This document provides an introduction to a dissertation examining the progression of Irish involvement in the licensed trade in Liverpool between 1859-1872. It summarizes the existing historiography on Irish immigration to Britain in the 19th century, the role of Irish pubs, debates around licensing laws and reform, and the religious and cultural networks that emerged within Irish immigrant communities. The introduction establishes the context of Irish settlement in Liverpool and discusses sources that will be used in examining the growth of Irish publicans and public houses during this period.

1. 0
The progression of Irish involvement in the licensed trade
in Liverpool: 1859 – 1872
Stacey Swayne
A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts (Hons) History
Supervisor: Dr. Máirtín Ó'Cathaín
HY3990
1st May 2014

2. i
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. Máirtín Ó'Cathaín, as his expert guidance and help in locating
sources has been invaluable. I would also like to thank the History department at the
University of Central Lancashire for their assistance during my degree.
I would also like to acknowledge Liverpool Central Library, particularly the archives for
their vast array of resources, which have been pivotal to this dissertation.
Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends who provided great support.

3. ii
Contents
List of Figures iii
Abbreviations iv
Introduction: Historiography, context, and methodology 1
Chapter 1: The growth of the Irish presence in nineteenth century Britain 11
Chapter 2: Expansion of the licensed trade in the nineteenth-century 19
Chapter 3: Case Study of Public Houses in the Docks and Central Liverpool 32
Conclusion 39
Bibliography 42

4. iii
List of Figures
Figure 1.1: Irish Publicans 16
Figure 1.2: Female Irish Publicans 16
Figure 3.1: Distribution of Irish Public Houses across Liverpool 37

5. iv
Abbreviations
CO: Cheshire Observer and Chester, Birkenhead, Crewe and North Wales Times
LM: Liverpool Mercury
MC: Morning Chronicle

6. 1
Introduction:
Historiography, context, and methodology

7. 2
I
The nineteenth century saw an influx of Irish immigrants to Britain, and as John Belchem
states, "a large proportion of the unskilled and semi-skilled working class clustered close
to casual labour markets of the city centre and the waterfront, areas associated with the
Irish",1 with immigrants settling predominantly into port towns such as Liverpool, Bristol
and Glasgow. Liverpool provides a notable example of mass immigration, with 23% of
the city's population being Irish born by 1851.2 As immigration continued, what became
known as 'Little Irelands' emerged, establishing communities where connections could
be made with fellow Irish migrants who generally preferred to separate themselves from
the English. This led to the growth of a separate Irish social community which was loosely
founded around the licensed trade, the Catholic Church and Irish based hubs. Despite
this close knit Irish community, the Irish immigrant middle class made attempts to
disassociate themselves from the working class Irish in order to further their social
standing within the community and with the wider host community. However, if they
alienated fellow Irishmen completely, this could be harmful to their business as the Irish
were their main clientele.3 During the time of peak migration to Liverpool, epidemics
such as typhus and cholera occurred, with a great increase in the mortality rate,
therefore leading to Liverpool being labelled the 'Black Spot on the Mersey' with the
highest levels of poverty, deprivation and mortality in the country.4 Although it is not
possible to determine whether the increase in mortality rates was purely due to the
1
Belchem, John, Merseypride: Essays in Liverpool Exceptionalism (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,
2000) pp.42-43
2
Gallagher, Tom, "A Tale of Two Cities: Communal Strife in Glasgow and Liverpool before 1914" in Swift,
R., Gilley, S. (eds.) The Irish in the Victorian City (Kent: Croom Helm Ltd, 1985) p.107
3
Miskell, Louise, "'Operating in the Ethnic Sphere': Irish Migrant Networks and the Question of
Respectability in Nineteenth-Century South Wales", Immigrants & Minorities 23:2-3 (2005) pp.233-253
4
Belchem, John, Liverpool 800: Culture, Character and History (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006)
p.173

8. 3
increase in Irish in Liverpool, Belchem notes they were used as a scapegoat to explain
such problems caused by poor sanitation in an overcrowded city.
The role of Irish pubs and the licensed trade in Britain during the nineteenth century has
been covered to varying degrees by historians. Public houses served various purposes
within communities, socially, culturally and economically for the Irish,5 whilst also having
links with religion, politics and charitable networks such as the St Patrick's Society. The
licensed trade was very distinct in Liverpool during the nineteenth century, with
Liverpool having 1,895 fully-licensed houses as opposed to Manchester's 513.6
Consequently, it is clear why in some respects, Liverpool was seen as the most drunken
town in England. As Kneale states, the pub was "condemned as a 'dangerous temptation'
to the working classes, with twenty Acts of Parliament passed during the century
regarding the licensing trade".7 Nonetheless, the Beer House Act of 1830 meant that
there were few restrictions on where beer could be publicly sold and consumed, making
control over the trade more difficult. Kneale discusses the report of Villiers in 1853, and
Peel's seven reports from 1897 to 1899,8 demonstrating the immoralities associated with
the pub and that drinking was not disciplined, therefore pubs would have to be more
thoroughly controlled. Mutch reiterates Kneale's discussion on the topic of reform,
displaying that magistrates were under increasing pressure to decrease the number of
5
Swift, Roger, "Heroes or Villains?: The Irish, Crime, and Disorder in Victorian England", Albion 29:3 (1997)
p.404
6
Girouard, Mark, Victorian Pubs (London: Yale University Press, 1990) p.246
7
Kneale, James, "'A Problem of Supervision': Moral Geographies of the nineteenth-century British Public
House", Journal of Historical Geography 25: 3 (1999) p.333
8
See Kneale, "'A Problem of Supervision'" for further details on the individual reports.

