1. Turkey and Egypt adopted different approaches to gender equality despite their cultural similarities, influenced by their differing levels of modernization and adherence to fundamentalist Islam. 2. Turkey made greater strides towards gender equality through policies like granting women the right to hold public office in 1934 and increasing access to education, though disparities still exist. Egypt maintained tighter social restrictions on women rooted in patriarchal interpretations of Islam. 3. While practices like restrictions on women's mobility and dress in Egypt have been linked to fundamentalist Islam, many were regional customs adopted by Islamic cultures rather than originating from the Quran. Blaming Islam overlooks the influence of other cultural factors.

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WHAT DEVELOPMENTS IN WOMEN’S SOCIAL RIGHTS WERE UNDERTAKEN IN
EGYPT AND TURKEY SINCE 1945 AND HOW HAVE MODENIZATION AND
ADHERENCE TO FUNDAMENTALIST ISLAM AFFECTED THEIR DIVERGENCE?
Osiris Mancera

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Turkey, a nation with a history of welcoming Western influence, and Egypt, a country
with a past sketched with adherence to fundamentalist Islam adopted different approaches to
gender equality despite their cultural similarities. It proves necessary to ask what
developments in women’s social and political rights were undertaken in Egypt and Turkey
since 1945 and how modernization and adherence to fundamentalist Islam affected their
divergence. This question is worthy of investigation because it considers alternative factors
contributing to the history of each Islamic nation and the influence of Western powers on the
developing perceptions of women. The disparity originates in each nation’s political and
traditional priorities, the most important being the extent of each nation’s acceptance of
modernization and the degree of adherence to fundamentalist Islam.
TURKEY: EQUALITY IN WORKFORCE AND EDUCATION AS WINDOWS OF
OPPORTUNITY
According to Western scholars, restrictions and inequalities prevalent in Turkey are
rooted in the nation’s Islamic history. Acceptance of modernization is perceived as the
solution, supported by political attempts like those of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. The Ataturk
Society of America, an organization dedicated to promoting ideals such as sovereignty and
freedom, argue that gender differences are injustices constraining Turkish women and
preventing the nation’s prosperity. The Ataturk Society provides information and scholastic
opinions over numerous topics concerning the Islamic world and its integration of various
Western practices. Unique statistical data from this source proved to be of great value for this
research. The social disparity, claims the organization, results in practices like women’s
discrimination in the workplace whereby the government virtually prevents Turkish women
from attaining high-position jobs (Ataturk Society of America 23). But with the efforts of
Ataturk earlier in the century, Turkish women won freedoms like the right to hold public
office in 1934 (Sansal). Moreover, his alteration of Turkey’s legal code to satiate the nation’s

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desire for modernization contributed to profound changes that affected women, family, and
the institution of marriage. According to the Ministry of the Interior, Turkish women still trail
behind as they spend an average of nine years more than a man to achieve the same status and
position (23).
Margaret Yuan, Vice President at MPOWERD Inc., declares that Eastern Turkey is
substantially underdeveloped in both its educational and economic welfare which has both
devastated the economy of the nation and its policies in social equality. Such a tragic state
was exacerbated during the armed conflict between Turkish Security forces and the Separatist
Kurdistan Worker’s Party in1984, the latter of which procured the deprecation of domestic
and educational institutions and thus temporarily harmed women’s educational opportunities
in the area (Yuan 63-4).
According to Yuan, Turkey’s socioeconomic disparities wrought by such unfavorable
circumstances produced adverse social conditions for women, dwindling their educational
opportunities. “In 1990 half of the women in Eastern Turkey were illiterate compared to only
21.6% of men,” (63). The solution to the problem lies in both social and educational changes;
Islamic women subjected to violence have discovered refuge in education. Statistics show
that in Turkey, a nation whose government deters women from being integrated into the
education sphere, 57.9% of women experience physical abuses from their husbands
compared to women in countries where women’s education is encouraged (69). While efforts
in promoting education have been stagnant, its availability provides women with
empowerment to stand up for their rights and demand justice. Currently, tradition and
religion dictate social and familial norms in Islamic Egypt.

