This document discusses several long-term factors that influence voting behavior in Britain: 1. Class was traditionally the main determinant of voting patterns, with over two-thirds of working class supporting Labour and four-fifths of the middle class supporting the Conservatives. 2. Beginning in the 1970s, voting patterns became less predictable as class became a less dominant factor, and short-term issues gained more influence over how people voted. 3. While class still influences votes today, with middle class still tending to vote Conservative and working class tending to vote Labour, fewer voters now have a strong attachment to any single party.

2. Long term factors

4. “Class is the basis of British
politics, all else is
embellishment and detail”
Pulzer (1967)

5. Class voting
• In post war Britain, voting behaviour was predictable
• 90%+ of the electorate voting for the main two
parties
• 90%+ saying they had strong attachment to a
political party
• So there was little swing between elections
• Over 2/3 of the working class supported Labour and
4/5 of Middle class supported the Tories
• There were always deviant voters though: without
the support of 30% working class voters, the
Conservatives would never have won an election in
the 50s-60s

6. Class dealignment
• From the 1970s onwards voting
patterns began to become
more unpredictable, the
electorate more volatile LABOUR (DE) 1974 – 57%
• The argument was that class LABOUR (DE) 2010 – 40%
was becoming less of an issue
and that short term factors
were becoming more important
in determining the way a TORY (AB) 1974 – 56%
person would vote TORY (AB) 2010 – 39%
• More cross class voting

7. Class today
• Class is still a factor today: most
middle class still vote Tory, most
working class still vote Labour.
• However, there are more floating
voters than ever before – with
less than 40% of voters saying
they have a strong attachment to
any party
• The rise of the Lib Dems saw them
take almost ¼ of the vote in 2010

9. Age – Younger voters
• Voting first restricted to 21+, in the belief that the young are most
likely to question values and favour radical policies (vote Labour).
• Along with this radical streak, the young are also most likely to
become disaffected least likely to vote (in 2001 6 out of 10 18-24
year olds stayed away from polling booths)
• Impact in 2005 in areas with large student population – against
tuition fees in Withington, Sheffield Hallam and Cambridge,
increasing Lib Dem vote.
• The increasing potential of older people’s votes is shown as
pensioners groups and Age Concern have increasing power and try
to mobilize the ‘grey vote’

10. Age - Older
• The UK’s population is ageing
• The increasing potential of older people’s
votes is shown as pensioners groups and
Age Concern have increasing power and try
to mobilize the ‘grey vote’. The Pensioners
Party even won a seat in the Scottish
Parliament!
• Older voters tend to vote Conservative –
perhaps because they are wealthier or
become more fearful of change

12. Gender
• For most of post-war period, women were more
likely than men to vote Conservative.
• This gender gap reflected social attitudes of the time
& that relatively few women went out to work and
therefore not exposed to force heightening class
consciousness (unionisation, working men’s pubs &
clubs)
• This gap narrowed during the Thatcher era
(antagonism?) and again during the Blair years. In
1997 & 2001 Labour enjoyed healthy lead of young
women voters, but not older women (has age made
them less radical?).

14. Ethnicity
• The ethnic vote in the UK has tended to heavily favour
the Labour Party (average 80% of black & Asian vote
since 1974).
• This part of electorate becomes more important to
parties as the immigrant population increases
• Linked to social class – many immigrants live in working
class urban environments
• Labour Party has generally been more pro-immigration &
welfare
• 2005 – decrease in vote for Labour, especially amongst
Muslims because of Iraq war – impact inner city areas
e.g. Bethnel Green & Bow elected Respect Party

16. Region
• During the 1980s it became
increasingly topical to talk of a
‘North-South’ divide in UK
politics:
• Labour held only a few seats
south of the Bristol Channel
and the Wash (excluding
London)
• The Conservatives held few in
the North of England and no
seats at all in Wales or
Scotland for a time

17. Region
• Though New Labour had some
success in the South after
rebranding in 1997 & 2001 the
broad trend persists
• Liberal Democrat support also has a
regional dimension – being strongest
in the ‘Celtic Fringe’
• Theses are generalisations, and
arguably largely a reflections of class
factors and the rural/urban divide

18. Short term factors

19. Are these headlines ‘facts’ or opinions? Do they
use emotive images & words? Would they
influence you at all…be honest!

20. • Does