9. 4
licences in order to combat public drunkenness.9 To help achieve this, the existing acts
would have to be amended to create new guidelines for licensing.
The debate around reform of public house licensing laws in the nineteenth century are
also discussed in a different context by Gutze, who states that, although the Gothenburg
system of disinterested management, which was "designed to eliminate the profit
incentive from liquor retailing and with it the commercial pressure on drinkers to
consume alcohol",10 worked well in Scandinavia, a different approach would be required
in Britain due to the tied-house system of breweries and pubs,11 where the public house
had to purchase some of its beer from a specific company. Although the middle class,
businessmen and philanthropists approved of the method of disinterested management,
believing in rational recreation, they achieved little success due to the popularity of the
pub and beer among the working class, which was believed to be the simplest and
cheapest form of entertainment for the lower classes.12
Religion played a key part in many of the Irish immigrants maintaining bonds and coming
together in times of need. The Catholic churches were fundamental to the poor Irish
immigrants during the nineteenth century, providing a range of different services whilst
also helping with education and social activities. As noted by Werly, the Irish were
popularly regarded as more religious than their English counterparts and religion
provided them with "a source of unity and an emotional escape from the deprivation of
9
Mutch, Alistair, "Magistrates and Public House Managers, 1840 - 1914: Another Case of Liverpool
Exceptionalism?", Northern History XL: 2 (2003) p.328
10
Gutze, David W., "Gentrifying the British Public House, 1896-1914", International Labor and Working-
Class History 45 (1994) p.29
11
Gutze, "Gentrifying the British Public House", pp.29-43
12
Gutze, "Gentrifying the British Public House", pp.29-43

10. 5
their ghettos".13 He further remarks that de Tocqueville observed Protestantism was
losing its power over the lower classes, with Catholicism becoming more prevalent. The
church's influence was further shown through networks such as the St. Patrick's Society,
a fraternal and benefit association founded at the St. Patrick's mission chapel in the
south end of Liverpool, which was important for the Irish migrants, although it focused
on the Catholics, ensuring that the poorest migrants received a proper funeral without
the indignities of the Poor Law.14 The Liverpool Hibernian Benevolent Burial Society,
founded in 1834, was another example of the expansion of charitable networks among
the Irish, which created a greater sense of ethnicity within the community.15 The pub
allowed these societies to be more successful in their fundraising, acting in some
circumstances as sponsors for the societies, as well as convenient and convivial meeting
places.
However, although much of the literature focuses on the Catholic community, Protestant
Ulstermen were also present in Liverpool. Gallagher demonstrates the sectarian nature
within the Irish communities in Glasgow and Liverpool, explaining the hostility between
the Protestants and Catholics and how they were established in the cities' politics.
Gallagher states ultimately that Protestant politics in Liverpool were more volatile due to
a greater religious affiliation and residential segregation, which arguably made it more
prominent in Liverpool than Glasgow.16 The Protestant fraternal association, the Orange
Order, grew rapidly in Liverpool from the 1830s onwards due to migration to Britain, and
as MacRaild states, the Orangemen maintained strong ties regardless of where they
13
Werly, John M., "The Irish in Manchester, 1832-49", Irish Historical Studies 18: 71 (1973) p.350
14
Belchem, John, "Priest, Publicans and the Irish Poor: Ethnic Enterprise and Migrant Networks in Mid-
Nineteenth Century Liverpool", Immigrants and Minorities 23: 2-3 (2005) p.208
15
Belchem, Merseypride, p.76
16
Gallagher, "A Tale of Two Cities", p.114

11. 6
migrated; displaying the strength of their religion, loyalism, and the connections it
created.17
It was not solely religion that brought together and divided the Irish in "alien"
communities, but also nationalist groups such as the National Brotherhood of St Patrick,
founded in Dublin on 17th March 1861. The first branch established in England was in
Manchester on 20th May 1861 with further branches in London, Liverpool, and in parts
of Yorkshire and Lancashire. However, as Moran states, "it was difficult to secure the
support of most of the Irish in Britain as it threatened the Catholic Church because it was
able to express the political and national feelings of anger and frustration of the
emigrant Irish which the church was unable to do".18 Catholicism was heavily associated
with the Irish identity, however, the wider political movement associated with the
Fenians of radical, physical force nationalism (with which the National Brotherhood of St.
Patrick was often linked), occasionally challenged this linkage.
Irish nationalism may sometimes be seen as exhibiting an element of Catholic
protectionism, where the Catholic Church wanted to preserve the Catholic faith as a
whole, including English Catholics, in a predominantly Protestant borough. However,
Catholic “protectors” urged Catholics not to become involved in politics whereas Irish
nationalists fought openly for the Irish cause, creating rifts between the English and Irish
Catholics.19
17
MacRaild, Donald M., "Networks, Communication and the Irish Protestant Diaspora in Northern England,
c.1860-1914", Immigrants and Minorities 23: 2-3 (2005) pp.311-337
18
Moran, Gerald, "The National Brotherhood of St. Patrick in Britain in the 1860s", Irish Studies Review 7: 3
(1999) p.334
19
Dye, Ryan, "Catholic Protectionism or Irish Nationalism? Religion and Politics in Liverpool, 1829-1845",
Journal of British Studies 40: 3 (2001) pp.363-365

12. 7
Ribbonism, a form of nationalism associated with the aforementioned Catholic
protectionism, was also a great force among the Liverpool-Irish, contributing to networks
across the Irish Sea, with a prominent Ribbonite branch apparently situated on Grayson
Street, in the city. As Belchem states, Ribbonmen held a 'pivotal role in the evolution of
the Irish nationalist politics with their sectarian blend of religion-based nationalism'20
functioning as a form of trade unionism, and often operating out of public houses.
Crime was commonly associated with public houses and also regularly with the Irish.
However, even though pubs were seen as a prime location for crime and drunken and
disorderly behaviour, Swift states that, although the Irish were well represented in crime
statistics, the Irish proportion of vagrants comprised at most forty percent in contrast to
the fifty to seventy percent of English vagrants.21 Paradoxically, Davis notes that Irish
Catholics were dominant in crime figures for some places, constituting 'one-third of
those taken into custody in Liverpool were Irish and two-fifths of those before the
magistrate's court were Irish'.22 Davis states this led to new methods of policing with
constant patrolling, surveillance, 'moving on', and arresting anyone who refused to
cooperate.23 Even though some argue that the Irish were heavily involved in crime, they
may have become more easily detected due to these new methods of policing, therefore
leading to more arrests motivated by a general belief that the Irish were the main cause
of most public commotion. Furthermore, as they formed part of the poorest section of
society, they became an easy target in relation to convictions for criminal offences,
whilst the prejudices held against them also did them no favours. Furthermore, as L.P.
20
Belchem, Merseypride, p.70
21
Swift, "Heroes or Villains?", p.407
22
Davis, Graham, The Irish in Britain 1815-1914 (Ireland: Gill and Macmillan, 1991) p.155
23
Busteed, Mervyn, "The Irish in Nineteenth Century Manchester", Irish Studies Review 5: 18 (1997) p.12