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ISLAMIC PRACTICES DEMONSTRATE CONTROL OVER TURKISH WOMEN
Women in Turkish society have limited freedom and face obstacles that prevent them
from being equal to men. Gender inequality in premodern Turkey is a political response to
the Western plight of women’s rights in the Middle East. Restrictions, like legislation that
makes women’s integration into the workforce unfavorable, are implemented as
continuations of Islamic tradition, and responses to condemnation of Western thought by
Turkey’s government. Historical forces like the Democratic Party of 1950 were determined to
maintain the subordinate position of Turkish women throughout society, opposed to reforms
that were hostile towards religious laws that retained differentiation between the sexes like
bride price (63). However, exposure to Western politics and social norms has invariably
influenced the development of Turkey as an international force.
Stemming from the belief that headscarves symbolized oppression for Islamic
women, a secular regime in Ataturk’s Turkey known as the Republican People’s Party
implemented legal discrimination against women who partook in the practice and instead
encouraged adoption of modern clothing (Sansal). Although this change diverted from
tradition, the actions of the regime displayed the waning of gender disparity and the start of a
journey towards the nation’s Westernization.
The social pressure to marry early, the tradition of bride money, and the extent of the threat of
violence against women who transgress the limits on sexual behaviors as imposed by
traditions constitute some of the control mechanisms supported by customary and religious
practices in the region (Yuan 70).
The contemporary’s assessment demonstrates the social injustices of Eastern Turkey
exemplary of the differences in regions of Turkey regarding gender where lack of
Westernization coincides with social inequality and political insubordination. Widespread
acceptance of bride price demonstrates the tradition of men thriving in their superiority and
control over women. Bride price is a custom whereby a prospective husband pays the

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woman’s family a sum of money which symbolizes “A man’s control over his wife, her
productivity and reproductive capabilities” (65). A majority of Islamic women abide by the
practice such that 61% reveal that their husbands paid a bride price to their family (65).
The custom of veiling has revealed the subjugation of women in Islamic culture as it
strives to make women an inferior gender and teaches them to limit themselves and
stigmatize their worth, says Yuan (18). Moreover, sexual inequality in Turkish society is
demonstrated by the allowance of extramarital relationships for males and condemnation of
the same for females. This disparity exemplifies the double-standard view held by a majority
of traditionalist Turks where these practices are socially legalized in several parts of the
nation in the Civil Code (Yuan 67).
THE ROLE OF FUNDAMENTALIST ISLAM IN EGYPT’S GENDER
PERCEPTION
Similarly, Egypt’s adherence to fundamentalist Islam has allowed for the country’s
inequitable perception of women, according to Western scholars. Women experience heavier
social restrictions in Egypt, legitimized by the nation’s “connection” to Islamic law.
According to Joni Seager, Global Studies professor at Bentley University, mobility and dress
restrictions in Egypt are widely enforced and are rooted in patriarchal assumptions of
women’s inferiority and fundamental Islamic practices. Her expertise in Middle Eastern
countries and comparative analysis of gender-appropriate norms of behavior in this region
was particularly helpful to this research, especially in understanding many unique
characteristics of contemporary Egyptian society. She argues that women are widely denied
domestic responsibility like controlling and supervising the family; many report the
undertaking to be a man’s obligation. 24% of Egyptian women say their husbands make
independent decisions regarding household spending (61).

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ADAPTATION: THE FAULT OF INEQUALITY DOES NOT FALL ON ISLAM
It can be argued, however, that many perceived socially-oppressive practices in either
nation are not rooted in Islamic faith as many are invisible in Islamic texts but are instead
adoptions of regional practices and customs. Middle Eastern cultures joined Islamic practices
with regional customs, according to historians, which, over time, became denoted as Islamic
in nature.
The seclusion of women is something you do not find in the Quran,
the divine core of Islam. Many scholars think that the practice of
dividing men and women comes as a later development in Islam
as Muslims adopted traditions of the Middle East. The seclusion of
women is a Byzantine and Persian influence that Muslims made
part of their culture.
Westerners exposed to Islamic nations oftentimes condemn the practices manifested
in those nations and conclude that its roots are Islamic. Such assumptions prove narrow-
minded and erroneous. For example, when female circumcision was encountered by
Westerners upon the migration of Muslims from North African communities, the practice
was blamed on fundamentalist Islam (Akyol 2011). However, Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM) is an African practice that precedes Islam and was simply adopted by North African
communities, not all of which were Islamic. In fact, 98% of Islamic and 88% of Christian
Egyptian women have undergone female circumcision according to Seager (54-5). The
adoption of FGM as a cultural practice in Islamic Egypt is justified by the belief that it lowers
a female’s sex desire. Yuan protests that blaming Islam for practices like female circumcision
is the equivalent to blaming feminism for domestic violence, thereby linking unrelated
phenomena (Yuan 58). Upon understanding the religion of Islam, Muslim women attain the
power to strive for liberation and challenge perceived inequalities. In an interview with
hundreds of Turkish women over an array of topics such as bride price and reproductive

