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Media Pluralism in Central-
Eastern Europe
MONITORING MEDIA PLURALISM IN EUROPE: BETWEEN OLD RISKS AND NEW THREATS
BRUSSELS, 7 DECEMBER 2018
Dr. Václav Štětka
Loughborough University
@VStetka
Basic protection
Market plurality
Political independence
Social inclusiveness
MPM 2017:
East-West
divides
Media ownership transparency Commmercial and ownership
influence over editorial content
Editorial independence Political independence of
media
Independence PSM governance and
funding
State regulation of resources and support
to media
State of media pluralism in CEE:
MPM 2017 (vs 2016)
Basic
protection
Market
plurality
Political
independence
Social
inclusiveness
Change
2016-2017
Bulgaria 41 (+5) 71 (-) 63 (+6) 73 (+9) +20
Croatia 36 (+2) 45 (+11) 59 (+4) 62 (+10) +27
Czech Republic 24 (+6) 67 (+3) 49 (+1) 53 (-2) +8
Estonia 29 (+9) 68 (+13) 27 (-11) 60 (+4) +15
Hungary 44 (-12) 63 (+9) 79 (-6) 59 (+13) +4
Latvia 37 (-) 60 (-1) 52 (-11) 58 (+11) -1
Lithuania 23 (+5) 56 (-1) 48 (+13) 48 (-18) -1
Poland 44 (+8) 70 (+4) 69 (+6) 64 (+17) +35
Romania 40 (+6) 75 (+11) 63 (+2) 64 (+10) +29
Serbia 35 46 65 63 -
Slovakia 24 (+2) 44 (+9) 45 (-8) 48 (+14) +17
Slovenia 35 (+2) 60 (+10) 69 (-7) 65 (+1) +6
Poland
High level of media ownership concentration (cross-media ownership 90% risk)
Transformation of governance of public service media
◦ Replacing managers of public service media -> Jacek Kurski (PiS) Head of TVP
◦ More than 100 journalists have been dismissed or have resigned from Poland’s public
broadcaster since 2016
◦ From 2019 PSM should be financed solely from the state budget (increasing
dependency)
Government financially throttling newspapers opposed to its reforms by cutting them
off state advertising (e.g. Gazeta Wyborcza)
Plans to “repolonize” the ownership of foreign-owned Polish media outlets that
employ journalists critical of government
Basic
protection
Market
plurality
Political
independence
Social
inclusiveness
Change
2016-2017
44 (+8) 70 (+4) 69 (+6) 64 (+17) +35
Hungary
Politicization of regulatory bodies: members of the National Media and
Telecommunications Authority (NMHH) appointed on the recommendation of
the prime minister; indefinitely renewable 9 years term; under control of Fidesz
Low transparency of media ownership; ownership “often obscured through
complex, multi-layered ownership structures as well as by the use of proxies and
straw men”
Political elites control over broadcasting through ownership, taxation policies
and advertising revenues
November 2018 – owners of nearly 500 newspapers, magazines, broadcasters
and websites “donated” them to the Central European Press and Media
Foundation, run by close Orban ally Gabor Liszkay; Fidesz members on Board
- declared to be an event of “national strategic importance”
Basic
protection
Market
plurality
Political
independence
Social
inclusiveness
Change
2016-2017
44 (-12) 63 (+9) 79 (-6) 59 (+13) +4
Czech Republic
High ownership concentration, monopolization of the local press (Penta)
Lack of ownership transparency; no duty to reveal the “beneficial ultimate
owner” of the company in public registers
High ownership influence: most media in the hands of oligarchs / business
groups, using them to promote and protect their business and / or political
interests
Confluence of political, media & business power: Andrej Babiš - Czech Prime
Minister, 2nd richest Czech, leader of ANO (Alliance of Dissatisfied Citizens)
- since 2013 owner of MAFRA media house; frequent self-censorship,
avoiding controversial issues related to Mr. Babiš, attacking opponents
- investigated for fraud by Czech and EU authorities
Basic
protection
Market
plurality
Political
independence
Social
inclusiveness
Change
2016-2017
24 (+6) 67 (+3) 49 (+1) 53 (-2) +8
Source: Andrej Babiš’s
Facebook profile
Bulgaria
Very high ownership concentration, no thresholds in the legislation
Low availability of data on media markets (incl. concentration)
High ownership control, low editorial autonomy
Political influence via distribution of state resources incl. advertising
funds (97% risk!)