13. 8
Curtis notes, the “Anglo-Saxons” believed they were superior and capable of self-
government, in contrast to the Irish who were “childish, addicted to violence,
enthusiasm and authoritarian control”.24
Much of the crime, it can be argued, committed by the Irish was due to their lack of
employment and a need to survive. On the other hand, although not focused upon the
Irish, Walton and Wilcox identify that Lambertz and Ayers's interviews found that there
was a significant presence of female workers in Liverpool, showing that it was necessary
for women to work, as well as men, in order to support their family.25 Walton and Wilcox
also discuss Hugh Shimmin, a well-known journalist in Liverpool in the mid-nineteenth
century. Although he had little to say in regard to the Liverpool-Irish, he believed in
discouraging the consumption of alcohol and drunkenness, considering like many of his
peers that it was immoral and that establishments often "degenerated to rowdiness".26
Father Theobald Mathews, a Church of Ireland rector who visited Liverpool in 1844, was
a strong believer in teetotalism as he had witnessed firsthand the "devastation that
liquor was wreaking among the poor".27 Father Mathews' movement had significant
success in Ireland and he was regarded as the "great Apostle of Temperance", not only
by his own country but throughout Europe,28 where his ideology had similar success.
Ultimately, as Swift's research shows, many Irish emigrants were moving from poverty in
Ireland to further poverty in England, forced to take the lowest paid jobs and live in the
24
Condon, Mary D., Review of L. P. Curtis Jr., “Anglo-Saxons and Celts: A Study of Anti-Irish Prejudice in
Victorian England”, The American Historical Review 74: 2 (1968) p.613
25
Walton, John K., & Wilcox, Alastair, Low Life & Moral Improvement in Mid-Victorian England: Liverpool
Through the Journalism of Hugh Shimmin (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1991) p.11
26
Belchem, Liverpool 800, p.241
27
Comerford, R. V., Review of Townend, Paul A., "Father Mathew, Temperance and the Irish Identity",
Albion 35:4 (2003) p.724
28
Simpson, W. W., A Defence of the Very Reverend Father Mathew and the Temperance Societies of Ireland
(London: Hume Tracts, 1842) p.1

14. 9
worst conditions. Therefore, the societies and groups established were necessary to
provide a support network for the Irish. The pub, like the church, was often at the centre
of this network and was a way of maintaining social and cultural links in a segregated
society, regardless of the fact that Irish pubs were what Belchem has referred to as
"universal rather than ethnocentric".29 Therefore, although the public house had
multiple links to disorder and crime, for the Irish community within Liverpool and also
overseas, pubs allowed for connections to remain and created an ethnic identity for the
Irish in Liverpool which still remains today. Moreover, as this dissertation will argue, the
Irish pub and the licensed trade more generally provided opportunities for migrant social
mobility rarely afforded elsewhere.
II
Although many studies have been conducted regarding the licensed trade in Liverpool,
they focus mainly on aspects surrounding public houses, such as crime and various
societies that worked with the community. Although historians such as Belchem provide
a view of the Irish and their role within the community, also discussing nationalist
movements and their role in connection with the pub and the Irish connection, they do
not go into depth about the areas that had a significantly larger number of public houses
and the links in connection to ethnicity and social mobility. This study will examine the
increasing involvement of the Irish within the licensed trade in Liverpool during the mid-
nineteenth century, focusing mainly on public houses in central Liverpool and by the
docks. In order to establish how much further the Irish became involved, the impact this
had on their ethnicity and social mobility, and to show the general growth of the licensed
29
Belchem, Merseypride, p.67

15. 10
trade throughout Liverpool in this period, it was necessary to use Gore’s Directories
which listed ale and porter dealers, wine and spirit merchants and also provided a list of
hotels, inns and taverns. The directories also display that Irish-owned public houses
were focused heavily in select areas and particular streets, whilst the Liverpool Mercury
provided examples of the typical social structure within public houses and also how the
Irish were involved. This will be the focus of chapter three. However, prior to the case
study, it is necessary to look at the expansion of the licensed trade in general and the
further controls that were introduced, which is the focus of chapter two, whilst chapter
one will provide a clear background to the overall expansion of the Irish migrant
population within Liverpool's licensed trade as a whole and their significance.

16. 11
Chapter 1
The growth of the Irish presence in nineteenth
century Britain

17. 12
Irish presence within Britain had been increasing from the late eighteenth century,
influenced by an increase in opportunities for employment and Ireland's failure to
economically support a rapidly increasing population.30 Irish immigrants were mainly
concentrated in Lancashire, London and Central Scotland, where industrial work was
dominant. The "Irish difficulty", which was seen as becoming an "imperial problem", was
the cause of Irish immigration during this period. An Edinburgh Whig reviewer claimed
that waste land reclamation and emigration would solve the problems in Ireland.
However, the Liverpool Mercury stated that:
The proposal of shovelling out ... paupers from Ireland, for four or five years to
come, at the rate of 400,000 persons every year, would be no remedy at all, if
the existing resources of that country are so incapable of development.31
Furthermore, the Irish Poor Law was deficient in providing aid due to Lord John Russell's
failure to realise what would be best to rid Ireland of pauperism, he describes how "no
far-seeing individual who supposes that with an Irish national "rate in aid", Great Britain
has seen and heard the last of Irish pauperism".32 Russell was a Liberal politician who
was prominent in politics during the time of the Great Irish Famine and was twice
elected as Prime Minister. He believed in the "church rate principle that ratepayers of all
religious denominations were liable to the rate levied for the maintenance of Anglican
parish churches",33 and that these church rates should be offered to support those in
need, and this was strongly supported by Anglo-Catholics although they opposed the
offer of aid to Dissenters.34 However, in 1859, Russell declared that he now felt church
30
Busteed, M.A., & Hodgson, R.I., "Irish Migrant Responses to Urban Life in Early Nineteenth-Century
Manchester", The Geographical Journal 162:2 (1996) p.141
31
Liverpool Mercury, 'The Irish Difficulty', 9 January 1849
32
LM, 'New and Improved Edition of the Irish Poor Law', 16 February 1849
33
Ellens, J. P., "Lord John Russell and the Church Rate Conflict: The Struggle for a Broad Church, 1834-
1868", Journal of British Studies 26: 2 (1987) p.232
34
Ellens, "Lord John Russell", p.233

