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JOURNAL OF WOMEN’S HEALTH
Volume 17, Number 8, 2008
© Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.
DOI: 10.1089/jwh.2008.0886
Health Practices and Vaginal Microbicide
Acceptability among Urban Black Women
Marian Reiff, Ph.D.,1 Christine Wade, M.P.H.,1 Maria T. Chao, Dr.P.H.,1
Fredi Kronenberg, LungwaniPh.D.,1
andPh.D.Muungo,T.
Linda F. Cushman, Ph.D.
2
Abstract
Background: Intravaginal topical microbicides are being investigated for prevention of HIV transmission. Use
of vaginal microbicides will constitute a new type of practice, occurring in the context of other vaginal prac-
tices related to contraception, hygiene, and self-care, which are affected by cultural norms and personal beliefs.
Given the high rate of HIV infection among black women, research on practices and decision making relevant
to microbicide acceptability is needed in this population.
Methods: Twenty-three black women in New York City, aged 25–64, completed in-person semistructured in-
terviews and self-administered questionnaires. Quantitative analyses examined vaginal practices and willing-
ness to use microbicides. Qualitative analyses explored underlying decision-making processes involved in
choices regarding vaginal practices and general healthcare.
Results: Willingness to use vaginal products for HIV prevention was high, especially among more educated
women. Safety was a major concern, and women were cautious about using vaginal products. Whereas some
viewed synthetic products as having potentially harmful side effects, others perceived natural products as risky
because of insufficient testing. Choices about vaginal practices were affected by assessments of risk and effi-
cacy, prior experience, cultural background, and general approach to healthcare.
Conclusions: The majority of women in the sample expressed willingness to use a vaginal product for HIV pre-
vention. Decision-making processes regarding vaginal practices were complex and were affected by social, cul-
tural, and personal factors. Although specific preferences may vary, attitudes toward using a vaginal product
are likely to be positive when side effects are minimal and the product is considered safe.
1345
Introduction
INTRAVAGINAL TOPICAL MICROBICIDES are currently under in-
vestigation for prevention of HIV transmission.1 Although
condoms could protect women from HIV infection, their use
is controlled by men.2,3 Development of a female-controlled
preventive product could potentially reduce HIV transmis-
sion among women by increasing women’s autonomy in
HIV prevention.4 Current efforts are aimed at developing in-
travaginal topical formulations of anti-HIV agents or micro-
bicides to prevent the transmission of HIV and other sexu-
ally transmitted infections (STIs). A range of products in
varying stages of developments include gel, cream, film, and
suppository.1,5 The effectiveness of these formulations will
depend, in large measure, on their acceptability.4–7
In 2004, HIV/AIDS was the leading cause of death for
black women aged 25–34 in the United States.8 Black women
are at high risk of infection and account for the majority (66%
in 2005) of new AIDS cases among women; white and Latina
women each account for 16% of new AIDS cases.9 It is, there-
fore, important to investigate the attitudes and practices that
might be relevant to understanding microbicide acceptabil-
ity among black women.
Although vaginal microbicide use may constitute a new
type of practice for women, it will occur in the context of
other vaginal practices and healthcare choices that are af-
1The Richard and Hinda Rosenthal Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine Department of Rehabilitation Medicine, Col-
lege Physicians & Surgeons, Columbia University, New York, New York.
2Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, New
York.
This work was funded by The National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (grant R01 HD 37073) and included sup-
port from the National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine.
The content of this paper is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not represent the official views of the funding agencies.
2
fected by social and cultural norms.10,11 Vaginal practices,
such as cleansing the vagina and genital area with commer-
cial and noncommercial products, wiping inside the vagina,
or inserting substances inside the vagina, are commonly em-
ployed by women.10,12,13 Reasons for vaginal practices in-
clude hygiene (removing menstrual blood, vaginal dis-
charge, and odors), sexual pleasure, pregnancy prevention,
fertility, and prevention and treatment of vaginal infec-
tions.10 Vaginal practice norms have been found to be linked
to ideas about sexuality and the body, gender roles, age, ed-
ucation, geographic area, ethnicity, marital status, and ritu-
als.10 For example, douching (intravaginal cleansing with a
liquid solution) is a common practice among African Amer-
ican women in the United States.14,15 Other vaginal practices,
including type of protection used during menstruation16 and
insertion of vaginal products,17 also vary geographically and
cross-culturally.
Knowledge about women’s decision making and man-
agement of their health is relevant to understanding how to
develop healthcare products that effectively promote health-
ier practices.18,19 Medical pluralism among American
women is common.20,21 The use of complementary and al-
ternative medicine (CAM), referring to practices and prod-
ucts not usually prescribed by doctors or taught in medical
schools,22 has been documented among African-American
women.23–29 Educational level, age, personal beliefs, and so-
cial factors, such as family members and the media, influ-
ence choice of treatments by African American women.30,31
It is not known if these factors also predict vaginal practices.
Research is needed on attitudes toward and use of a range
of vaginal practices in the context of pluralistic healthcare
and cultural influences.
This paper describes vaginal practices and preferences
among black women in New York City, explores how choices
in vaginal care may relate to an overall approach to health,
and examines the implications for microbicide acceptability.
Materials and Methods
Data were collected as part of a follow-up study to a cross-
sectional telephone survey of women aged Ն18 living in the
United States. The survey was conducted in 2001 to provide
nationally representative data on women’s use of CAM dur-
ing the past year20 as well as estimates of use among women
in four racial/ethnic groups: white, African American, Mex-
ican American, and Chinese American.23 In 2004, follow-up
data were collected to examine culture-related beliefs and
sensitive topics. A new sample was recruited by the survey
research firm that conducted the original telephone survey.
Participants completed the same telephone interview used
in the national study23 and were interviewed in person. The
study was approved by Columbia University Medical Cen-
ter’s Institutional Review Board.
Households were telephoned using random digit dialing
within geographic areas of New York City known to have a
high proportion of African Americans. Respondents were
screened for gender (female), age (Ͼ18), ethnicity/race (self-
identification as African American or black), and CAM use.
CAM users were overrecruited for the follow-up study. Of
those who qualified, 36% refused to participate; the final
sample consisted of 23 women, 16 CAM users and 7
nonusers.
In-person interviews were conducted by a trained African
American female interviewer. The interviewer and respon-
dents were matched for gender and ethnicity in order to fa-
cilitate cooperation and maximize communication and un-
derstanding. The interviews lasted between 1 and 2 hours
and took place in respondents’ homes or public spaces, and
those who participated received compensation. The inter-
views were audiotaped and transcribed.
