaviors; for example calming
down a fussy baby with an extra bottle of food or a tod-
dler’s temper tantrum with treats [23]. The mothers were
aware that they were going against nutritionist’s advice,
and admitted that their beliefs on introducing solid food
at an early age stemmed mainly from their own mothers’
advice. When a toddler with obese parents becomes over-
weight, it is a good indicator of the child developing obe-
sity as an adult. Baughcum et al. believes that the moth-
ers’ perceptions on child feeding practices, especially in-
creasing the amount of food eaten, increased the chances
of their child developing obesity [23].
Johannsen et al. investigated the effects of mothers’
and fathers’ eating behaviors, child feeding practices and
their own BMI versus their child’s BMI and body fat per-
centage [22]. The authors measured the feeding attitudes
of child’s eating risk and future health concerns of the
parents based off of the Child Feeding Questionnaire,
CFQ. The results showed that daughters and sons were
more likely to be overweight if their mother’s believed
that they had risky eating habits, such as fussiness, over-
eating or undereating [22].
Mulder et al. conducted a cross-sectional study in Chile
based upon maternal attitudes, child-feeding practices,
and children’s weight status in children [10]. Mothers of
overweight children were significantly more concerned
about the child’s weight and perceived their children as
higher weight category. On the contrary, mothers of nor-
mal weight boys used significantly more pressure to eat.
The body mass indices of the sons were positively corre-
lated with concern for child’s weight and negatively with
pressure to eat. The results concerning the body mass
indices were only statistically significant in boys; how-
ever, it does provide key insight in the food relationship
between the mother, child, and food [10].
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1467
Table 2. Parental attitudes on children’s weight status.
Summaries
Studies
Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBM Level
Baughcum et al.
(1998)
Nutritional beliefs Cross-sectional
ď‚· Heavy babies are represent good health and parenting
ď‚· Feared their child was not getting enough to eat
ď‚· Used food to reinforce appropriate behavior
 Ignored nutritionist’s advice
Level-III
Johannsen et al.
(2006)
Beliefs and
perceptions
Cross-sectional
ď‚· Girls and boys were more likely to be overweight if their
mothers believed they had risky eating habits
Level II-2
Mulder et al.
(2009)
Attitudes toward
child feeding
practices and weight
statusa
Cross-sectional
ď‚· Mothers of overweight children were more concerned with
child’s weight
ď‚· Mothers of normal weight children used more pressure to eat
 BMI score was positively correlated with concern for child’s
weight
ď‚· BMI score was negatively associated with pressure to eat
Level II-2
Faith et al.
(2004)
Parental feeding
attitudes and styles
compared with BMI
Cross-sectional
ď‚· In low-risk familiesb
: perceived responsibility was negatively
associated with child’s BMI
ď‚· In high-risk familiesc
: weight concern and perceived child
weight predicted an increase in child’s BMI
Level II-2
Etelson et al.
(2003)
Parental recognition
of obesity
Cross-sectional
ď‚· Parents of overweight children:
â—‹ Did not differ in levels of concern of excess weight as a
health risk and knowledge of healthy eating patterns
â—‹ Did differ in their accuracy and perceptions of their
child’s weight
Level III
a
Results only significant in boys; b
Low-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight < 33rd percentile; c
High-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight > 66th
percentile.
Faith et al. studied feeding attitudes and styles on a
child’s BMI as well and hypothesized that parental feed-
ing attitudes and styles stay stable for at least two years,
are associated with a child’s BMI, and can predict the
child’s BMI [20]. When comparing these attitudes with
obesity in high-risk families, child weight concern and
perceived child weight were both positively associated
with BMI. Among low-risk for obesity families, percei-
ved responsibility was negatively associated with the
child’s BMI. Other predictive factors such as weight con-
cern and perceived child weight showed an increased
BMI while parental monitoring over a two-year period
showed a reduced BMI [20].
Etelson et al. examined the parents’ perspective of
their own children’s weight. The study aimed to examine
the parents’ recognition of obesity in their own children,
knowledge of healthy eating, and excess weight as a
health risk [14]. Based upon the questionnaire of these
three criteria, generally the parents had a basic under-
standing of healthy eating patterns, such as limiting the
intake of fast food to only once a week. For the percei-
ved levels of concern on health risks for their child, ex-
cess weight ranked second, only behind passive smoking,
among seven various risk conditions. However, when as-
ked to assess their own child’s weight status, only 48%
of the parents correctly perceived their child’s weight.
The parents with overweight children had the lowest ac-
curacy when it came to assessing their children, with
only a 10.5% accuracy rate. The results of this study
showed that although the parents seemed knowledgeable
about healthy eating habits and the health risks of excess
weight, more than half of the parents were unable to de-
termine their own child’s weight status [14].