18. 13
rates should be abolished, despite defending them for the past twenty-five years. Russell
also essentially neglected Ireland in matters of reform as it was commonly believed that
the Irish were "less honest and less loyal, as well as less Protestant than the English",
without the formalised structure that forms the English constitution.35
"Rate in aid" would have proved highly beneficial to the poorest classes, as a report of
houses of refuge for the destitute poor from the Morning Chronicle found that out of
14,772 sheltered by the Houseless Poor Society in 1848-49, 8068 of these were Irish.36
This further displays the poverty that the Irish encountered in Britain that they had been
trying to escape in their native country, accounting for almost 55 per cent of those
seeking shelter.
However, not all Irish immigrants were affected by the bad economic situation in Ireland
and did not require the aid of the Poor Law. Bailey's study focuses on 'professional' Irish
migrants, ranging from lawyers and doctors to merchants. Bailey states that although
these migrants were clearly colonisers within Britain, they maintained strong ties with
Ireland.37 Miskell's study of the Irish in South Wales focuses on the Irish middle classes,
stating that "retailers, lodging-house keepers and beershop proprietors were a more
significant presence",38 although the Irish typically undertook low-skilled jobs even when
commercial and retail jobs were available. Miskell's research shows that the licensed
trade was a popular occupation for the Irish middle class, and this is clear from the
Gore's Directories. The directories provide a list of hotels, inns, and taverns in Liverpool
35
Saunders, Robert, "Lord John Russell and Parliamentary Reform, 1848-67", The English Historical Review
120: 489 (2005) p.1305
36
LM, 'Houses of Refuge for the Destitute Poor', 15 January 1850
37
Bailey, Craig, "Metropole and Colony: Irish Networks and Patronage in the Eighteenth-Century Empire",
Immigrants & Minorities 23:2-3 (2005) p.162
38
Miskell, "'Operating in the Ethnic Sphere'", p.237

19. 14
and its surrounding townships. Prior to 1859, the directories did not contain these,
although in the professional trades section, occupations within the licensed trade could
be found under 'ale and porter dealers' and 'merchants - wine and spirit'. However, there
was little presence of the Irish in these listings, although Guinness and Co. (no relation to
the company established by Arthur Guinness in Ireland in 1759) were prominent Irish ale
dealers in Liverpool, whilst Cearns and Brown, and Henry MacGrotty and Co. were
prominent wine and spirit merchants.
The listings of hotels, inns, and taverns from 1859 to 1872 display not only a growth in
the number of Irish owned pubs, but also an increase in the number of women present
in the business. Using information from the lists of public houses, hotels, taverns and
inns in the Gore's Directory between the years 1859 and 1872, figure 1.1 gives an
indication of the number of Irish owned pubs in Liverpool, collectively male and female
publicans. However, whilst not all of these owners may be first generation Irish migrants,
they may have been second or third generation, demonstrating how the Irish connection
lived on through the English-born Irish and how ethnic identity was still significant.
Figure 1.2 below compiled from a survey of women publicans with Irish names listed in
Gore's Directory between the years 1859 and 1872, gives an indication of the growing
number of Irish women involved in the licensed trade. In 1859, out of the 161 Irish
owners or managers, twenty-five of these were women, increasing to forty-nine out of
239 in 1872. This displays that although the licensed trade was viewed as a typically male
occupation, there was a growth of female involvement in the trade. The figures also
demonstrate that the rate of female involvement increased at a rate similar to the
general growth of Irish publicans in Liverpool during this period; in 1859, 17 per cent of

20. 15
Irish publicans were women, increasing to 21 per cent by 1872. Women were expected
to act feminine and the public house was seen as a male pastime, with the only women
usually linked with the public house being prostitutes. Moreover, Brennan states that
"alcohol is identified as a form of sensual, almost erotic pleasure", and therefore, the
women serving alcohol would become equated with prostitutes.39 However, many times
women played significant roles in the pubs and they were often a family run business:
...pubs were important to married women as their workplaces, as well as their
domestic residences where they could raise their children and work alongside or
in the absence of their husbands.40
Women would also have to take over in the event of husbands or sons being unfit to
manage the pub or due to death. An example of this is shown in the Gore's directories
when the Edge Lane Hotel, which was initially managed by Gillespie Dunlevie in 1859,
was later run by Ann Dunlevie in 1860. Furthermore, despite the public house being a
predominantly male establishment, the female management of public houses was not a
far cry from the domestic sphere in which women were typically expected to operate,
therefore women would be well suited to the job. However, the hours were typically
very long for a barmaid, anywhere between fifteen to eighteen hours a day, although the
hours for girls below eighteen were limited to sixty-fours a week by 1893.41 Orme's
report also notes the temptations faced by barmaids, referring to temptations of alcohol
and the 'moral dangers' surrounding the establishments.
39
Brennan, Thomas, Review of Kirby, Diane, Barmaids: A History of Women's Work in Pubs, The American
Historical Review 104:1 (1999) p.170
40
Kirby, Diane Erica, "Drinking 'the Good Life', Australia c.1880-1980", in Holt, Mack P. (ed.) Alcohol: A
Social and Cultural History (Oxford: Berg, 2006) p.209
41
Orme, Miss E., A Barmaid's Life as it Really Is: facts given in the Parliamentary Reports of the Labour
Commission of 1893 (Westminster: Church of England Temperance Society, 1893) p.1

21. 16
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
1859 1860 1862 1864 1865 1868 1870 1871 1872
Figure 1.1: Irish Publicans
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1859 1860 1862 1864 1865 1868 1870 1871 1872
Figure 1.2: Female Irish Publicans

22. 17
The increasing Irish presence is also clear through crime. As an article from the Liverpool
Mercury states in a case regarding the theft of a diamond ring worth £15, the thieves
were John Kavanagh and Michael Maddox, whilst Isaac Carroll was the victim. Kavanagh,
Maddox, and Carroll are typical Irish surnames, and Carroll is noted as being a tailor and
draper, a respectable profession. The theft occurred after meeting in a pub, with
Kavanagh saying, “You have a very nice ring on; it would get drink for us all”,42 when
Carroll had refused to give Kavanagh and Maddox any money. The offence took place on
William Street, which is close to the docks and an area heavily populated with public
houses and Irish immigrants. A story of this nature displays the typical stereotypes of the
association between the Irish, alcohol and criminality, and therefore would make a good
piece for newspapers.
Ultimately, urban life in Britain for the Irish during the nineteenth-century could be a
disorientating experience and they stood out within the communities due to "poverty,
nationality, race and religion".43 However, despite settling into the slum areas of cities,
particularly cellars for those who immigrated to Liverpool, "a Nation survey displayed
that there was an emergence of a substantial Irish middle-class in London, Liverpool and
Manchester".44 As noted by Ó Tuathaigh, although not vast, an Irish middle-class was
present among the Irish immigrants, specialising as doctors, lawyers, writers, journalists,
and some involved in finance and business.45 Furthermore, as stated by John Denvir, a
prominent Irish figure in the nineteenth century, there had been "a vast change for the
better in the surroundings of our people... Irishmen are gradually emerging from the
42
LM, 'Liverpool Police Court', 5 January 1865
43
Swift, Roger, "The Outcast Irish in the British Victorian city: Problems and Perspectives", Irish Historical
Studies 25:99 (1987) p.264
44
Swift, "The Outcast Irish", p.267
45
Ó Tuathaigh, M. A. G., "The Irish in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Problems of Integration", Transactions of
the Royal Historical Society 5:31 (1981) p.155