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rights, researchers found that in regions of conservative religious sects (which retain customs
adopted by their predecessors), namely Eastern Turkey, there were greater violations of
women’s rights (80). Moreover, practices like bride price were found to have greater regional
origins and not Islamic foundations as none of the women in the study that supported the
practice labelled it religious.
LIBERATION: MUSLIM WOMEN’S PROCLAMATIONS
Deeming every Islamic practice a mandate of fundamentalist Islamic law is fallacious.
Some Islamic practices are perceived as liberating by some Islamic women who themselves
suggest it offers them control and the opportunity to attain equality and prosperity in society.
Middle Eastern scholars debunk the stereotype that Muslim women who adhere to
fundamentalist Islam view themselves as subservient and with little or no desire for
prosperity. Muslim women in the Middle East are generally labeled as docile by foreigners
and non-Muslims, who condemn the tradition of veiling due to lack of understanding.
However, adherence to fundamentalist Islam professes that veiling may be a stepping stone
towards gender equality. Veiling in Islamic society is practical for women who wish to be
integrated into the workforce where they can generate greater respect from male counterparts
(Brooks 1996).
Adherence to fundamentalist Islam in Egypt is also politically-based as suspicion and
hesitation accumulate against foreign political systems, with examples like the unsuccessful
implementation of socialism under Nasser’s Egypt (Brooks 1996). Fundamentalist Islam
seemed the safest approach to politics in Egypt as the religion was based on order and
tradition. Influence from neighboring nations belittled the role women had taken in Middle
Eastern nations, while abiding to Islamic law offered reclamation of women’s rights, argues
Brooks. Amalgamation of Islamic customs in a society outside Arabia, for example,

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generated the adoption of “anti-female customs” like FGM. Muslim women suggest that
Islamic practices and customs are empowering because the culture offers them identity and
individuality (Yuan 50). Affirmation of women’s sexuality in traditionalist Islam benefits
women. “Within the Koranic tradition and the life of the Prophet lie the rights and inspiration
a woman needs to achieve her full potential (53).
Practices like veiling, viewed as oppressive by Western scholars, often entail privilege
and considerable sovereignty for some women, argues Saleh El-Halawany, Associate
Professor in International and Comparative Education in Umm Al-Qura University (El-
Halawany 2002). She contends that veiling has secured women’s successful integration in
society by validating their participation in the workforce while affirming their consent to
Islamic law and culture. Furthermore, many Muslim women justify the use of the headscarf
by the confidence and empowerment it delivers (Yuan 50). An excerpt from Q News portrays
the view of Pakistani Shagutta who supports the Islamic practice of veiling in modern
society:
When I first put on the hijab my parents were shocked but I found
liberation in Islam. It gave me the confidence to insist on a good
education. Islam made sense to me, as opposed to what I had grown
up with. Plus, it was compatible with being a British Muslim,
rather than Pakistani (Yuan 51).
Shagutta is part of a conglomeration of Muslim women who share the belief that
Islam strengthens women’s individual liberties and affords them equality in society. In a
discussion over women’s status in Islam, educated Islamic women in the UK expressed
opinions about the Islamic veil and concluded that the practice delivered modesty, a valuable
commodity in a sexually-exploitative modern world (Yuan 49). Abdul-Hakim Murad
proclaims that fundamentalist Islam offers a multitude of rights to women, of greater
importance than equality can afford (4). Inasmuch, by encouraging the manifestation of