A semistructured questionnaire was used to elicit experi-
ences and opinions relevant to healthcare practices and treat-
ment choices, focusing on the use of CAM and feminine
hygiene practices. The interview included open-ended ques-
tions and probes to explore the decision-making processes
involved in healthcare choices and to identify and under-
stand the factors affecting these choices. For example, ques-
tions about treatment, such as, What were the main reasons
you chose to use that treatment? were followed by probes
about how treatments were used and how they were com-
bined with other health practices. Questions about vaginal
practices focused on the use and reasons for use of products,
including commercial and home-made, synthetic and nat-
ural, and methods of application, such as douches and
creams. Additionally, open-ended questions were asked
about ethnic identity and cultural background (e.g., How
would you define your own culture? What ethnicity do you
identify with?) and use of remedies or practices associated
with the respondents’ cultural background and upbringing.
Following the interview, participants completed a self-ad-
ministered questionnaire about specific practices relating to
feminine hygiene, contraception, treatment of vaginal infec-
tions, and use of a variety of vaginal products.
Willingness to use vaginal products was measured using
a 4-point scale (1, very unwilling; 2, somewhat unwilling; 3,
somewhat willing; 4, very willing), in response to the five
following questions: Would you be willing to use a product
in the vagina for any of the following reasons: (1) to reduce
the chance of getting pregnant, (2) to reduce the chance of
getting an infection;, (3) to reduce the chance of getting HIV
or AIDS, (4) to make sex more pleasurable, (5) to treat a
health problem or infection? The five items concerning will-
ingness to use a vaginal product were combined to form a
willingness scale (standardized Cronbach’s alpha reliability
of 0.74).
CAM users were defined as those who used at least one
of the following CAM domains for a health problem in the
past year: vitamins and nutritional supplements, a special
diet (such as whole foods, macrobiotic or other vegetarian
diet), medicinal herbs or teas, remedies or practices associ-
ated with a particular culture (e.g., Chinese healing,
Ayurveda, Native American healing, Curanderismo), home-
opathic remedies, yoga/meditation/tai chi, manual thera-
pies (such as massage or acupressure), energy therapies
(such as Reiki or therapeutic touch), or any other remedy or
treatment not typically prescribed by a medical doctor. Use
of prayer for health reasons was assessed but not included
as a CAM domain, consistent with inclusion criteria used in
previous research.23,24
This report uses quantitative and qualitative analytical
methods. Quantitative analyses (using SPSS for Windows
15.0, Chicago, IL) focus on vaginal practices used by the
women in the sample; willingness to use vaginal products;
and relationships between past practices and willingness to
REIFF ET AL.1346
use a vaginal product for HIV/AIDS prevention. Statistically
significant differences were tested using analysis of variance
(ANOVA). Because of small sample size, estimates and as-
sociations were not expected to be stable or generalizable to
a larger population but do provide an overview of the prac-
tices and preferences of the women in the sample. The open-
ended responses were analyzed using Atlas-ti, a qualitative
software program,32 to explore the reasoning underlying the
respondents’ choices and preferences regarding their vagi-
nal practices. Relevant domains in the transcripts were iden-
tified, coded, and thematically organized. Themes explored
included attitudes toward using vaginal products, reasons
underlying these attitudes; and approaches to healthcare in
general.
Results
Characteristics of the sample
Respondents were women between the ages of 25 and 64,
the majority (70%, n ϭ 16) over the age of 45. Most respon-
dents (85%, n ϭ 15) had completed at least 2 years of college.
Most women were born in the United States (78%, n ϭ 18).
Other birthplaces were St. Vincent (2), Haiti (1), Jamaica (1),
and Belize (1). Self-reported cultural backgrounds included
Southern black (8), African American (4), Caribbean (6), Be-
lizean (1), Haitian (1), mixed African American and Ameri-
can Indian (2), mixed African American and Caribbean (1).
Willingness to use vaginal products
Table 1 shows the mean scores for willingness to use a hy-
pothetical vaginal product for various reasons (prevention
of pregnancy, prevention of infection or HIV, pleasure, and
treatment), by education, age, and CAM use. Women were
more willing to use a vaginal product to reduce the chance
of getting HIV or AIDS than for other reasons (e.g., to re-
duce risk of pregnancy and make sex more pleasurable).
Women with more than 2 years of college education were
more willing to use a vaginal product to reduce the chance
of getting HIV/AIDS than were those with less education.
Age did not affect willingness to use a microbicide, but re-
sults should be interpreted with caution because of the small
number of women (n ϭ 7) in the younger age group (18–44).
Vaginal practices
Table 2 shows the vaginal practices and products used in
the past by women in the sample. More than 90% of the sam-
ple (91%, n ϭ 21) used a douche in their lifetime. Open-
ended responses indicated that almost all douches (home-
made and store-bought) consisted of vinegar and water.
Douching was reported by 94% (n ϭ 15) of CAM users and
86% (n ϭ 6) of nonusers of CAM (results not shown).
Regardless of women’s past use of general vaginal prod-
ucts, women indicated a high degree of willingness to use a
hypothetical vaginal product to prevent HIV/AIDS. Women
who had not used birth control methods had slightly lower
willingness scores, and this was statistically significant for
condom use (Table 2).
Reasons for vaginal practices
The most common reason for using vaginal practices other
than birth control methods was “cleanliness.” This was true
for douching (n ϭ 17) and for other practices (n ϭ 12). Other
reasons were discharge (n ϭ 8), odor (n ϭ 9), bloody spot-
ting (n ϭ 5), itching/irritation (n ϭ 4), and pain (n ϭ 1).
Douching was also used as a birth control method (n ϭ 3).
The mean willingness score for using a hypothetical vaginal
product for HIV prevention was consistently high for
women regardless of the reasons for use of a vaginal prac-
tice. Attitudes and knowledge underlying women’s reasons
for employing vaginal practices were explored in depth us-
ing the qualitative data. Findings were organized into three
major themes, which overlap and inform each other: atti-
tudes toward natural and synthetic products, issues of safety
and efficacy, and the consistency of vaginal practices with
general approaches to healthcare, such as CAM use.
VAGINAL MICROBICIDE ACCEPTABILITY 1347
TABLE 1. WILLINGNESS TO USE VAGINAL PRODUCT, BY EDUCATION, AGE, AND CAM USE
Willingness to use vaginal product to
reduce reduce
chance of chance of reduce chance make sex treat health
getting getting an of getting HIV more problem or Willingness
pregnant infection or AIDS pleasurable infection scale mean
Mean (na) 2.68 (19) 3.55 (22) 3.73 (22) 3.45 (20) 3.59 (22) 3.39 (22)
Education
8th grade–some 2.75 (4) 3.14 (7) 3.14 (7) 3.20 (5) 3.57 (7) 3.13 (7)
college (n ϭ 8)
Ն2-year college (n ϭ 15) 2.67 (15) 3.73 (15) 4.00 (15)* 3.53 (15) 3.60 (15) 3.51 (15)
Age
25–44 (n ϭ 7) 2.29 (7) 3.57 (7) 4.00 (7) 3.29 (7) 3.14 (7) 3.26 (7)
45–64 (n ϭ 16) 2.92 (12) 3.53 (15) 3.60 (15) 3.54 (13) 3.80 (15) 3.45 (15)
CAM use
Nonuser (n ϭ 7) 2.40 (5) 3.50 (6) 3.50 (6) 3.60 (5) 3.50 (6) 3.17 (6)
CAM user (n ϭ 16) 2.79 (14) 3.56 (16) 3.81 (16) 3.40 (15) 3.63 (16) 3.47 (16)
an, reported for the number of responses to each item.