23. 18
ranks of unskilled labour and becoming more numerous among the artisans,
shopkeepers, merchants and professional classes"46 in Liverpool, further stating in his
memoirs in 1910 that men who came from 'humble avocations' get into the "higher
circles of the commercial world... among the merchant princes "on 'Change" in Liverpool
men".47 However, as Pooley notes, the unskilled and skilled Irish often segregated
themselves in different areas of the city; the unskilled in the docks and central Liverpool,
with the skilled being mainly spread over the outer suburbs of Liverpool, mainly Everton.
He further states that this displays that "not only were unskilled Irish segregated from
skilled Irish but also that the unskilled Irish formed a community distinct from the rest of
Liverpool's unskilled population".48
In the next chapter we shall look more closely at Denvir's observation, with a particular
focus on the Irish involvement in Liverpool's expanding sector.
46
Denvir, John, The Irish in Britain (London, 1892) pp.435-7
47
Denvir, John, The Life Story of an Old Rebel (Dublin: Sealy, Bryers & Walker, 1910) Chapter 1
48
Pooley, Colin G., "The Residential Segregation of Migrant Communities in Mid-Victorian Liverpool",
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 2:3 (1977) p.373

24. 19
Chapter 2
Expansion of the licensed trade during the
nineteenth-century

25. 20
I
In the previous chapter we saw how the Irish in Britain, although predominantly
concentrated in the working class, did contain a middle class minority whose business
often relied on the patronage of the wider Irish community. In this chapter, the specific
growth of the Irish involvement in Liverpool's licensed trade will be examined.
There were many variations of the public house, referred to as inns, taverns, ale houses,
and the gin palaces that developed from the 1830s. Each had a varying function, as inns
were mainly for the provision of lodgings for travellers, and therefore mainly used by the
wealthy, serving spirits, beers and wine. Taverns were "virtually indistinguishable from
inns" by the late eighteenth century,49 catering to a wide clientele. The alehouse was the
typical village pub and did not offer accommodation or entertainment like the inns and
taverns. They were an integral part of village life, acting as a local community meeting
place,50 and served only beer, the 'national beverage'. The 'gin palaces' of the early
nineteenth-century were much more commercialised than pubs had been up to this
point, and had a different layout, style, scale and management system. These 'gin
palaces' had been "stimulated" by beer houses, which were popular with the urban poor.
Beerhouses tended to be small, numerous, and uncommercialised. Smith states that "the
beer house... along with the more flamboyant gin palace, entrenched the social usage
patterns of the earlier alehouse, although in a much more stratified form",51 whilst these
new pubs were seen as "a haven from the filth and meanness of inadequate and
49
Smith, Michael A., "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House: Changing Aspects of Class and Leisure",
The British Journal of Sociology 34:3 (1983) p.367
50
Smith, "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House", pp.367-368
51
Smith, "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House", p.369

26. 21
congested housing, a magnet for the disoriented newcomer and disgruntled alike".52
Accounts from the Liverpool Mercury mention the 'gin palace' frequently, with one
account from a temperance advocate stating that "the gin-palace, the public-house,
continue to hold out their allurements to excess, without any competitors for the
patronage of the public".53 This account further states that the Temperance hotels that
were established to detract from the public house and to provide a different form of
pastime not centred on alcohol were not as alluring as the typical gin palace or public
house:
The so-called "Temperance Hotels", or whatever other denomination they may
rejoin in, are not worthy the name. Squalid and mean in their external
appearance, they certainly do no credit to the cause they are intended to
uphold... their internal arrangements by no means belie their unpromising
exterior.54
The Liverpool Mercury reporter further states that Liverpool was far behind other cities
such as Manchester and Belfast in terms of the temperance establishments although
further improvements could also be made in these areas. Furthermore, the appeal of the
gin palace is noted in 1853, stating that less people were attending church in the area of
Byrom Street due to the fact that the church was too small to accommodate the vast
amount of Roman Catholics in the surrounding area, and that the gin palace was a great
distraction because of this:
The poor are splendidly entertained in the gorgeous gin-palace and the
meretricious music-saloon; can we wonder that they refuse to come to church,
when even comfort and convenience have not been studied?55
52
Smith, "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House", p.369
53
Liverpool Mercury, 'Temperance Coffee House', 27 January 1837
54
LM, 'Temperance Coffee House', 27 January 1837
55
LM, 'New Church For Vauxhall District', 1 July 1853

27. 22
Throughout the nineteenth century, the licensed trade increased at a rapid pace,
especially after the Beer House Act of 1830, which relaxed licensing laws, allowing
people to apply for a liquor licence and leading to many public houses becoming fully
licensed. It deprived the magistracy from jurisdiction, allowing "any householder to
obtain from the Excise an indoor beer license for two guineas, or for cider only for one
guinea".56 The aim of the act was to introduce the beerhouse as a way of weaning people
away from spirits. This led to an increase of twenty-five per cent in terms of the
consumption of beer. However, the consumption of spirits also increased by eight per
cent.57 This was followed by further licensing acts but the most significant were the Wine
and Beerhouse Act of 1869 and the Licensing Act of 1872. An account from the Royal
Cornwall Gazette states that the fees to obtain a licence would amount to 7s 6d.58
However, as Mutch states, with the increasing ease of acquiring a licence, the
consequence was a "dramatic increase in competition and a collapse in their profits".59
Nonetheless, it was not simply the increasing ease of getting a licence that was a source
of contention, but also the "over-influence of brewers". The Select Committee on Public
Houses was formed in 1852-53 to inquire about the provision of licences, feeling that the
licence should be a contract "between themselves and the licensee", although owners of
public houses were buying and selling licences.60 This also meant that if someone had
multiple licences, they had increased political influence, and as Robert Gladstone stated,
56
Malins, Joseph, British Restrictive and Local Option Legislation Throughout the Present Century (London:
National Temperance Publication, 1890) p.6
57
Malins, British Restrictive and Local Option Legislation, p.6
58
Royal Cornwall Gazette, Falmouth Packet & Plymouth Journal, 'Abstract of the New Alehouse Act', 23
August 1828
59
Mutch, "Magistrates and Public House Managers", p.328
60
Mutch, "Magistrates and Public House Managers", p.329