Indirect control of media, news agencies or media distribution networks
by politically affiliated persons and organizations
Active politicians owning media –Valeri Simeonov, Deputy Prime Minister
[until 17 Nov]; MP Delyan Peevski – New Bulgarian Media Group
Low media literacy (92% risk) – “no relevant policy or national strategy”,
media literacy absent from schools’ curriculums
Basic
protection
Market
plurality
Political
independence
Social
inclusiveness
Change
2016-2017
41 (+5) 71 (-) 63 (+6) 73 (+9) +20
Common trends & risks across the CEE region
1. Concentration & oligarchization of media markets: following the departure of
foreign investors (since 2008/9), news media under ownership control of local
business elites, muzzling their watchdog role
2. Lack of transparency of ownership structures
3. Low journalistic autonomy: political & economic influences, especially via state
advertising
4. Crisis of the public service broadcasting model: transformation of PSM into
state media (changes of regulation and/or financing) or even into instruments of
government propaganda
5. Regulation often in place; problems with implementation & enforcement
Media freedom in Central and Eastern
Europe: there and back again?
Freedom House –
Freedom of the Press
Nations in Transit 2018 (Freedom House)
19 of the 29 Central and
Eastern European (CEE)
countries fell in the ranking
“The biggest decline in the
survey’s history” (FH 2018)
World Press Freedom Index
2010 vs 2018
Spreading of illiberal populism in CEE:
journalists as targets
Trust in news media declining in CEE
Recommendations?
In countries with advanced illiberal tendencies & high level of media capture,
appeals or recommendations to national political representation and/or
regulatory bodies unlikely to succeed
EU needs to step up its efforts to protect media pluralism in CEE, e.g. by better
controlling the funds spent on local advertising, by demanding more ownership
transparency and independence of public service media
Internet as a source of hope? Independent online news platforms as “new
dissent” in CEE
Thank you!
V.STETKA@LBORO.AC.UK

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Media Pluralism in Central - Eastern Europe

  • 1. Media Pluralism in Central- Eastern Europe MONITORING MEDIA PLURALISM IN EUROPE: BETWEEN OLD RISKS AND NEW THREATS BRUSSELS, 7 DECEMBER 2018 Dr. Václav Štětka Loughborough University @VStetka
  • 2. Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness MPM 2017: East-West divides
  • 3. Media ownership transparency Commmercial and ownership influence over editorial content
  • 4. Editorial independence Political independence of media
  • 5. Independence PSM governance and funding State regulation of resources and support to media
  • 6. State of media pluralism in CEE: MPM 2017 (vs 2016) Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness Change 2016-2017 Bulgaria 41 (+5) 71 (-) 63 (+6) 73 (+9) +20 Croatia 36 (+2) 45 (+11) 59 (+4) 62 (+10) +27 Czech Republic 24 (+6) 67 (+3) 49 (+1) 53 (-2) +8 Estonia 29 (+9) 68 (+13) 27 (-11) 60 (+4) +15 Hungary 44 (-12) 63 (+9) 79 (-6) 59 (+13) +4 Latvia 37 (-) 60 (-1) 52 (-11) 58 (+11) -1 Lithuania 23 (+5) 56 (-1) 48 (+13) 48 (-18) -1 Poland 44 (+8) 70 (+4) 69 (+6) 64 (+17) +35 Romania 40 (+6) 75 (+11) 63 (+2) 64 (+10) +29 Serbia 35 46 65 63 - Slovakia 24 (+2) 44 (+9) 45 (-8) 48 (+14) +17 Slovenia 35 (+2) 60 (+10) 69 (-7) 65 (+1) +6
  • 7. Poland High level of media ownership concentration (cross-media ownership 90% risk) Transformation of governance of public service media ◦ Replacing managers of public service media -> Jacek Kurski (PiS) Head of TVP ◦ More than 100 journalists have been dismissed or have resigned from Poland’s public broadcaster since 2016 ◦ From 2019 PSM should be financed solely from the state budget (increasing dependency) Government financially throttling newspapers opposed to its reforms by cutting them off state advertising (e.g. Gazeta Wyborcza) Plans to “repolonize” the ownership of foreign-owned Polish media outlets that employ journalists critical of government Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness Change 2016-2017 44 (+8) 70 (+4) 69 (+6) 64 (+17) +35
  • 8. Hungary Politicization of regulatory bodies: members of the National Media and Telecommunications Authority (NMHH) appointed on the recommendation of the prime minister; indefinitely renewable 9 years term; under control of Fidesz Low transparency of media ownership; ownership “often obscured through complex, multi-layered ownership structures as well as by the use of proxies and straw men” Political elites control over broadcasting through ownership, taxation policies and advertising revenues November 2018 – owners of nearly 500 newspapers, magazines, broadcasters and websites “donated” them to the Central European Press and Media Foundation, run by close Orban ally Gabor Liszkay; Fidesz members on Board - declared to be an event of “national strategic importance” Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness Change 2016-2017 44 (-12) 63 (+9) 79 (-6) 59 (+13) +4
  • 9.