*p Ͻ 0.05 (ANOVA).
Attitudes toward natural and synthetic vaginal products.
The open-ended interviews explored respondents’ concepts
of naturalness and their attitudes toward using natural and
synthetic vaginal products. In defining what “natural” meant
to them, respondents referred to products that originate from
nature, and that were used by former generations, for ex-
ample:
Real, not synthetic; something that is organically
based that I don’t require a prescription for.
No chemicals, and things that come from the earth.
Home grown . . . Mother nature.
Noninvasive and less side effects.
Herbal rather than chemical.
Using things from the earth that our grandparents
used.
Respondents were asked about their propensity to use nat-
ural and synthetic vaginal products, and to explain the rea-
sons for their preferences. Of 21 available responses, 14
(66.7%) reported that they preferred to use natural rather
than synthetic vaginal products, 2 respondents reported a
preference for synthetic products, 3 preferred to use both
natural and synthetic, and 2 preferred neither (i.e., using
nothing). It is worth noting that of 5 Caribbean-born women,
4 preferred natural, and 1 preferred to combine both natural
and synthetic vaginal products. Enduring cultural influence
is illustrated by the use of steam from boiled leaves for post-
partum healing reported by 2 women, both with Haitian
backgrounds (1 born in Haiti, the other born in the United
States, with a Haitian grandmother), who were Ͻ45 years of
age and had at least 2 years of college education. They de-
scribed the practice as follows:
Well, after I had my son, there is something that we use
to heal inside after you’ve had a baby, stitches, after
you’ve had all that done, it’s sort of like a cleansing and
a healing. For healing especially if you are having epi-
siotomy . . . a soothing feeling because you’re very un-
comfortable after the childbirth. I feel like the doctors
don’t give you anything really because when I came
home from the doctor they didn’t give me anything for
that. And I was like I know I have to go to the bathroom
but it really, really hurts. So that was very helpful.
There is something you use after you have a baby to
clean out your system; you use a leaf. You boil the leaves
and put it in a bucket and you sit over the bucket and
let the hot steam just go right inside of you.
Reasons reported for preferring natural products included
perceived safety (less risk of side effects), low cost, and ef-
fectiveness. Reasons for preferring synthetic products in-
cluded perceived safety (tested or prescribed or both), ef-
fectiveness, tendency to be fast acting, and lack of knowledge
about natural products for vaginal use.
Safety and efficacy. Safety and, to some extent, efficacy
were the predominant reasons cited by women for their
choices in vaginal healthcare regardless of whether respon-
REIFF ET AL.1348
TABLE 2. VAGINAL PRACTICES AND WILLINGNESS TO USE VAGINAL PRODUCT TO PREVENT HIV/AIDS
Willingness to use vaginal product to
reduce chances of getting HIV/AIDSa
Used product
Mean (n)
% (n) Product users Product nonusers
General products (past year)
Talcum powder 17.4 (4) 3.25 (4) 3.83 (18)
Towelettes/wipes 65.2 (15) 3.60 (15) 4.00 (7)
Feminine spray 26.1 (6) 4.00 (6) 3.63 (16)
Vaginal suppositories 13.0 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19)
Douche
Douche (past year) 68.4 (13) 4.00 (12) 4.00 (6)
Douche (lifetime use) 91.3 (21) 3.70 (20) 4.00 (2)
Birth control method (lifetime use)
Condom 65.2 (15) 4.00 (15) 3.14 (7)*
Diaphragm 30.4 (7) 4.00 (7) 3.60 (15)
Sponge 33.3 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19)
Spermicide 44.4 (6) 4.00 (6) 3.63 (16)
Douche 13.0 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19)
Birth control pills 56.5 (13) 4.00 (13) 3.33 (9)
IUD 17.4 (4) 4.00 (4) 3.67 (18)
Implants –– –– 3.73 (22)
Rhythm/natural family planning 21.7 (5) 4.00 (5) 3.65 (17)
Other (tubal ligation) 4.3 (1) 4.00 (1) 3.71 (21)
Menstrual productsb (past year)
Pads 92.3 (12) 3.75 (12) 1.00 (1)*
Tampons 30.8 (4) 4.00 (4) 3.33 (9)
aBased on n ϭ 22 because 1 respondent did not answer this item.
bBased on respondents who menstruated in the past year (n ϭ 13).
*p Ͻ 0.05 (ANOVA).
dents preferred natural or synthetic products, home reme-
dies or prescriptions. An American-born woman from South
Carolina, in her early 40s, with less than 2 years of college
education, explained why she had used yogurt for vaginal
infections:
. . . it was sloppy, messy. But I’d rather that than over
the counter . . . [because] I don’t know what’s in it.
An American-born woman in her late 40s, with 2 years of
college education, explained her preference for synthetic
vaginal products as follows:
That’s a part of your body you have to take care of it
and to use something that’s not prescribed, I don’t think
that’s healthy.
A similar concern for safety with an additional stated pref-
erence for the perceived fast effects of pharmaceuticals was
expressed by a woman born in St. Vincent, in her early 50s,
with 4 years of college education, who reported using pre-
scription medication first and then natural products.
Because that’s scary stuff. You want it fixed right away
with no jokes about it. . . . I know that most medicines
are tried and true and I kind of don’t want to fool
around. I want to make sure that, you know, that what-
ever is cleared up and I think antibiotics and things like
that I really don’t think you can beat them. In terms of
speed, anyway.
General approach to health care. We explored whether
women’s decision-making processes about vaginal practices
seemed consistent with their approaches to healthcare in
general, including their choices to use conventional and non-
conventional medicine. Several respondents who used CAM
reported a preference for conventional medicine for vaginal
problems. An American-born woman in her early 50s, with
a college education, explained why she would use prescrip-
tion medication in the vaginal area, although she generally
preferred natural products.
I feel that some things that are technologically produced
could have more hazardous effects, and I also find that
with a lot of medications, sometimes the side effects are
worse than what you actually started out with. You
know, so which is worse? You know, I have one prob-
lem. I go to a doctor. He gives me a prescription that
now gives me four additional problems that I never had.
So I’m better off a lot of times with something more nat-
ural because I don’t face having these side effects.
However, she adds:
That’s one area of my body that I’m very, very cautious
with. . . . That is the one area that I feel . . . on that I go
to my doctor regularly.
An American-born woman in her early 60s, with 2 years
of college education, explained that her preference for nat-
ural vaginal products was consistent with her reason for
avoiding conventional medicine in general: adverse side ef-
fects and ineffective treatments.
they gave me antibiotics and I caught a urinary tract in-
fection. . . . I think medicine is killing people. I think the
drug companies are using people as guinea pigs. I tried
drugs; and my conditions were still the same.