28. 23
in terms of "municipal and Parliamentary elections the power and influence that they
have from holding these licences has a most injurious effect".61
The Liverpool Mercury states that beershops and public houses frequently violated the
terms of their licences and that there were over 18,000 incidents centred on
intemperance and the public house:
...last year the magistrates dealt summarily with 597 beerhouse keepers, 144
licensed victuallers, 14,451 cases of drunkenness, 1637 common assault, and
1455 assaults of police office, &c.62
Therefore, stricter controls that would be introduced through the Wine and Beerhouse
Act of 1869 would be essential to reducing these instances of crime. The Bradford
Observer provides a concise description of the principles of the Act:
In its main proposal it affects the duties and limits the powers of a
Governmental department, by taking away the granting of beer and wine
licenses from the Inland Revenue Office... It transfers to the magistrates all the
licensing powers at present vested in the Excise.63
The Act also stated that applicants must give at least twenty-one days' notice to an
overseer of the parish and to a local constable, describing the licence required and the
location of the house or shop. However, a licence could be refused if:
(1) The applicant has failed to produce satisfactory evidence of good character.
(2) That the house or shop in respect of which a licence is sought, or any adjacent
house or shop owned or occupied by the person applying for a licence, is of a
disorderly character, or frequented by thieves, prostitutes, or persons of bad
character.
(3) That the applicant having previously held a licence for the sale of wine, spirits,
beer, or cider, the same has been forfeited for his misconduct, or that he has
through misconduct been at any time previously adjudged disqualified from
receiving any such licence, or from selling any of the said articles.
61
Mutch, "Magistrates and Public House Managers", p.329
62
LM, 'Annual Licensing Sessions', 1 September 1869
63
The Bradford Observer, 'The Wine and Beerhouse Bill', 30 April 1869

29. 24
(4) That the applicant, or the house in respect of which he applies, is not duly
qualified as by law required.64
The 1872 Licensing Act was effectively an extension of the measures introduced in 1869.
The Act also had a 'three strikes' policy, where the first offence against the terms of their
licence would incur an initial penalty of at least £10, eventually leading to the forfeiting
of the licence and disqualification from holding a licence again, and potentially
imprisonment. However, imprisonment was mainly restricted to issues such as the
mixing of liquors which was a very serious offence:
Penalties for mixing or causing to be mixed with intoxicating liquors any
deleterious ingredient; or knowingly keeping or selling liquor so mixed - first
offence, £20, or one month's imprisonment; second, £100, or three months'
imprisonment, with disqualification from holding license for not less than two
nor more than ten years... Where the license is not forfeited, the police are to
affix on the premises a placard stating the conviction, which is to remain affixed
for two weeks.65
It also limited the hours of sale of liquor and abolished the "right to appeal to Quarter
Sessions against the refusal of the Justices in Petty Sessions or 'Brewster Sessions' to
grant a new license". Furthermore, new licences granted by the Justices would have to
be confirmed by the Court.66
However, despite the reforms which were put into place, intemperance was still an issue
that many wished to diminish. As Batty states, although some systems appeared to have
the intention of solving the issue of intemperance, initiatives such as the Public-House
Trust was 'neither panacea nor palliative' and that "if pretending to the honour of a
64
Cheshire Observer and Chester, Birkenhead, Crewe and North Wales Times, 'The Wine and Beerhouse
Act, 1869', 21 August 1869
65
CO, 'The Licensing Act 1872', 17 August 1872
66
Lady Astor, "The English Law Relating to the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors", Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science 109 (1923) p.267

30. 25
remedy, is little better than an imposture".67 Furthermore, he states that "there is no
greater social delusion... than the faith that drunkenness can be lessened by providing
superior public-houses for the people who want to drink", and that the aim of
Temperance reforms "should be to draw men away from, rather than attract them to,
the public-house".68
The expansion of the working class during this period encouraged the growth of public
houses and the sale of alcohol as it was a typical pastime for the working class during this
period because it was relatively inexpensive. The vast amount of pubs in Liverpool
during 1850 is demonstrated in the Morning Chronicle, stating that, “the number of
public houses in the town is no less than 1480, and of beer-shops 700, or in all 2,180”,69
with 219 applications for new licences.70 However, despite the large number of
applications, only few licences were granted as the magistrates felt that no more public
houses were needed in the areas that the applications had been made. Public houses
were also auctioned and sold, with an advertisement placed in the Liverpool Mercury for
the sale of the “Punch Bowl”, managed by John Smith, and “Two Cottages”, managed by
Joseph Cowell and Christopher Butler, both situated in ‘Ireland’s court’.71
It is clear that class divisions existed even within the public house, as the Morning
Chronicle reporter states that in the particular pub, the “money-taker” said threepence
was “the price to sailors and the working classes only; and sixpence was always charged
67
Batty, Robert Bradshaw, The Public-House Trust Delusion (Manchester: Earl Grey Pamphlets Collection,
1902) p.3
68
Batty, The Public-House Trust Delusion, p.35
69
Morning Chronicle, 'Labour and the Poor', 2 September 1850
70
LM, 'The Licensing Sessions', 10 September 1850
71
LM, 'Sales for Auction', 22 February 1850

31. 26
to gentlemen”.72 However, despite paying different rates, each would get value for
money, as the working man would get one glass of beer whilst the 'gent' would have a
"glass of spirits and waster, or a bottle of porter" for their fee. However, in terms of
entertainment that was provided in the public houses, there was no class division. As
the article in the Morning Chronicle states, philanthropists such as Mr Nathaniel Caine, a
Liverpool merchant, felt that it would be beneficial to provide Saturday evening
entertainment through organised concerts. However, many of the public-houses that
had concert rooms were opposed to this, feeling it would distract from their business.
The concerts were well attended, with an average attendance of 1,200, the lowest 500,
and the highest 2,700.73 However, it must be noted that despite the high attendance to
the concerts it had not “diminished in any perceptible degree the attendance at the
public-house concerts throughout the town, even upon Saturday nights”.74 However,
Storch states that the middle classes felt that the 'lower orders' aimed to unravel society
and that they were also interested in what the working class did during their leisure
time, "reflecting the anxiety about the social implications of unsupervised working class
leisure".75
II
Advertisements in directories and newspapers were also important for attracting
clientele, and some examples can be seen in the Gore's directories. For example, the
advertisement for F. E. Morrish's various businesses across the city in 1859 demonstrates
that business was clearly profitable as the advertisement uses an entire page. Morrish
72
MC, 'Labour and the Poor', 2 September 1850
73
MC, 'Labour and the Poor', 2 September 1850
74
MC, 'Labour and the Poor', 2 September 1850
75
Smith, "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House", p.375