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domestic tasks like housekeeping, Islam liberates women from undesirable activities outside
their sphere which they would otherwise have been forced to do.
TURKEY’S MODERNIZATION INFLUENCES FEMINIST HISTORY
Turkey’s modernization and political development have instigated a desire for social
equality, evident in the development of women’s rights through political endeavors and the
encouragement of experimentation with Western social practices by the Turkish government.
Progressive political efforts for women’s rights in twentieth century Turkey began with
Kemal Ataturk whose humanistic efforts contributed to Turkish women’s suffrage in 1956
(Ataturk Society of America 16). Further efforts by Turkish feminists to attain political
influence manifested in the form of meetings and conventions beginning in 1980 when
Turkey’s first public feminist event was held in Ankara and Istanbul. Here women demanded
the elimination of all forms of discrimination held against them but government refusal to
meet the radical demands launched the presence of anti-violence protests in the streets (20).
Accordingly, these same determined efforts led to the creation of the Purple Roof
Women’s Shelter Foundation in Istanbul in 1987 to discuss and evaluate the status of women
and gender inequality established under the Ministry of Labor and Social Services (20).
Political dissent in the 1980s brewed uneasiness and controversy among Islamic followers,
instigating Turkey’s ban on the use of Islamic headscarves in public (Yuan 104). While many
ardent supporters of the practice were discriminated against in schools and other public
locations, others delighted in the ban since veiling was associated with the oppressive
regimes of Iran and Algeria, where women were forced to cover (104).
Turkey’s early political efforts to establish “gender equality” in society were
propagated by uncertainty of neighboring Middle Eastern nations. Turkey’s upbringing as a
relatively independent and isolationist political entity has influenced the government’s

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legislation regarding the gender question. This route can be traced back to the fall of the
Ottoman Empire when Turkey became free and independent, lacking the similarity of angst
from colonialism and, therefore, the foreign influence that other nations faced (Akyol 2011).
However, in the last 30 years changes have occurred in Turkey’s social demographics,
influenced by Western practices. For example, the use of contraceptives became a
fundamental force in advancing women’s liberation and autonomy in the late twentieth
century. Yuan proclaims that Turkey is unique in the Muslim world in the extent of its
progressive reforms affecting women’s lives. Efforts at modernization drastically improved
the social balance of power for women, delineated by the diminished birthrate in Turkey.
Since the early 1970s, Turkey’s average births per woman dropped by at least half to between
2.1 and 2.4 (Seager 35). Turkey is known for its resilience and expedited progressivism,
boasting a 26%-50% use of modern contraceptives (Seager 36-7). Since the 1980s the
worldwide trend on abortions has increased- due almost entirely to feminist persistence.
Meanwhile, one-quarter of the world’s women, mostly in the Middle East, live in countries
like Egypt with highly restrictive abortion laws (39).
Furthermore, the plight for equal opportunities in the workforce spawns from a
number of factors that condense women into the category of caregivers, but the feminization
of part-time work is accelerating (17). In Turkey, 60% of women and only 40% of men
comprised the part-time workforce. Successful assimilation into the workforce allowed
countless women to promote women’s rights and achieve justice for themselves and countless
others in the Middle East. A similar trend prevails in sports where women’s increased
participation in athletics demonstrates the changes in conventional barriers and attitudes
towards “masculine” women. In Egypt, 10%-25% of national athletic teams’ members are
women while Turkey’s percentage surpasses at 26%-45%, a remarkable feat for an Islamic
country (13).