An American-born woman in her late 60s with 2 years of col-
lege education, who used CAM stated:
I don’t know any products for that. I don’t think women
think of natural products for the vagina . . . that part of
the body.
In general, women did not tell their health providers about
their use of nonconventional vaginal products, including
douching. Only 1 respondent reported disclosing this kind
of information to a health provider: she discussed her use of
a douche with her gynecologist.
Overall, the qualitative data indicate that one of the main
factors guiding respondents’ choices of vaginal practices was
their concern about safety and side effects. Synthetic prod-
ucts had the advantage of being tested for safety and effec-
tiveness, but their side effects were considered potentially
harmful; natural products may have less harmful side effects
but have the disadvantage of being untested and not rec-
ommended by doctors. Many women reported a need for ex-
tra caution using any product in this sensitive area of the
body, regardless of whether they expressed a preference for
natural or synthetic products. In addition, beliefs about
safety were not always consistent with the respondents’ ap-
proach to treatments for other health conditions.
Discussion
A key finding of our study is that the women in this sam-
ple reported willingness to protect themselves from serious
health risks, such as HIV/AIDS, through a vaginal method,
with the caveat that caution is paramount because the vagina
is a sensitive part of the body. Our data suggest that educa-
tion levels and past condom use may affect willingness to
some degree. More educated women may be more aware of
the risks of HIV. Women who have used condoms, the most
effective known method for HIV prevention, may feel the
need to protect themselves from HIV and, therefore, be more
willing to use a vaginal method.
Women’s assessment of risk is an important factor in their
decision to use or avoid a product. Concern about safety un-
derlies women’s choices whether they prefer natural or syn-
thetic products. Those who preferred natural products per-
ceived them to be less risky in terms of side effects. This
observation confirms findings from another study of CAM
use among those with HIV, which reported that safety was
a concern in regard to prescription medications because of
iatrogenic consequences and side effects.33 Those who pre-
ferred synthetic products perceived them as safer because
they are tested by health authorities and approved by physi-
cians.
Previous research has found that black American women
commonly seek natural approaches to healthcare.30,31 It is
possible that microbicide acceptability can be enhanced and
satisfaction with medical care can be improved by herbal
products that are well tested for safety and efficacy. Several
natural products (e.g., seaweed and Azadirachta indica, a
common Indian medicinal plant known as neem) have been
VAGINAL MICROBICIDE ACCEPTABILITY 1349
tested as microbicides and spermicides.34–36 Naturalness, fa-
miliarity, and tradition seemed to influence acceptability for
Indian women in the study of neem.34
Douching was the most common vaginal practice of
women in this sample. It is noteworthy that women catego-
rized as non-CAM users (because they did not report using
any CAM domains for health reasons) reported using a
douche. In addition, most women who reported using a
douche also reported never having used “any herbal reme-
dies or other substance not prescribed by a physician in the
vagina.” This suggests that respondents do not think of
douching as CAM, even though vinegar is a plant extract
and douching is a practice not typically recommended by
medical doctors. Most women probably consider douching
to be in the realm of hygiene, and normative hygiene prac-
tices may not come to mind when reporting health-related
behavior. Douching is a common practice among African
American women and has been found to be associated with
health risks, including adverse reproductive health out-
comes.14 Douching or otherwise cleansing the vagina around
the time of sex may unintentionally dilute, remove, or in-
teract with a microbicide product, having potentially harm-
ful effects.12 Including questions about specific vaginal prac-
tices, such as douching, would be beneficial in microbicide
studies, as well as in health behavior research and in clini-
cal settings.
Based on a review of microbicide studies, Mantell et al.3
highlighted the importance of addressing the diversity of
study populations and how cultural norms affect sexual
practices, sexual satisfaction, product use during menstrua-
tion, perceptions about effects of product use on fertility, and
vaginal insertion of a foreign substance. Prevention of HIV
sexual transmission does not occur in a vacuum. Product ac-
ceptability has been found to differ among racial/ethnic
groups (African American, Caucasian, Hispanic, Haitian)
along several dimensions, including delivery systems and
product characteristics.37 Results of this study suggest that
cultural influences from the Caribbean may differ from those
operating among American-born black women, illustrating
the diversity that exists within the sample of black Ameri-
can women and the wide range of factors that affect vaginal
practices and healthcare in general. Certain vaginal practices
that vary cross-culturally involve a level of comfort with
touching the genitalia,3,17 which is likely to affect accept-
ability of intravaginal microbicides. As douching is common
among the women in this sample, there may be a relatively
high level of comfort with self-touching, which may posi-
tively influence willingness to use a vaginal substance for
HIV prevention. The relationship between self-touching and
microbicide acceptability requires further investigation in di-
verse study populations.
Factors predicting behavior regarding vaginal practices
may not be the same as those predicting general healthcare
behavior. Our results suggest that perceived sensitivity of
the vaginal area leads some women to follow medical ad-
vice concerning vaginal treatment, despite a general prefer-
ence for natural treatments, but also leads others who gen-
erally do not use CAM to prefer natural vaginal products
because of possible adverse side effects from synthetic prod-
ucts. Heightened physical and cultural sensitivity of the
vagina is likely to influence women’s decision making. In-
formation about vaginal practices garnered through social
networking may be limited because of social taboos, and
women may choose products without adequate information
or be less confident about making a choice to self-treat.
This study is limited by the constraints of the data, which
were collected primarily to follow up a larger study on the
use of CAM by women. Because of the sample selection and
small sample size, results are not generalizable to other
groups, particularly those most at risk for HIV/AIDS. Most
women in the sample were over the age of 45 and may have
different attitudes and needs than a younger age group re-
garding vaginal practices and microbicide use. Small sam-
ple size limited our ability to detect statistically significant
differences and may have produced unstable estimates.
Findings from the qualitative analyses have been empha-
sized in this paper, and statistical analyses provide an
overview of the study sample. Another limitation is that
women were asked to report willingness to use a hypothet-
ical product, and this may not be an accurate indicator of ac-
tual use.5,38
Despite these limitations, the findings have important im-
plications for the design and promotion of intravaginal prod-
ucts for the prevention of HIV/AIDS and other STIs.
Women’s choices regarding vaginal practices and their will-
ingness to use vaginal products to prevent HIV/AIDS are
likely to be related to perceptions of risk and decision-mak-
ing processes about healthcare in general as well as to de-
mographic factors. Health approaches and practices differ
depending on varying cultural influences, even within
racial/ethnic groups. These are important factors to explore
further with larger sample sizes.
Conclusions
Women in the sample reported more willingness to use
vaginal products for the prevention of HIV or AIDS than for
any other reason. This was especially true for women with
higher educational levels. Decision-making processes in-
clude assessing risk and effectiveness and choosing health
products that are likely to be effective and not harmful. Risk
assessments vary according to prior experience, cultural in-
fluences, and attitudes about general health and self-care.