32. 27
lists one business as 'dining rooms', located on Exchange Street East, serving "wines and
spirits of the choicest quality". Overall, Morrish advertises four properties across the city,
although only one is advertised specifically as selling wines and spirits, whilst the others
are luncheon rooms and restaurants. Morrish and Lane may have been from Irish origins,
for example, the surname Morrish has English, Welsh, Scottish and Irish origins, whilst
Lane has English, French and Irish origins. However, what is particularly noticeable is that
the advertisements do not exhibit an ethnic specificity or preference, which would
typically be shown through the advertisement of Irish beers and spirits or food. This
demonstrates that although the establishments may have had Irish roots, by not
displaying any particular ethnic connection they were able to have a broader clientele
rather than restricting themselves to the Irish.
Furthermore, it was not only pubs that advertised in the directories but also wine and
spirit merchants, and the 1859 directory provides an array of advertisements for various
other wine and spirit merchants and ale and porter brewers, such as John Lane and Co.,
located on Manchester Street, and J. & J. Ackers & Co. whose brewery was located on
Vauxhall Road. Furthermore, the advertisement for Anderson's dining saloons and
restaurant also advertises ladies dining rooms, a relatively new creation as the public
house was typically a male environment.
Additionally, John Tyrer, who was the 'sole agent' for Barclay, Perkins & Co., is advertised
in the 1868 directory, with the advert comprising a whole page, including an image of
one of Tyrer's two establishments which were located at 46 Hanover Street and 30
Exchange Street East. As Tyrer was the sole agent, this would mean that Barclay, Perkins

33. 28
& Co. would use only Tyrer as a supplier rather than multiple merchants. This was a
similar concept to the tied-house system previously mentioned.
Advertisement for F. E. Morrish, Gore's Directory 1859

34. 29
Advertisements for John Lane & Co. and J. & J. Ackers & Co., Gore's Directory 1859
Advertisement for Anderson's Dining Saloons and Restaurant, Gore's Directory 1859

35. 30
Advertisement for John Tyrer, Gore's Directory 1868
Ultimately, the reforms brought into place in order to enforce greater control over the
licensed trade were relatively successful, although certain movements to encourage
temperance attempted to introduce schemes that would solve the issues associated with
alcohol. However, the increasing working class population led to a steady increase in the
number of public houses throughout the city in the period discussed throughout this

36. 31
dissertation due to popular demand, whilst the entertainment they provided was
relatively cheap and therefore even more enticing. The advertisements were also
essential for attracting customers, although predominantly aimed at men. However, as
Morrish and Anderson's adverts demonstrate, they offered 'ladies rooms', and, as a
result, opened themselves up to further clients whilst also giving the establishments a
more universal appeal.
The next chapter shall reflect upon the previous chapters to demonstrate the
significance that the Irish presence had upon select areas of Liverpool, and how the
geographical location was significant in terms of the volume of trade.

37. 32
Chapter 3
Case Study of Public Houses in the Docks and
Central Liverpool

38. 33
I
The previous chapters displayed not only the growth of the Irish in Liverpool but also the
expansion of the licensed trade. Chapter three focuses on the growth of the public house
in two select areas of Liverpool; the docks and the city centre, demonstrating why these
areas were significant in the growth of the licensed trade as the Irish communities
expanded. The growth of public houses in Liverpool was largely concentrated around the
docks and the city centre. This was typical practice for pubs, which were "concentrated
far more closely in the city centre than in the suburbs" and followed "commuter
thoroughfares and areas of 'working-class' housing",76 which was great for business.
Furthermore, alcohol was popular with the 'low-skilled' workers of the docks and
drinking was a typical pastime for the working-class. A vast number of people arrived in
Liverpool via the docks, and due to the close proximity of Ireland and Liverpool,
immigrating to Liverpool was a simple option for many of the Irish, with the potato
famine bringing some 580,000 Irish in 1846 and 1847, 236,000 of whom subsequently
emigrated77 to the United States, Canada or Australia. Later in the century, as stated in a
report from the Liverpool Mercury, during 1864:
125,445 persons emigrated from this port, against 137,982 in 1863. About
100,000 persons, of whom at least 60,000 were Irish, emigrated to the United
States during the twelve months.78
However, many immigrants remained in Liverpool looking for work, gravitating towards
areas such as Scotland Road and Vauxhall Road, which were notorious for being heavily
populated by immigrants of various nationalities.
76
Smith, "Social Usages of the Public Drinking House", p.372
77
Lawton, Richard, “From the Port of Liverpool to the Conurbation of Merseyside”, in Gould, William T.S. &
Hodgkins, Alan G. (eds.), The Resources of Merseyside (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1982) p.7
78
Liverpool Mercury, 'Summary', 4 January 1865

39. 34
II
The area surrounding the docks is often acknowledged as north Liverpool and refers to
the Dock Road, Great Howard Street, Vauxhall Road, and Scotland Road. As John Denvir
states, most Irish immigrants came through Clarence Dock, stating that:
...the first object that used to meet the eyes of those who had just "come over,"
as they looked across the Clarence Dock wall, was an effigy of St. Patrick, with a
shamrock in his hand, as if welcoming them from "the old sod." This was
placed high upon the wall of a public house kept by a retired Irish pugilist, Jack
Langan.79
John McArdle, who is listed as the proprietor of Hibernia House at 37 Crosbie Street until
1860 in the Gore's Directory, (later run by Mary Powell from 1862), was also a key figure.
McArdle is mentioned in Denvir's memoirs, stating that at one point the trade fell away
due to the temperance movement that had been spread by Father Mathew's visit to
Liverpool, leading to McArdle turning his parlour into a "grocery and provision store".
However, many were not discouraged by the temperance movement and Denvir states
that, "so popular was John McArdle's house, that it was used as one of the lodges of the
Ancient Order of Hibernians".80 However, certain ethnic and moral qualifications were
laid down in order to become a member:
Members must be Catholic and Irish, or of Irish descent. They must be of good
moral character, and were not to join in any secret societies contrary to the laws
of the Catholic Church. They were to exercise hospitality to their emigrant
brothers and to protect their emigrant sisters from all harm and temptation.81
Another prominent figure in the licensed trade, shown throughout the directories during
the period studied, is Patrick McMahon, the proprietor of the Maid of Erin Inn situated at
9 William Street and 11 Clay Street opposite Clarence Dock. The advertisement states
79
Denvir, The Life Story of an Old Rebel, Chapter 1
80
Denvir, The Life Story of an Old Rebel, Chapter 2
81
Denvir, The Life Story of an Old Rebel, Chapter 2

40. 35
that McMahon has been running the business for the past fifteen years to enable
passengers to travel at low fares in first class packet steamers. McMahon is able to
accommodate people of all classes, as well as families, but at least two day's notice must
be given prior to arrival.
Advertisement for Patrick McMahon, The Irish People, 30 April 1864
This demonstrates that public houses also ran further businesses alongside functioning as
a public house. The location of the Maid of Erin also meant it was a prime location for
business connected with immigration. This further demonstrates the links that the Irish
pubs had as social, cultural and business hubs as well as drinking establishments.
Furthermore, Denvir's comment indicates that some pubs would be seen as a welcoming
sign to immigrants who had just arrived in Liverpool and looking for familiar territory in a
disorienting environment.