  • 10. Czech Republic High ownership concentration, monopolization of the local press (Penta) Lack of ownership transparency; no duty to reveal the “beneficial ultimate owner” of the company in public registers High ownership influence: most media in the hands of oligarchs / business groups, using them to promote and protect their business and / or political interests Confluence of political, media & business power: Andrej Babiš - Czech Prime Minister, 2nd richest Czech, leader of ANO (Alliance of Dissatisfied Citizens) - since 2013 owner of MAFRA media house; frequent self-censorship, avoiding controversial issues related to Mr. Babiš, attacking opponents - investigated for fraud by Czech and EU authorities Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness Change 2016-2017 24 (+6) 67 (+3) 49 (+1) 53 (-2) +8 Source: Andrej Babiš’s Facebook profile
  • 11. Bulgaria Very high ownership concentration, no thresholds in the legislation Low availability of data on media markets (incl. concentration) High ownership control, low editorial autonomy Political influence via distribution of state resources incl. advertising funds (97% risk!) Indirect control of media, news agencies or media distribution networks by politically affiliated persons and organizations Active politicians owning media –Valeri Simeonov, Deputy Prime Minister [until 17 Nov]; MP Delyan Peevski – New Bulgarian Media Group Low media literacy (92% risk) – “no relevant policy or national strategy”, media literacy absent from schools’ curriculums Basic protection Market plurality Political independence Social inclusiveness Change 2016-2017 41 (+5) 71 (-) 63 (+6) 73 (+9) +20
  • 12. Common trends & risks across the CEE region 1. Concentration & oligarchization of media markets: following the departure of foreign investors (since 2008/9), news media under ownership control of local business elites, muzzling their watchdog role 2. Lack of transparency of ownership structures 3. Low journalistic autonomy: political & economic influences, especially via state advertising 4. Crisis of the public service broadcasting model: transformation of PSM into state media (changes of regulation and/or financing) or even into instruments of government propaganda 5. Regulation often in place; problems with implementation & enforcement
  • 13. Media freedom in Central and Eastern Europe: there and back again? Freedom House – Freedom of the Press
  • 14. Nations in Transit 2018 (Freedom House) 19 of the 29 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries fell in the ranking “The biggest decline in the survey’s history” (FH 2018)
  • 15. World Press Freedom Index 2010 vs 2018
  • 16. Spreading of illiberal populism in CEE: journalists as targets
  • 17. Trust in news media declining in CEE
  • 18. Recommendations? In countries with advanced illiberal tendencies & high level of media capture, appeals or recommendations to national political representation and/or regulatory bodies unlikely to succeed EU needs to step up its efforts to protect media pluralism in CEE, e.g. by better controlling the funds spent on local advertising, by demanding more ownership transparency and independence of public service media Internet as a source of hope? Independent online news platforms as “new dissent” in CEE

Editor's Notes

  1. Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland immediately sought to emulate Orbán’s example in Hungary by paralyzing the constitutional court and turning the public broadcaster into a party mouthpiece. Very soon after taking power it appointed a member of the Law and Justice party as head of the public service broadcaster, in consequence of which more than 100 journalists have been dismissed or have resigned from Poland’s broadcaster last year. Among other practices, the government is financially throttling newspapers opposed to its reforms (by cutting them off state advertising), and most recently it has announced plans to “repolonize” the ownership of foreign-owned Polish media outlets that employ journalists critical of government. Muižnieks pointed to a list compiled by the Society of Journalists, an independent Polish association, which revealed that since the beginning of the year, a total of 228 public media journalists have been dismissed, demoted or reassigned, or resigned in protest. https://www.euractiv.com/section/freedom-of-thought/news/council-blasts-moves-to-turn-public-broadcasting-into-government-broadcasting/
  2. Undermining institutional pillars of democracy
  3. http://www.euractiv.com/section/freedom-of-thought/news/fake-news-another-weapon-in-orbans-illiberal-hungary/ ‘Fake news’ another weapon in Orban’s illiberal Hungary
  4. Undermining institutional pillars of democracy
  5. Undermining institutional pillars of democracy
  6. The scope and depth of the illiberal tendencies and trends across the region have been highlighted in the last couple of years by a number of international organizations…. Revealing a sharp decline of democratic indicators in several countries…