4. PARENTAL BEHAVIOR
Many parents believe that obesity is an inherited prob-
lem, a genetic factor, which causes the excess weight gain,
and do not consider how their own eating habits and the
surrounding environment affect the child [14]. Genetic
predisposition of childhood obesity of may be a factor,
but the rising prevalence in childhood obesity proves that
there must be some other factor that is contributing to
this problem [10]. Factors such as the parents’ eating ha-
bits and the environment that is surrounding the children
should be considered as well as seen in Table 3.
Johannsen et al. investigated the effects of the parents’
eating behaviors, child feeding practices and body mass
index on preschool aged children [22]. The study found
no significant relationship between the parent eating be-
haviors and children’s BMI and percentage fat. However,
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-14701468
Table 3. Parental behavior and eating habits on children’s weight status.
Summaries
Studies
Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBM Level
Johannsen et al.
(2006)
Parental eating behaviors
and weight status
compared to child’s BMI
Cross-sectional
ď‚· No relationship between parental eating behaviors and
children’s BMI
 Mothers’ BMI is strong predictor of children’s percent
fat and BMI
 Mothers’ and fathers’ weight history is strongly related
to daughter’s BMI
Level II-2
Birch & Fisher
et al. (2000)
Shared and non-shared
family environment:
mother’s perceptions and
dietary restraint on daughts
Cross-sectional
 Maternal BMI predicted daughters’ relative weight
 Mother’s dietary restraint and perceptions of daughts’
risk of overweight predicted maternal child-feeding
practices—predicting daughters’ eating and relative
weight
Level III
Campbell et al.
(2007)
Mother’s diet and home
environment
Cross-sectional
 Mothers’ intake of high-energy fluids, snacks and
takeout foods is associated with son’s intake of same
foods
 Mothers’ intake of high-energy fluids is associated
with daughter’s intake of same foods
ď‚· Food availibility of unhealthy foods were positively
associated with daughters’ consumption of high-energy
fluids, snacks and son’s savory snacks
Level III
Brown & Ogden
(2004)
Parental modelling Cross-sectional
ď‚· Significant correlation between unhealthy snack intake
between the parents’ and childrens’ diet
 Positive correlation between parents’ and childrens’
internal motivations for eating and body dissatisfaction
 Parents made greater attempts on control of childern’s
diet when they had higher intake of food
ď‚· Parents who used food as a means of control reported
higher body dissatisfaction
Level II-2
the mother’s BMI was proved to be an extremely strong
and independent predictor of children’s percentage fat
and BMI. Mothers who had a higher BMI reported hav-
ing a greater concern for their child’s future health. This
specific criterion explains more variance in the child’s
weight status outcomes than the parent feeding factors. It
was also shown that the mother’s weight history was
strongly related specifically to their daughter’s BMI, lea-
ding the researchers to hypothesize a possible genetic in-
fluence [22].
Birch & Fisher measured the mother’s influence on
their daughter’s eating and weight through shared and
non-shared family environments [24]. In order to predict
the child-feeding practices of the daughter, the mother’s
own dietary restraint and perceptions of their daughter’s
risk of overweight were used. Statistically significant data
showed that the relative weight between the daughter and
mother was associated. However more importantly, the
results showed a feedback loop: as the daughters’ relative
weight increased, the mother’s perceptions of the daugh-
ters’ overweight and concerns about the daughter’s over-
weight risk increased. These perceptions influenced the
mother’s restriction and eating habits of their daughter,
which in turn affected their daughter’s weight status.
These perceptions were then measured against their
daughter’s weight outcome. An important result showed
the non-shared environmental influence of the maternal
control and their daughter’s eating habits and relative
weight. The result of the influence and restrictions that
were used was predicted by the mother’s perception of
their daughter’s overweight risk [24].
Campbell et al. to show the associations between the
home environment, with a specific focus on parental eat-
ing behaviors and food availability, on the frequency and
types of food eaten by the adolescents [15]. The study
showed that the mother’s intake of high-energy fluids,
sweet and savory snacks, and take-out foods were positi-
vely correlated with the son’s intake of those same foods.
Similarly, the mother’s intake of high-energy fluids was
positively associated with daughter’s intake of those
drinks. The availability of these unhealthy foods in the
home environment was further positively correlated with
daughters’ consumption of high-energy drinks, sweet and
savory snacks, and the intake of the sons’ savory snack
[15].
Brown & Ogden focused on parental modeling and its
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1469
impact on a child’s eating attitudes and behavior [25].
Modeling occurs through observational learning and it
was reflected in their study. There was a significant cor-
relation between the unhealthy snack intake, such as cho-
colates, crisps, and sweets, of the parents and the chil-
dren, indicating that the parents’ diet was associated with
a similar diet by the children. There was also a significant
positive correlation between the parents’ and children’s in-
ternal motivations for eating and body dissatisfaction [25].