Perceptions differ as to the risks of synthetic and natural
products: some view synthetic products as having poten-
tially harmful side effects; others perceive natural products
as potentially harmful because they may not be adequately
tested for safety. If women are well informed about health
products and if side effects are minimal, women’s willing-
ness to use a vaginal product is likely to increase.
Acknowledgments
We thank the interviewer Faith Miller-Sethi, Nina Shilling,
Whitney Dessio, and Cathy Butler of Audits and Surveys
Worldwide and the women who took the time from their
busy lives to answer our questions. We are grateful to the
four anonymous reviewers for their careful reading and
thoughtful comments, which greatly improved the paper.
Disclosure Statement
No competing financial interests exist.
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Address reprint requests to:
Marian Reiff, Ph.D.
300 Lincoln Avenue
Haddonfield, NJ 08033
E-mail: reiff82@gmail.com
VAGINAL MICROBICIDE ACCEPTABILITY 1351

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Jwh.2008.0886

  • 1. JOURNAL OF WOMEN’S HEALTH Volume 17, Number 8, 2008 © Mary Ann Liebert, Inc. DOI: 10.1089/jwh.2008.0886 Health Practices and Vaginal Microbicide Acceptability among Urban Black Women Marian Reiff, Ph.D.,1 Christine Wade, M.P.H.,1 Maria T. Chao, Dr.P.H.,1 Fredi Kronenberg, LungwaniPh.D.,1 andPh.D.Muungo,T. Linda F. Cushman, Ph.D. 2 Abstract Background: Intravaginal topical microbicides are being investigated for prevention of HIV transmission. Use of vaginal microbicides will constitute a new type of practice, occurring in the context of other vaginal prac- tices related to contraception, hygiene, and self-care, which are affected by cultural norms and personal beliefs. Given the high rate of HIV infection among black women, research on practices and decision making relevant to microbicide acceptability is needed in this population. Methods: Twenty-three black women in New York City, aged 25–64, completed in-person semistructured in- terviews and self-administered questionnaires. Quantitative analyses examined vaginal practices and willing- ness to use microbicides. Qualitative analyses explored underlying decision-making processes involved in choices regarding vaginal practices and general healthcare. Results: Willingness to use vaginal products for HIV prevention was high, especially among more educated women. Safety was a major concern, and women were cautious about using vaginal products. Whereas some viewed synthetic products as having potentially harmful side effects, others perceived natural products as risky because of insufficient testing. Choices about vaginal practices were affected by assessments of risk and effi- cacy, prior experience, cultural background, and general approach to healthcare. Conclusions: The majority of women in the sample expressed willingness to use a vaginal product for HIV pre- vention. Decision-making processes regarding vaginal practices were complex and were affected by social, cul- tural, and personal factors. Although specific preferences may vary, attitudes toward using a vaginal product are likely to be positive when side effects are minimal and the product is considered safe. 1345 Introduction INTRAVAGINAL TOPICAL MICROBICIDES are currently under in- vestigation for prevention of HIV transmission.1 Although condoms could protect women from HIV infection, their use is controlled by men.2,3 Development of a female-controlled preventive product could potentially reduce HIV transmis- sion among women by increasing women’s autonomy in HIV prevention.4 Current efforts are aimed at developing in- travaginal topical formulations of anti-HIV agents or micro- bicides to prevent the transmission of HIV and other sexu- ally transmitted infections (STIs). A range of products in varying stages of developments include gel, cream, film, and suppository.1,5 The effectiveness of these formulations will depend, in large measure, on their acceptability.4–7 In 2004, HIV/AIDS was the leading cause of death for black women aged 25–34 in the United States.8 Black women are at high risk of infection and account for the majority (66% in 2005) of new AIDS cases among women; white and Latina women each account for 16% of new AIDS cases.9 It is, there- fore, important to investigate the attitudes and practices that might be relevant to understanding microbicide acceptabil- ity among black women. Although vaginal microbicide use may constitute a new type of practice for women, it will occur in the context of other vaginal practices and healthcare choices that are af- 1The Richard and Hinda Rosenthal Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine Department of Rehabilitation Medicine, Col- lege Physicians & Surgeons, Columbia University, New York, New York. 2Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, New York. This work was funded by The National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (grant R01 HD 37073) and included sup- port from the National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine. The content of this paper is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not represent the official views of the funding agencies. 2
  • 2. fected by social and cultural norms.10,11 Vaginal practices, such as cleansing the vagina and genital area with commer- cial and noncommercial products, wiping inside the vagina, or inserting substances inside the vagina, are commonly em- ployed by women.10,12,13 Reasons for vaginal practices in- clude hygiene (removing menstrual blood, vaginal dis- charge, and odors), sexual pleasure, pregnancy prevention, fertility, and prevention and treatment of vaginal infec- tions.10 Vaginal practice norms have been found to be linked to ideas about sexuality and the body, gender roles, age, ed- ucation, geographic area, ethnicity, marital status, and ritu- als.10 For example, douching (intravaginal cleansing with a liquid solution) is a common practice among African Amer- ican women in the United States.14,15 Other vaginal practices, including type of protection used during menstruation16 and insertion of vaginal products,17 also vary geographically and cross-culturally. Knowledge about women’s decision making and man- agement of their health is relevant to understanding how to develop healthcare products that effectively promote health- ier practices.18,19 Medical pluralism among American women is common.20,21 The use of complementary and al- ternative medicine (CAM), referring to practices and prod- ucts not usually prescribed by doctors or taught in medical schools,22 has been documented among African-American women.23–29 Educational level, age, personal beliefs, and so- cial factors, such as family members and the media, influ- ence choice of treatments by African American women.30,31 It is not known if these factors also predict vaginal practices. Research is needed on attitudes toward and use of a range of vaginal practices in the context of pluralistic healthcare and cultural influences. This paper describes vaginal practices and preferences among black women in New York City, explores how choices in vaginal care may relate to an overall approach to health, and examines the implications for microbicide acceptability. Materials and Methods Data were collected as part of a follow-up study to a cross- sectional telephone survey of women aged Ն18 living in the United States. The survey was conducted in 2001 to provide nationally representative data on women’s use of CAM dur- ing the past year20 as well as estimates of use among women in four racial/ethnic groups: white, African American, Mex- ican American, and Chinese American.23 In 2004, follow-up data were collected to examine culture-related beliefs and sensitive topics. A new sample was recruited by the survey research firm that conducted the original telephone survey. Participants completed the same telephone interview used in the national study23 and were interviewed in person. The study was approved by Columbia University Medical Cen- ter’s Institutional Review Board. Households were telephoned using random digit dialing within geographic areas of New York City known to have a high proportion of African Americans. Respondents were screened for gender (female), age (Ͼ18), ethnicity/race (self- identification as African American or black), and CAM use. CAM users were overrecruited for the follow-up