41. 36
III
The areas classed as central Liverpool in Freddy O'Connor's A Pub on Every Corner series
are Dale Street, Whitechapel, Lime Street, London Road, Brownlow Hill and Queen
Square. As O'Connor states, "Dale Street was one of the town's original seven streets
and, for centuries, the main thoroughfare in and out of the town".82 Therefore, this
would naturally be a place significantly developed in terms of public houses and drinking
establishments. As the advertisements from the previous chapter display, F. E. Morrish
owned businesses on Dale Street and Exchange Street East, situated just off Dale Street,
and a further restaurant on Brunswick Street, all of which were busy areas in the city
centre and the docks, respectively. Anderson's advertisement also states that their
restaurant is located at 5 Castle Street, adjacent to Dale Street and James Street.
Figure 3.1 demonstrates the varied distribution of Irish public houses across Liverpool,
displaying that there was a heavy presence near the docks, as this would be the most
profitable area of the city for business due to the vast number of immigrants arriving at
the ports. However, the results gathered from the Gore's directories from 1859-1872
demonstrate a rather wide variation in the distribution during the time period. For
example, in 1859 there were 139 pubs located around the docks and central Liverpool,
whilst there were only 22 Irish pubs in areas outside of central Liverpool and the docks,
demonstrating little need for pubs in these areas at the time. However, there was a
noticeable increase in the number of pubs located in more suburban areas, surpassing
the amount located in central Liverpool by 1868. This is significant as it demonstrates
that although the city centre would typically be one of the busier areas of the city due to
82
O'Connor, A Pub on Every Corner, Volume One, p.23

42. 37
business and trade, trade was increasing outside of the city as many people were now
beginning to live on the outskirts of the city. However, it must be noted that the areas
addressed as suburbs in this study were not overly far from the city, and were within
approximately thirty to minutes walking distance of the city.
Conclusively, both the docks and central Liverpool were key areas in the growth of the
Irish public house due to the great Irish presence in these areas. As the docks were the
main entrance points for the Irish arriving in Liverpool, it would typically be a very good
place to establish businesses associated with aiding migrants or providing services, whilst
the city centre was also a hub for business. However, as time progressed and the
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
1859 1860 1862 1864 1865 1868 1870 1871 1872
Figure 3.1: Distribution of Irish Public Houses
across Liverpool
Docks
Central
Suburbs

43. 38
population increased, the migrant population dispersed throughout the city and into
more suburban areas. Therefore, the vast increase in the number of Irish pubs in the
suburbs demonstrates that there was a greater demand for pubs in these areas as the
century progressed. It is also important to note that Pooley's research, which stated that
the suburbs were mainly associated with the middle class whilst the working class
generally remained in the city centre due to poor socio-economic conditions, there may
have potentially been a link between the increase of the public houses in these areas and
a possible increase in the number of middle class Irish in the vicinity.

44. 39
Conclusion

45. 40
There was quite clearly a growth in Irish involvement in the licensed trade throughout the
nineteenth century, whilst it was particularly evident in Liverpool, especially after the
Great Famine in the 1840s. However, this study displays that although the typical image
of the Irishman was that of a drunken, lowly-skilled, poverty stricken labourer, an
emerging middle class also existed in Irish immigrant communities. Furthermore, as the
century progressed and reforms were introduced, it became increasingly difficult to
acquire a licence. However, as these measures were not fully introduced until the latter
part of the nineteenth century, this allowed public houses to flourish across the city
within the forty years between the reforms.
The Temperance movement was also growing during this period as many were now
starting to see the evils associated with alcohol and the damaging affect it was having
upon the working classes, including the moral dangers surrounding it as well as the crime
created through alcohol consumption. However, many advocates of temperance were
mainly elites rather than the working class, and despite 'Temperance Hotels' being
established, they were little competition for the increasingly popular public houses and
gin palaces. However, despite some seeing the Irish as being heavy drinkers and greatly
opposed to the temperance movement, many signed a petition started by Father
Theobald Mathews and joined the Teetotal Abstinence Society he established in 1838.
Nonetheless, the increased involvement of the Irish in the licensed trade in Liverpool
suggests that many were not on board with the temperance movement. However, the
number of Irish involved in the trade in Liverpool was proportional to the overall increase
in the Irish population in the city during that period. Therefore, they would be more
prevalent in such types of work. The increase of the Irish in pubs was also significant in

46. 41
terms of Irish immigrants arriving in Liverpool, as often certain pubs had links in Ireland,
making the process easier for the Irish in an alien environment. The 'Little Irelands' also
centred on the public house, as it was the social hub of the community, with some
similarities to the Church in terms of uniting the community.
Furthermore, the involvement of women was significant, not only because it was a male
dominated sector in terms of clients, but also demonstrated a woman's role within the
family as, for some, this would allow them to raise a family but also work as well which
was more so seen in the working class as opposed to the middle classes, and the owners
of public houses were frequently classed as lower middle class. Between 1859 and 1872,
although not overwhelmingly large, there was a significant increase in Irish women's
involvement in the trade in Liverpool, constituting a fifth of the Irish owned pubs in the
city.
The distribution of the Irish pubs throughout Liverpool is also significant as it
demonstrates where the Irish were most prominent. As stated, the pub was the social
hub of the Irish community and therefore, where more were centred displayed the
growth of the population. As the statistics in figure 3.1 showed, although there were a
great number of pubs around the docks and central Liverpool, there was also a great
increase in the suburbs which could potentially be related to the class of Irish moving to
these areas, as the suburbs were mainly associated with the more middle class or
professional Irish.

47. 42
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