5. DISCUSSION
From previous studies, parental influence is a key risk
factor for childhood weight gain and obesity. It can con-
trol the obesegenic environment by affecting the child’s
dietary habits, physical activity, the accessibility and avai-
lability of foods and food-related processes [26]. Since pa-
rents provide the contextual environment, addressing this
issue is of clinical and public health relevance as obesity
is persistently and rapidly increasing.
While extensive research has established associations
of childhood obesity and disease prevalence, there is still
research needed regarding how childhood obesity comes
about environmentally. Due to the inconsistency and lack
of the current research, it is difficult to determine the
causal parental agent of childhood weight. In this review
we cannot accurately determine the directional analysis
of attitudes, control and behavior and its relationship be-
tween child-feeding practices. Furthermore, there is also
a question of whether the parental attitudes, control and
behavior are interrelated or not, and their relative impor-
tance to each other. In order to assign a causal relation-
ship between parental child-feeding practices and child-
hood obesity, there needs to be more longitudinal studies
and clinical trials done [5,10]. This scarcity of informa-
tion provides a challenge for the prevention of childhood
obesity using parents as an environmental factor. It begs
the question of where a prevention program would be
most effective: control, attitudes, or behavior.
As shown in the aforementioned studies, these counte-
ring results prove to be a challenge in determining the di-
rectional associations of parents as a key factor and its
effect on the child-feeding practices. Future research needs
to elaborate more on the bi-dyadic relationship between
parental influence and childhood overweight and obesity
to determine their relationship [5,24]. This will make pre-
vention more effective if the program is targeted and tai-
lored for a specific aspect. Many believe that the respon-
sibility for the prevention and treatment of child obesity
falls upon the parents, and it is their responsibility to cor-
rect their own attitudes toward childhood obesity as they
are related to the health of their child [27]. Therefore we
must determine its predictability value when assessing the
relationship of childhood weight gain and other environ-
mental factors.
There are many research gaps that need to be addres-
sed regarding parental habits and childhood weight gain.
Research ideas regarding the issue of childhood obesity
includes stratifying childhood weight gain on not only
parental feeding practices but also by gender of the par-
ent, age group, diet, home environments, racial and eth-
nic differences, socio-economic status, interactions with
siblings, other adult caretakers, physical activity level,
life-style and more [6,11,15,16,19,23,24]. Another rather
important factor includes the geographical location of each
population—this is a good indicator of the cultural be-
liefs and attitudes toward feeding and eating and needs to
be taken in account when implementing any future pre-
vention programs.
6. CONCLUSIONS
From this review we identified current published re-
sults on pediatric obesity and parental influence, as well
as research gaps and flaws that should be addressed in
future research. Childhood overweight and obesity has
both short term and long-term consequences, such as the
development of risk factors for future chronic diseases.
Childhood obesity affects multiple organ systems, and
these can develop not only into physical problems, but
also psychosocial consequences leading to increased adult
morbidity and mortality [8,10,13]. Priority values need to
be assigned in order to focus both research and programs
on how to stop and possibly reverse the negative global
impact of childhood obesity. This in turn will lower the
consequent morbidities due to these related chronic dis-
eases in adulthood caused by childhood.
In order to develop preventative measures, a source of
childhood overweight and obesity needs to be identified,
which is lacking in current research. Much of previous
research is inconsistant, with no direct correlation be-
tween parent influence and childhood obesity. The longer
the problem persists, the more children are affected. This
will cause more financial resources to be utilized ineffi-
ciently due to the chronic problems that are associated
with weight gain and obesity.
Lastly, obesity is an important public health problem
that needs to be addressed for future generation. Studies
show that childhood and adolescent obesity play a pre-
dictive role in subsequent adult obesity and future co-
morbidities. Prevention methods, which focus on child-
hood obesity and effective treatment for overweight chil-
dren are glaringly important [9]. The current treatments
for childhood obesity are similar to the treatments for
adults: focusing on behavior, psychological and/or me-
dical interventions [27]. Research on predictive factors,
such as parental influence, can be used to develop effec-
tive prevention programs. This does not just end with
Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470
Copyright © 2012 SciRes.
1470
childhood—the problem will continue into adulthood and
future generations alike if these habits are not corrected.