study. Of those who qualified, 36% refused to participate; the final sample consisted of 23 women, 16 CAM users and 7 nonusers. In-person interviews were conducted by a trained African American female interviewer. The interviewer and respon- dents were matched for gender and ethnicity in order to fa- cilitate cooperation and maximize communication and un- derstanding. The interviews lasted between 1 and 2 hours and took place in respondents’ homes or public spaces, and those who participated received compensation. The inter- views were audiotaped and transcribed. A semistructured questionnaire was used to elicit experi- ences and opinions relevant to healthcare practices and treat- ment choices, focusing on the use of CAM and feminine hygiene practices. The interview included open-ended ques- tions and probes to explore the decision-making processes involved in healthcare choices and to identify and under- stand the factors affecting these choices. For example, ques- tions about treatment, such as, What were the main reasons you chose to use that treatment? were followed by probes about how treatments were used and how they were com- bined with other health practices. Questions about vaginal practices focused on the use and reasons for use of products, including commercial and home-made, synthetic and nat- ural, and methods of application, such as douches and creams. Additionally, open-ended questions were asked about ethnic identity and cultural background (e.g., How would you define your own culture? What ethnicity do you identify with?) and use of remedies or practices associated with the respondents’ cultural background and upbringing. Following the interview, participants completed a self-ad- ministered questionnaire about specific practices relating to feminine hygiene, contraception, treatment of vaginal infec- tions, and use of a variety of vaginal products. Willingness to use vaginal products was measured using a 4-point scale (1, very unwilling; 2, somewhat unwilling; 3, somewhat willing; 4, very willing), in response to the five following questions: Would you be willing to use a product in the vagina for any of the following reasons: (1) to reduce the chance of getting pregnant, (2) to reduce the chance of getting an infection;, (3) to reduce the chance of getting HIV or AIDS, (4) to make sex more pleasurable, (5) to treat a health problem or infection? The five items concerning will- ingness to use a vaginal product were combined to form a willingness scale (standardized Cronbach’s alpha reliability of 0.74). CAM users were defined as those who used at least one of the following CAM domains for a health problem in the past year: vitamins and nutritional supplements, a special diet (such as whole foods, macrobiotic or other vegetarian diet), medicinal herbs or teas, remedies or practices associ- ated with a particular culture (e.g., Chinese healing, Ayurveda, Native American healing, Curanderismo), home- opathic remedies, yoga/meditation/tai chi, manual thera- pies (such as massage or acupressure), energy therapies (such as Reiki or therapeutic touch), or any other remedy or treatment not typically prescribed by a medical doctor. Use of prayer for health reasons was assessed but not included as a CAM domain, consistent with inclusion criteria used in previous research.23,24 This report uses quantitative and qualitative analytical methods. Quantitative analyses (using SPSS for Windows 15.0, Chicago, IL) focus on vaginal practices used by the women in the sample; willingness to use vaginal products; and relationships between past practices and willingness to REIFF ET AL.1346
  • 3. use a vaginal product for HIV/AIDS prevention. Statistically significant differences were tested using analysis of variance (ANOVA). Because of small sample size, estimates and as- sociations were not expected to be stable or generalizable to a larger population but do provide an overview of the prac- tices and preferences of the women in the sample. The open- ended responses were analyzed using Atlas-ti, a qualitative software program,32 to explore the reasoning underlying the respondents’ choices and preferences regarding their vagi- nal practices. Relevant domains in the transcripts were iden- tified, coded, and thematically organized. Themes explored included attitudes toward using vaginal products, reasons underlying these attitudes; and approaches to healthcare in general. Results Characteristics of the sample Respondents were women between the ages of 25 and 64, the majority (70%, n ϭ 16) over the age of 45. Most respon- dents (85%, n ϭ 15) had completed at least 2 years of college. Most women were born in the United States (78%, n ϭ 18). Other birthplaces were St. Vincent (2), Haiti (1), Jamaica (1), and Belize (1). Self-reported cultural backgrounds included Southern black (8), African American (4), Caribbean (6), Be- lizean (1), Haitian (1), mixed African American and Ameri- can Indian (2), mixed African American and Caribbean (1). Willingness to use vaginal products Table 1 shows the mean scores for willingness to use a hy- pothetical vaginal product for various reasons (prevention of pregnancy, prevention of infection or HIV, pleasure, and treatment), by education, age, and CAM use. Women were more willing to use a vaginal product to reduce the chance of getting HIV or AIDS than for other reasons (e.g., to re- duce risk of pregnancy and make sex more pleasurable). Women with more than 2 years of college education were more willing to use a vaginal product to reduce the chance of getting HIV/AIDS than were those with less education. Age did not affect willingness to use a microbicide, but re- sults should be interpreted with caution because of the small number of women (n ϭ 7) in the younger age group (18–44). Vaginal practices Table 2 shows the vaginal practices and products used in the past by women in the sample. More than 90% of the sam- ple (91%, n ϭ 21) used a douche in their lifetime. Open- ended responses indicated that almost all douches (home- made and store-bought) consisted of vinegar and water. Douching was reported by 94% (n ϭ 15) of CAM users and 86% (n ϭ 6) of nonusers of CAM (results not shown). Regardless of women’s past use of general vaginal prod- ucts, women indicated a high degree of willingness to use a hypothetical vaginal product to prevent HIV/AIDS. Women who had not used birth control methods had slightly lower willingness scores, and this was statistically significant for condom use (Table 2). Reasons for vaginal practices The most common reason for using vaginal practices other than birth control methods was “cleanliness.” This was true for douching (n ϭ 17) and for other practices (n ϭ 12). Other reasons were discharge (n ϭ 8), odor (n ϭ 9), bloody spot- ting (n ϭ 5), itching/irritation (n ϭ 4), and pain (n ϭ 1). Douching was also used as a birth control method (n ϭ 3). The mean willingness score for using a hypothetical vaginal product for HIV prevention was consistently high for women regardless of the reasons for use of a vaginal prac- tice. Attitudes and knowledge underlying women’s reasons for employing vaginal practices were explored in depth us- ing the qualitative data. Findings were organized into three major themes, which overlap and inform each other: atti- tudes toward natural and synthetic products, issues of safety and efficacy, and the consistency of vaginal practices with general approaches to healthcare, such as CAM use. VAGINAL MICROBICIDE ACCEPTABILITY 1347 TABLE 1. WILLINGNESS TO USE VAGINAL PRODUCT, BY EDUCATION, AGE, AND CAM USE Willingness to use vaginal product to reduce reduce chance of chance of reduce chance make sex treat health getting getting an of getting HIV more problem or Willingness pregnant infection or AIDS pleasurable infection scale mean Mean (na) 2.68 (19) 3.55 (22) 3.73 (22) 3.45 (20) 3.59 (22) 3.39 (22) Education 8th grade–some 2.75 (4) 3.14 (7) 3.14 (7) 3.20 (5) 3.57 (7) 3.13 (7) college (n ϭ 8) Ն2-year college (n ϭ 15) 2.67 (15) 3.73 (15) 4.00 (15)* 3.53 (15) 3.60 (15) 3.51 (15) Age 25–44 (n ϭ 7) 2.29 (7) 3.57 (7) 4.00 (7) 3.29 (7) 3.14 (7) 3.26 (7) 45–64 (n ϭ 16) 2.92 (12) 3.53 (15) 3.60 (15) 3.54 (13) 3.80 (15) 3.45 (15) CAM use Nonuser (n ϭ 7) 2.40 (5) 3.50 (6) 3.50 (6) 3.60 (5) 3.50 (6) 3.17 (6) CAM user (n ϭ 16) 2.79 (14) 3.56 (16) 3.81 (16) 3.40 (15) 3.63 (16) 3.47 (16) an, reported for the number of responses to each item. *p Ͻ 0.05 (ANOVA).