OPEN ACCESS
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Parental obesity

  • 1. Vol.4, No.12A, 1464-1470 (2012) Health http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/health.2012.412A211 Parental influence on childhood obesity: A review Isabel Lin Tzou1* , Nain-Feng Chu2,3 1 Keck School of Medicine of University of Southern California, Los Angeles, USA; * Corresponding Author: tzou@usc.edu 2 Taitung Hospital, Department of Health, Taiwan 3 School of Public Health, National Defense Medical Center, Taipei, Taiwan Received 4 November 2012; revised 14 December 2012; accepted 20 December 2012 ABSTRACT The issue of childhood obesity is expanding at an accelerated rate compared to previous gen- erations. Both medical and societal conesquen- ces have arisen from this predicament in chil- dren and adults. The significance of parental influence as a factor is of key interest in devel- oping possible prevention programs. Three ma- jor categories of focus are parental control, at- titudes, and behavior in association with child- hood overweight and obesity. This comprehen- sive systematic and evidence-based review sum- marizes currently published results, as well as addresses gaps and flaws which should be inc- luded in future research on pediatric obesity and parental influence. Keywords: Childhood Obesity; Childhood Overweight; Parental Influence; Eating Habits 1. INTRODUCTION Obesity is a growing worldwide epidemic, threatening current and future generations alike. Currently, the obe- sity epidemic affects more than 17%, 12.5 million, of American children, almost triple the prevalence rate of just the previous generation [1]. In 2010, over 42 million children, under the age of five, were affected by obesity, around 35 million of which are in developing countries [2]. While obesity-associated mortalities and morbidities occur more commonly in adults, the negative risk factors for diseases are significantly noticeable in childhood as well [3]. Without any changes made, these problems as- sociated with obesity will only continue to increase at a rapid pace, making the expedient prevention of child- hood obesity essential. As adults, pediatric overweight and obesity is a pre- dictor of adult obesity, increasing their likelihood of de- veloping chronic diseases such as diabetes, heart disease, hypertension, and some cancers as well as body image disparagement [2,4-9]. For example, the evidence of car- diovascular risk factors caused by childhood overweight and obesity are predictors of adult cardiovascular mor- bidity and mortality [8]. Studies indicate that adolescent overweight in men is attributed to increased mortality from chronic diseases such as coronary heart disease, atherosclerosis, colorectal cancer and gout [10,11]. For women, adolescent overweight and obesity is correlated with arthritis decreasing functional limitations to perform daily activities and menstrual abnormalities, which is a risk factor for polycystic ovary disease (PCOD) [11,12]. The psychosocial consequences from childhood over- weight and obesity also carry over in adulthood [12]. There are many adverse physical and mental effects of childhood obesity both acute and long-term. The effects of childhood obesity are quite similar to adults. For exam- ple, in children as young as five, physical symptoms in- clude high blood pressure, dyslipidaemia, chronic inflam- mation, endothelial dysfunction, hyperinsulinaemia and increased blood clotting tendency—all of which are car- diovascular and insulin resistance risk factors leading to diseases such as cardiovascular disease and type II dia- betes mellitus [10,12,13]. Obesity also causes second- dary pulmonary complication risk factors such as sleep ap- nea, asthma, and exercise intolerance limiting the child’s physical activity status [8,12-14]. Children who are over- weight and obese also suffer from psychosocial cones- quences and tend to be discriminated and stereotyped as lazy, unhealthy, academically unsuccessful, socially inept, and non-hygienic causing negative self-image and self- esteem issues [8,12,13]. Having a high-energy intake and low energy expendi- ture may attribute directly to obesity but unhealthy envi- ronments that promote eating are to blame as well [13, 15,16]. Environmental cues influence a person’s respon- siveness to eat food starting from toddlerhood, when food deprivation is no longer the sole factor triggering the need to eat [7]. These environmental cues can be at- tributed to both family and social factors which influence the food intake of a child [17]. For instance, the home environment set by the availability of foods, preference for particular food items, portion size, cultural values, food preparation, mealtime structure and feeding styles Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
  • 2. I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1465 are all first pre-determined for the child by parental in- fluences at a young age where autonomy is not yet pos- sible [7]. The purpose of this review is to summarize literature regarding parental influence and childhood overweight as well as propose suggestions for future research. Pa- rental control, attitudes, and eating behaviors were exa- mined in order to determine the parental impact on pedi- atric overweight and obesity. 2. PARENTAL CONTROL Generally, parents serve as role models to determine what, when, and how to eat based upon the surrounding food environment and cultural lifestyle [16]. Parent-child interactions during feedings impose some type of control on the child’s eating autonomy such as pressuring or re- stricting a child to and from certain foods [16]. Parental behaviors and influences used on feeding children in- clude three main aspects: parenting style, home environ- ment, and food availability [15]. Hypotheses based on these behaviors influencing children’s weight status have engendered both positive and negative outcomes. Some studies show that parents may impose stricter food limi- tations in order to prevent their child from excess weight gain, while other studies show the opposite effect of con- trol causing the child to have the inability to regulate self-control of food intake leading to excess weight gain as seen in Table 1 [16,18,19]. Wardle et al. studied four common feeding styles seen in the development of childhood obesity: emotional fee- ding, instrumental feeding, prompting/encouragement to eat, and control over eating. Emotional feeding and in- strumental feeding are seen to be associated with trigger- ing eating cues in absence of hunger [17]. Excessive prompting and encouragement to eat are often associated with the parent’s belief of heavy babies being healthier, or by a parent’s enthusiasm to see the child eat certain foods. The last most common feeding type is control over eating, this includes restriction of certain foods which are believed to improve the child’s diet and reduce the pos- sibility of excess weight gain. Wardle et al. compared two groups of parents: overweight/obese and normal/lean weight mothers and their feeding styles for their children. The only difference in feeding styles between the two groups that was observed was the obese mothers exerted significantly less control over their children’s food intake. The difference in control may have contributed to the difference in weights of children with obese parents ver- sus normal weight parents [17]. Faith et al. divided their subjects between low-risk and Table 1. Parental control in feeding practices on children’s weight status. Summaries Studies Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBMa Level Wardle et al. (2002) Common feeding stylesb Cross-sectional ď‚· Obese and overweight mothers exerted less control over their child’s food intake compared to normal/lean weight mothers ď‚· No significant results found in other feeding styles Level II-2 Faith et al. (2004) Feeding styles Cross-sectional ď‚· In low-risk familiesc â—‹ Monitoring predicted a reduced BMI ď‚· In high-risk familiesd â—‹ Restriction predicted higher BMI scores ď‚· Pressure to eat predicted reduced BMI scores Level II-2 Klesges et al. (1991) Modification of diet Case-control ď‚· Mothers adjusted children’s self-selected diet by decreasing the amount of total kilocalories, kilocalories from fat, and sodium content ď‚· No difference observed between foods chosen by mothers of obese children compared mothers of normal weight children Level II-1 Robinson et al. (2001) Control of food intake Cross-sectional ď‚· Control of food intake was inversely associated with degree of overweight in girls ď‚· Less control of food intake by parents who were overweight compared to parents who were normal weight Level II-1 Johannsen et al. (2006) Control of food intake Cross-sectional ď‚· Girls with father’s who were more controlling had a higher percent fat ď‚· Girls with father’s who were more controlling had more concern about their daughters’ weight Level II-2 a Evidence-Based Medicine (EBM) levels based on US Preventative Services Task Force (USPSTF); b Common feeding styles include: emotional feeding, instrumental feeding, prompting/encouragement to eat, and control over eating; c Low-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight < 33rd percentile; d High-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight > 66th percentile. Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
  • 3. I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-14701466 high-risk families and investigated the feeding styles of monitoring, restriction, and pressure to eat on the child- hood eating practices [20]. The results proved interesting and differed between the two groups. In the low-risk fa- milies, the feeding style of monitoring predicted a re- duced BMI. However, in high-risk families, restriction of eating predicted higher BMI scores, while pressure to eat predicted reduced BMI scores. The increase and decrease of control as a general aspect did not have the same ef- fect across either of the three feeding styles and in each of the separate risk groups [20]. Kleges et al. investigated the threat of parental influ- ence on food selection in children and its association with obesity. The study centered on activities in which chil- dren were able to choose their own foods for lunch, rang- ing from low to high-nutritional level items [21]. The children were first able to choose any food items they wanted for lunch. For the second task, the children were asked to choose a new lunch in which they were told that their mother would inspect their food choices afterwards. For the last task, the mothers came in and were allowed to modify the lunches that their children themselves had selected. Between the first and second criteria, the chil- dren showed a drastic decrease in the amount of sugar content selected. However, when the mothers were able to adjust the food, they modified their child’s lunch to have an overall less amount of kilocalories, fewer calo- ries from fat and less sodium content. There was no sig- nificant difference found between the foods chosen by the mothers of obese children versus the mothers of nor- mal weight children [21]. Robinson et al. aimed to determine the direct relation- ship of the parent’s control of food intake with the child’s degree of overweight [19]. Parental control over chil- dren’s consumption of food was weakly inversely asso- ciated with the degree of overweight in girls, however no significant relationship was found in boys. The parents who reported greater control over the food intake of their child had daughters who were less overweight. Among the parents who were overweight, their control on their children’s food intake was significantly less when com- pared to the other normal weight parents [19]. The Johannsen et al. study on control of food intake had significant results between the fathers and daughters [22]. Daughters with fathers who were stricter on the control of food intake had a higher percent fat. These fathers also had more concern about their daughter’s wei- ght. Contrary to their original hypothesis, the mothers’ control over the children’s eating was not significantly associated with the weight measures of either the daugh- ters or the sons. The authors attributed this difference to the smaller sample size of fathers, however, their find- ings suggest that the fathers may play a role in the con- trol of feeding practices [22]. 