  • 4. Attitudes toward natural and synthetic vaginal products. The open-ended interviews explored respondents’ concepts of naturalness and their attitudes toward using natural and synthetic vaginal products. In defining what “natural” meant to them, respondents referred to products that originate from nature, and that were used by former generations, for ex- ample: Real, not synthetic; something that is organically based that I don’t require a prescription for. No chemicals, and things that come from the earth. Home grown . . . Mother nature. Noninvasive and less side effects. Herbal rather than chemical. Using things from the earth that our grandparents used. Respondents were asked about their propensity to use nat- ural and synthetic vaginal products, and to explain the rea- sons for their preferences. Of 21 available responses, 14 (66.7%) reported that they preferred to use natural rather than synthetic vaginal products, 2 respondents reported a preference for synthetic products, 3 preferred to use both natural and synthetic, and 2 preferred neither (i.e., using nothing). It is worth noting that of 5 Caribbean-born women, 4 preferred natural, and 1 preferred to combine both natural and synthetic vaginal products. Enduring cultural influence is illustrated by the use of steam from boiled leaves for post- partum healing reported by 2 women, both with Haitian backgrounds (1 born in Haiti, the other born in the United States, with a Haitian grandmother), who were Ͻ45 years of age and had at least 2 years of college education. They de- scribed the practice as follows: Well, after I had my son, there is something that we use to heal inside after you’ve had a baby, stitches, after you’ve had all that done, it’s sort of like a cleansing and a healing. For healing especially if you are having epi- siotomy . . . a soothing feeling because you’re very un- comfortable after the childbirth. I feel like the doctors don’t give you anything really because when I came home from the doctor they didn’t give me anything for that. And I was like I know I have to go to the bathroom but it really, really hurts. So that was very helpful. There is something you use after you have a baby to clean out your system; you use a leaf. You boil the leaves and put it in a bucket and you sit over the bucket and let the hot steam just go right inside of you. Reasons reported for preferring natural products included perceived safety (less risk of side effects), low cost, and ef- fectiveness. Reasons for preferring synthetic products in- cluded perceived safety (tested or prescribed or both), ef- fectiveness, tendency to be fast acting, and lack of knowledge about natural products for vaginal use. Safety and efficacy. Safety and, to some extent, efficacy were the predominant reasons cited by women for their choices in vaginal healthcare regardless of whether respon- REIFF ET AL.1348 TABLE 2. VAGINAL PRACTICES AND WILLINGNESS TO USE VAGINAL PRODUCT TO PREVENT HIV/AIDS Willingness to use vaginal product to reduce chances of getting HIV/AIDSa Used product Mean (n) % (n) Product users Product nonusers General products (past year) Talcum powder 17.4 (4) 3.25 (4) 3.83 (18) Towelettes/wipes 65.2 (15) 3.60 (15) 4.00 (7) Feminine spray 26.1 (6) 4.00 (6) 3.63 (16) Vaginal suppositories 13.0 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19) Douche Douche (past year) 68.4 (13) 4.00 (12) 4.00 (6) Douche (lifetime use) 91.3 (21) 3.70 (20) 4.00 (2) Birth control method (lifetime use) Condom 65.2 (15) 4.00 (15) 3.14 (7)* Diaphragm 30.4 (7) 4.00 (7) 3.60 (15) Sponge 33.3 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19) Spermicide 44.4 (6) 4.00 (6) 3.63 (16) Douche 13.0 (3) 4.00 (3) 3.68 (19) Birth control pills 56.5 (13) 4.00 (13) 3.33 (9) IUD 17.4 (4) 4.00 (4) 3.67 (18) Implants –– –– 3.73 (22) Rhythm/natural family planning 21.7 (5) 4.00 (5) 3.65 (17) Other (tubal ligation) 4.3 (1) 4.00 (1) 3.71 (21) Menstrual productsb (past year) Pads 92.3 (12) 3.75 (12) 1.00 (1)* Tampons 30.8 (4) 4.00 (4) 3.33 (9) aBased on n ϭ 22 because 1 respondent did not answer this item. bBased on respondents who menstruated in the past year (n ϭ 13). *p Ͻ 0.05 (ANOVA).
  • 5. dents preferred natural or synthetic products, home reme- dies or prescriptions. An American-born woman from South Carolina, in her early 40s, with less than 2 years of college education, explained why she had used yogurt for vaginal infections: . . . it was sloppy, messy. But I’d rather that than over the counter . . . [because] I don’t know what’s in it. An American-born woman in her late 40s, with 2 years of college education, explained her preference for synthetic vaginal products as follows: That’s a part of your body you have to take care of it and to use something that’s not prescribed, I don’t think that’s healthy. A similar concern for safety with an additional stated pref- erence for the perceived fast effects of pharmaceuticals was expressed by a woman born in St. Vincent, in her early 50s, with 4 years of college education, who reported using pre- scription medication first and then natural products. Because that’s scary stuff. You want it fixed right away with no jokes about it. . . . I know that most medicines are tried and true and I kind of don’t want to fool around. I want to make sure that, you know, that what- ever is cleared up and I think antibiotics and things like that I really don’t think you can beat them. In terms of speed, anyway. General approach to health care. We explored whether women’s decision-making processes about vaginal practices seemed consistent with their approaches to healthcare in general, including their choices to use conventional and non- conventional medicine. Several respondents who used CAM reported a preference for conventional medicine for vaginal problems. An American-born woman in her early 50s, with a college education, explained why she would use prescrip- tion medication in the vaginal area, although she generally preferred natural products. I feel that some things that are technologically produced could have more hazardous effects, and I also find that with a lot of medications, sometimes the side effects are worse than what you actually started out with. You know, so which is worse? You know, I have one prob- lem. I go to a doctor. He gives me a prescription that now gives me four additional problems that I never had. So I’m better off a lot of times with something more nat- ural because I don’t face having these side effects. However, she adds: That’s one area of my body that I’m very, very cautious with. . . . That is the one area that I feel . . . on that I go to my doctor regularly. An American-born woman in her early 60s, with 2 years of college education, explained that her preference for nat- ural vaginal products was consistent with her reason for avoiding conventional medicine in general: adverse side ef- fects and ineffective treatments. they gave me antibiotics and I caught a urinary tract in- fection. . . . I think medicine is killing people. I think the drug companies are using people as guinea pigs. I tried drugs; and my conditions were still the same. An American-born woman in her late 60s with 2 years of col- lege education, who used CAM stated: I don’t know any products for that. I don’t think women think of natural products for the vagina . . . that part of the body. In general, women did not tell their health providers about their use of nonconventional vaginal products, including douching. Only 1 respondent reported disclosing this kind of information to a health provider: she discussed her use of a douche with her gynecologist. Overall, the qualitative data indicate that one of the main factors guiding respondents’ choices of vaginal practices was their concern about safety and side effects. Synthetic prod- ucts had the advantage of being tested for safety and effec- tiveness, but their side effects were considered potentially harmful; natural products may have less harmful side effects but have the disadvantage of being untested and not rec- ommended by doctors. Many women reported a need for ex- tra caution using any product in this sensitive area of the body, regardless of whether they expressed a preference for natural