3. PARENTAL ATTITUDES Parental attitudes play an important role in determin- ing the weight status of children. The attitudes and per- ceptions that the parents emit are helpful in predicting how the child’s dietary habits and physical activity pat- terns are influenced as summarized in Table 2. If parents do not recognize childhood overweight and obesity as a health risk, they are less likely to acknowledge this as a problem, making prevention and treatment difficult [14]. Baughcum et al. unveiled three main beliefs held by mothers by examining maternal feeding practices on childhood obesity, specifically with low-income mothers. The mothers believed that heavier infants and toddlers represented a predictor of good health and successful parenting. They feared that their child was not getting enough to eat, causing them to introduce solid foods to their diets before the recommended age, and used food to reinforce appropriate behaviors; for example calming down a fussy baby with an extra bottle of food or a tod- dler’s temper tantrum with treats [23]. The mothers were aware that they were going against nutritionist’s advice, and admitted that their beliefs on introducing solid food at an early age stemmed mainly from their own mothers’ advice. When a toddler with obese parents becomes over- weight, it is a good indicator of the child developing obe- sity as an adult. Baughcum et al. believes that the moth- ers’ perceptions on child feeding practices, especially in- creasing the amount of food eaten, increased the chances of their child developing obesity [23]. Johannsen et al. investigated the effects of mothers’ and fathers’ eating behaviors, child feeding practices and their own BMI versus their child’s BMI and body fat per- centage [22]. The authors measured the feeding attitudes of child’s eating risk and future health concerns of the parents based off of the Child Feeding Questionnaire, CFQ. The results showed that daughters and sons were more likely to be overweight if their mother’s believed that they had risky eating habits, such as fussiness, over- eating or undereating [22]. Mulder et al. conducted a cross-sectional study in Chile based upon maternal attitudes, child-feeding practices, and children’s weight status in children [10]. Mothers of overweight children were significantly more concerned about the child’s weight and perceived their children as higher weight category. On the contrary, mothers of nor- mal weight boys used significantly more pressure to eat. The body mass indices of the sons were positively corre- lated with concern for child’s weight and negatively with pressure to eat. The results concerning the body mass indices were only statistically significant in boys; how- ever, it does provide key insight in the food relationship between the mother, child, and food [10]. Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
  • 4. I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1467 Table 2. Parental attitudes on children’s weight status. Summaries Studies Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBM Level Baughcum et al. (1998) Nutritional beliefs Cross-sectional ď‚· Heavy babies are represent good health and parenting ď‚· Feared their child was not getting enough to eat ď‚· Used food to reinforce appropriate behavior ď‚· Ignored nutritionist’s advice Level-III Johannsen et al. (2006) Beliefs and perceptions Cross-sectional ď‚· Girls and boys were more likely to be overweight if their mothers believed they had risky eating habits Level II-2 Mulder et al. (2009) Attitudes toward child feeding practices and weight statusa Cross-sectional ď‚· Mothers of overweight children were more concerned with child’s weight ď‚· Mothers of normal weight children used more pressure to eat ď‚· BMI score was positively correlated with concern for child’s weight ď‚· BMI score was negatively associated with pressure to eat Level II-2 Faith et al. (2004) Parental feeding attitudes and styles compared with BMI Cross-sectional ď‚· In low-risk familiesb : perceived responsibility was negatively associated with child’s BMI ď‚· In high-risk familiesc : weight concern and perceived child weight predicted an increase in child’s BMI Level II-2 Etelson et al. (2003) Parental recognition of obesity Cross-sectional ď‚· Parents of overweight children: â—‹ Did not differ in levels of concern of excess weight as a health risk and knowledge of healthy eating patterns â—‹ Did differ in their accuracy and perceptions of their child’s weight Level III a Results only significant in boys; b Low-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight < 33rd percentile; c High-risk: mothers had a pre-pregnancy weight > 66th percentile. Faith et al. studied feeding attitudes and styles on a child’s BMI as well and hypothesized that parental feed- ing attitudes and styles stay stable for at least two years, are associated with a child’s BMI, and can predict the child’s BMI [20]. When comparing these attitudes with obesity in high-risk families, child weight concern and perceived child weight were both positively associated with BMI. Among low-risk for obesity families, percei- ved responsibility was negatively associated with the child’s BMI. Other predictive factors such as weight con- cern and perceived child weight showed an increased BMI while parental monitoring over a two-year period showed a reduced BMI [20]. Etelson et al. examined the parents’ perspective of their own children’s weight. The study aimed to examine the parents’ recognition of obesity in their own children, knowledge of healthy eating, and excess weight as a health risk [14]. Based upon the questionnaire of these three criteria, generally the parents had a basic under- standing of healthy eating patterns, such as limiting the intake of fast food to only once a week. For the percei- ved levels of concern on health risks for their child, ex- cess weight ranked second, only behind passive smoking, among seven various risk conditions. However, when as- ked to assess their own child’s weight status, only 48% of the parents correctly perceived their child’s weight. The parents with overweight children had the lowest ac- curacy when it came to assessing their children, with only a 10.5% accuracy rate. The results of this study showed that although the parents seemed knowledgeable about healthy eating habits and the health risks of excess weight, more than half of the parents were unable to de- termine their own child’s weight status [14]. 4. PARENTAL BEHAVIOR Many parents believe that obesity is an inherited prob- lem, a genetic factor, which causes the excess weight gain, and do not consider how their own eating habits and the surrounding environment affect the child [14]. Genetic predisposition of childhood obesity of may be a factor, but the rising prevalence in childhood obesity proves that there must be some other factor that is contributing to this problem [10]. Factors such as the parents’ eating ha- bits and the environment that is surrounding the children should be considered as well as seen in Table 3. Johannsen et al. investigated the effects of the parents’ eating behaviors, child feeding practices and body mass index on preschool aged children [22]. The study found no significant relationship between the parent eating be- haviors and children’s BMI and percentage fat. However, Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
  • 5. I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-14701468 Table 3. Parental behavior and eating habits on children’s weight status. Summaries Studies Issue Investigated Study Design Results EBM Level Johannsen et al. (2006) Parental eating behaviors and weight status compared to child’s BMI Cross-sectional ď‚· No relationship between parental eating behaviors and children’s BMI ď‚· Mothers’ BMI is strong predictor of children’s percent fat and BMI ď‚· Mothers’ and fathers’ weight history is strongly related to daughter’s BMI Level II-2 Birch & Fisher et al. (2000) Shared and non-shared family environment: mother’s perceptions and dietary restraint on daughts Cross-sectional ď‚· Maternal BMI predicted daughters’ relative weight ď‚· Mother’s dietary restraint and perceptions of daughts’ risk of overweight predicted maternal child-feeding practices—predicting daughters’ eating and relative weight Level III Campbell et al. (2007) Mother’s diet and home environment Cross-sectional ď‚· Mothers’ intake of high-energy fluids, snacks and takeout foods is associated with son’s intake of same foods ď‚· Mothers’ intake of high-energy fluids is associated with daughter’s intake of same foods ď‚· Food availibility of unhealthy foods were positively associated with daughters’ consumption of high-energy fluids, snacks and son’s savory snacks Level III Brown & Ogden (2004) Parental modelling Cross-sectional ď‚· Significant correlation between unhealthy snack intake between the parents’ and childrens’ diet ď‚· Positive correlation between parents’ and childrens’ internal motivations for eating and body dissatisfaction ď‚· Parents made greater attempts on control of childern’s diet when they had higher intake of food ď‚· Parents who used food as a means of control reported higher body dissatisfaction Level II-2 the mother’s BMI was proved to be an extremely strong and independent predictor of children’s percentage fat and BMI. Mothers who had a higher BMI reported hav- ing a greater concern for their child’s future health. This specific criterion explains more variance in the child’s weight status outcomes than the parent feeding factors. It was also shown that the mother’s weight history was strongly related specifically to their daughter’s BMI, lea- ding the researchers to hypothesize a possible genetic in- fluence [22]. Birch & Fisher measured the mother’s influence on their daughter’s eating and weight through shared and non-shared family environments [24]. In order to predict the child-feeding practices of the daughter, the mother’s own dietary restraint and perceptions of their daughter’s risk of overweight were used. Statistically significant data showed that the relative weight between the daughter and mother was associated. However more importantly, the results showed a feedback loop: as the daughters’ relative weight increased, the mother’s perceptions of the daugh- ters’ overweight and concerns about the daughter’s over- weight risk increased. These perceptions influenced the mother’s restriction and eating habits of their daughter, which in turn affected their daughter’s weight status. These perceptions were then measured against their daughter’s weight outcome. An important result showed the non-shared environmental influence of the maternal control and their daughter’s eating habits and relative weight. The result of the influence and restrictions that were used was predicted by the mother’s perception of their daughter’s overweight risk [24]. Campbell et al. to show the associations between the home environment, with a specific focus on parental eat- ing behaviors and food availability, on the frequency and types of food eaten by the adolescents [15]. The study showed that the mother’s intake of high-energy fluids, sweet and savory snacks, and take-out foods were positi- vely correlated with the son’s intake of those same foods. Similarly, the mother’s intake of high-energy fluids was positively associated with daughter’s intake of those drinks. The availability of these unhealthy foods in the home environment was further positively correlated with daughters’ consumption of high-energy drinks, sweet and savory snacks, and the intake of the sons’ savory snack [15]. Brown & Ogden focused on parental modeling and its Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