or synthetic products. In addition, beliefs about safety were not always consistent with the respondents’ ap- proach to treatments for other health conditions. Discussion A key finding of our study is that the women in this sam- ple reported willingness to protect themselves from serious health risks, such as HIV/AIDS, through a vaginal method, with the caveat that caution is paramount because the vagina is a sensitive part of the body. Our data suggest that educa- tion levels and past condom use may affect willingness to some degree. More educated women may be more aware of the risks of HIV. Women who have used condoms, the most effective known method for HIV prevention, may feel the need to protect themselves from HIV and, therefore, be more willing to use a vaginal method. Women’s assessment of risk is an important factor in their decision to use or avoid a product. Concern about safety un- derlies women’s choices whether they prefer natural or syn- thetic products. Those who preferred natural products per- ceived them to be less risky in terms of side effects. This observation confirms findings from another study of CAM use among those with HIV, which reported that safety was a concern in regard to prescription medications because of iatrogenic consequences and side effects.33 Those who pre- ferred synthetic products perceived them as safer because they are tested by health authorities and approved by physi- cians. Previous research has found that black American women commonly seek natural approaches to healthcare.30,31 It is possible that microbicide acceptability can be enhanced and satisfaction with medical care can be improved by herbal products that are well tested for safety and efficacy. Several natural products (e.g., seaweed and Azadirachta indica, a common Indian medicinal plant known as neem) have been VAGINAL MICROBICIDE ACCEPTABILITY 1349
  • 6. tested as microbicides and spermicides.34–36 Naturalness, fa- miliarity, and tradition seemed to influence acceptability for Indian women in the study of neem.34 Douching was the most common vaginal practice of women in this sample. It is noteworthy that women catego- rized as non-CAM users (because they did not report using any CAM domains for health reasons) reported using a douche. In addition, most women who reported using a douche also reported never having used “any herbal reme- dies or other substance not prescribed by a physician in the vagina.” This suggests that respondents do not think of douching as CAM, even though vinegar is a plant extract and douching is a practice not typically recommended by medical doctors. Most women probably consider douching to be in the realm of hygiene, and normative hygiene prac- tices may not come to mind when reporting health-related behavior. Douching is a common practice among African American women and has been found to be associated with health risks, including adverse reproductive health out- comes.14 Douching or otherwise cleansing the vagina around the time of sex may unintentionally dilute, remove, or in- teract with a microbicide product, having potentially harm- ful effects.12 Including questions about specific vaginal prac- tices, such as douching, would be beneficial in microbicide studies, as well as in health behavior research and in clini- cal settings. Based on a review of microbicide studies, Mantell et al.3 highlighted the importance of addressing the diversity of study populations and how cultural norms affect sexual practices, sexual satisfaction, product use during menstrua- tion, perceptions about effects of product use on fertility, and vaginal insertion of a foreign substance. Prevention of HIV sexual transmission does not occur in a vacuum. Product ac- ceptability has been found to differ among racial/ethnic groups (African American, Caucasian, Hispanic, Haitian) along several dimensions, including delivery systems and product characteristics.37 Results of this study suggest that cultural influences from the Caribbean may differ from those operating among American-born black women, illustrating the diversity that exists within the sample of black Ameri- can women and the wide range of factors that affect vaginal practices and healthcare in general. Certain vaginal practices that vary cross-culturally involve a level of comfort with touching the genitalia,3,17 which is likely to affect accept- ability of intravaginal microbicides. As douching is common among the women in this sample, there may be a relatively high level of comfort with self-touching, which may posi- tively influence willingness to use a vaginal substance for HIV prevention. The relationship between self-touching and microbicide acceptability requires further investigation in di- verse study populations. Factors predicting behavior regarding vaginal practices may not be the same as those predicting general healthcare behavior. Our results suggest that perceived sensitivity of the vaginal area leads some women to follow medical ad- vice concerning vaginal treatment, despite a general prefer- ence for natural treatments, but also leads others who gen- erally do not use CAM to prefer natural vaginal products because of possible adverse side effects from synthetic prod- ucts. Heightened physical and cultural sensitivity of the vagina is likely to influence women’s decision making. In- formation about vaginal practices garnered through social networking may be limited because of social taboos, and women may choose products without adequate information or be less confident about making a choice to self-treat. This study is limited by the constraints of the data, which were collected primarily to follow up a larger study on the use of CAM by women. Because of the sample selection and small sample size, results are not generalizable to other groups, particularly those most at risk for HIV/AIDS. Most women in the sample were over the age of 45 and may have different attitudes and needs than a younger age group re- garding vaginal practices and microbicide use. Small sam- ple size limited our ability to detect statistically significant differences and may have produced unstable estimates. Findings from the qualitative analyses have been empha- sized in this paper, and statistical analyses provide an overview of the study sample. Another limitation is that women were asked to report willingness to use a hypothet- ical product, and this may not be an accurate indicator of ac- tual use.5,38 Despite these limitations, the findings have important im- plications for the design and promotion of intravaginal prod- ucts for the prevention of HIV/AIDS and other STIs. Women’s choices regarding vaginal practices and their will- ingness to use vaginal products to prevent HIV/AIDS are likely to be related to perceptions of risk and decision-mak- ing processes about healthcare in general as well as to de- mographic factors. Health approaches and practices differ depending on varying cultural influences, even within racial/ethnic groups. These are important factors to explore further with larger sample sizes. Conclusions Women in the sample reported more willingness to use vaginal products for the prevention of HIV or AIDS than for any other reason. This was especially true for women with higher educational levels. Decision-making processes in- clude assessing risk and effectiveness and choosing health products that are likely to be effective and not harmful. Risk assessments vary according to prior experience, cultural in- fluences, and attitudes about general health and self-care. Perceptions differ as to the risks of synthetic and natural products: some view synthetic products as having poten- tially harmful side effects; others perceive natural products as potentially harmful because they may not be adequately tested for safety. If women are well informed about health products and if side effects are minimal, women’s willing- ness to use a vaginal product is likely to increase. Acknowledgments We thank the interviewer Faith Miller-Sethi, Nina Shilling, Whitney Dessio, and Cathy Butler of Audits and Surveys Worldwide and the women who took the time from their busy lives to answer our questions. 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