  • 6. I. L. Tzou, N.-F. Chu / Health 4 (2012) 1464-1470 1469 impact on a child’s eating attitudes and behavior [25]. Modeling occurs through observational learning and it was reflected in their study. There was a significant cor- relation between the unhealthy snack intake, such as cho- colates, crisps, and sweets, of the parents and the chil- dren, indicating that the parents’ diet was associated with a similar diet by the children. There was also a significant positive correlation between the parents’ and children’s in- ternal motivations for eating and body dissatisfaction [25]. 5. DISCUSSION From previous studies, parental influence is a key risk factor for childhood weight gain and obesity. It can con- trol the obesegenic environment by affecting the child’s dietary habits, physical activity, the accessibility and avai- lability of foods and food-related processes [26]. Since pa- rents provide the contextual environment, addressing this issue is of clinical and public health relevance as obesity is persistently and rapidly increasing. While extensive research has established associations of childhood obesity and disease prevalence, there is still research needed regarding how childhood obesity comes about environmentally. Due to the inconsistency and lack of the current research, it is difficult to determine the causal parental agent of childhood weight. In this review we cannot accurately determine the directional analysis of attitudes, control and behavior and its relationship be- tween child-feeding practices. Furthermore, there is also a question of whether the parental attitudes, control and behavior are interrelated or not, and their relative impor- tance to each other. In order to assign a causal relation- ship between parental child-feeding practices and child- hood obesity, there needs to be more longitudinal studies and clinical trials done [5,10]. This scarcity of informa- tion provides a challenge for the prevention of childhood obesity using parents as an environmental factor. It begs the question of where a prevention program would be most effective: control, attitudes, or behavior. As shown in the aforementioned studies, these counte- ring results prove to be a challenge in determining the di- rectional associations of parents as a key factor and its effect on the child-feeding practices. Future research needs to elaborate more on the bi-dyadic relationship between parental influence and childhood overweight and obesity to determine their relationship [5,24]. This will make pre- vention more effective if the program is targeted and tai- lored for a specific aspect. Many believe that the respon- sibility for the prevention and treatment of child obesity falls upon the parents, and it is their responsibility to cor- rect their own attitudes toward childhood obesity as they are related to the health of their child [27]. Therefore we must determine its predictability value when assessing the relationship of childhood weight gain and other environ- mental factors. There are many research gaps that need to be addres- sed regarding parental habits and childhood weight gain. Research ideas regarding the issue of childhood obesity includes stratifying childhood weight gain on not only parental feeding practices but also by gender of the par- ent, age group, diet, home environments, racial and eth- nic differences, socio-economic status, interactions with siblings, other adult caretakers, physical activity level, life-style and more [6,11,15,16,19,23,24]. Another rather important factor includes the geographical location of each population—this is a good indicator of the cultural be- liefs and attitudes toward feeding and eating and needs to be taken in account when implementing any future pre- vention programs. 6. CONCLUSIONS From this review we identified current published re- sults on pediatric obesity and parental influence, as well as research gaps and flaws that should be addressed in future research. Childhood overweight and obesity has both short term and long-term consequences, such as the development of risk factors for future chronic diseases. Childhood obesity affects multiple organ systems, and these can develop not only into physical problems, but also psychosocial consequences leading to increased adult morbidity and mortality [8,10,13]. Priority values need to be assigned in order to focus both research and programs on how to stop and possibly reverse the negative global impact of childhood obesity. This in turn will lower the consequent morbidities due to these related chronic dis- eases in adulthood caused by childhood. In order to develop preventative measures, a source of childhood overweight and obesity needs to be identified, which is lacking in current research. Much of previous research is inconsistant, with no direct correlation be- tween parent influence and childhood obesity. The longer the problem persists, the more children are affected. This will cause more financial resources to be utilized ineffi- ciently due to the chronic problems that are associated with weight gain and obesity. Lastly, obesity is an important public health problem that needs to be addressed for future generation. Studies show that childhood and adolescent obesity play a pre- dictive role in subsequent adult obesity and future co- morbidities. Prevention methods, which focus on child- hood obesity and effective treatment for overweight chil- dren are glaringly important [9]. The current treatments for childhood obesity are similar to the treatments for adults: focusing on behavior, psychological and/or me- dical interventions [27]. Research on predictive factors, such as parental influence, can be used to develop effec- tive prevention programs. This does not just end with Copyright © 2012 SciRes. OPEN ACCESS
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