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EGYPT AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS: THE PLIGHT OF THE 20TH CENTURY
Egypt’s political undertakings in the late twentieth century have acutely influenced
the development of women’s rights in the nation. Colonialism in Egypt, according to
Margherio, was directed towards establishing a tradition not influenced by Western
oppressors but by independence and religion (Margherio 2003). Women played an important
role in the 1952 movement to “Reclaim Egypt for the Egyptians,” sparked by harbored
resentment for foreign intervention and oppression. This common cause created a
collaborative relationship between Egyptian nationalists and feminists. The latter’s efforts
were, however, not reciprocated but disregarded by the ardent nationalists which helped
instigate the movement of feminism as an independent political movement. A fundamental
stage for the feminist discourse in Egypt was marked by the emergence of the revolutionary
Free Officers’ Movement in the 1950’s that offered women an abundance of rights such as
better healthcare and equal opportunities as men. Women could now organize freely, whereas
before their movements were directed by the state-controlled Arab Socialist Union (Osman
2012).
Moreover, the decree in 1954 that reduced post-secondary tuition for academically-
talented citizens offered myriads of women the right to higher education. This advancement,
which gave women benefits previously only offered to men, was promulgated by the
Egyptian Feminist Union earlier in the century. By the early 1960’s women swelled to
constitute almost half of the student population in some schools. But these favorable offerings
have been but a minute step towards equality and empowerment for Egyptian women.
Although Nasser’s socialistic regime proved unsuccessful, his politics on civil liberties
catalyzed women’s equality but also limited essential liberties like freedom of speech. In
1956, when Nasser’s government granted Egyptian women the right to vote, the power of the
regime was secured through censorship by creating the FOMC and the Egyptian constitution

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which forced suppression of all political activity (Margherio 2003). Drafting the national
charter in 1962 delivered to women the “freedom from all social barriers,” proclaiming
equality and liberty for both sexes (Osman 2012). Since Nasser’s government, priority on
social developments diminished as Egypt’s governments began to favor economic legislation
as a means towards national prosperity (Osman 2012). Conclusively, Western feminists have
prioritized Muslim women’s empowerment in their efforts to equate Egypt and Turkey’s
gender perceptions to their own.
WESTERN FEMINISTS AND THE MIDDLE EASTERN INEQUALITY ISSUE
A favorable approach of Western feminists in “dealing” with what they consider
gender inequality in Middle Eastern nations like Egypt and Turkey, where the rights and roles
of women are not tantamount with those of their own nation’s women, is modernization.
Accordingly, Western feminists claim education is the solution, insisting that tradition
prevents women from being educated about their rights. Contempt for some Islamic traditions
stem from ideas like those presented which paint the religion as a barrier that prevents
women from being successful (Yuan 6).
As stated by Western feminists, other social constraints are based on the culture and
customs embodied in Islam that are detrimental for Middle Eastern women in their struggle
towards opportunity and equality. The denial of women’s marital and reproductive rights in
Middle Eastern nations that strictly follow Islam like Egypt signal the lack of control women
have over important aspects of their lives (7). The obstacle preventing these women from
exercising their natural rights as done by Western women is the Islamic religion, professes
Yuan, who insists that “Religions are one of the oldest and most persistent obstacles in the
way of women’s equality. It is the nature of all religions, particularly Islam, to look
backwards to past times and antiqued values” (23). In the Middle East, the advent of

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feminism procured a persistent battle towards sovereignty where women retained their
Islamic identity and strained for women’s empowerment and proactivity (13).
By offering opportunities to women in Egypt and Turkey like those enjoyed by
Western women, feminists suggest that all people will benefit. These groups often link the
prosperity and civility of the West with their liberal approach to gender equality. Inasmuch, if
nations like Turkey and Egypt desire success they must follow suit and ensure that no gender
disparity exists (Yuan 42). Moreover, feminists proclaim that gender equality invariably leads
to economic affluence as half of the nation’s population, previously condoned for
participation in the workforce, can now contribute to the national economy and drive society
towards opulence (43).
ALTERNATIVE SOLUTIONS: REJECTION OF FEMINIST REVOLUTION
The effects that a Middle Eastern “feminist revolution” would have on society and the
family are consistently noted by Islamic scholars as worthy deterrents for such radicalism.
Muslim scholars claim that overreaching their own sphere of influence would inherently be
harmful to women because they would lose their integrity and femininity, characteristics
abundantly offered in domestic life. Suggestions that denounce Islamic traditions like veiling
are deemed oppressive by many Muslim women and men alike who clamor that “Forced
uncovering (like that done in Turkey, a nation known for its impressive westernization) is
also a tool of oppression” (99). Rejecting the religion and one’s identity are viewed as heavy
prices to pay for employment and the deterioration of the family structure as the addition of
women in the workforce prevents husbands from having dutiful and attentive wives and
children from having supportive and caring mothers.
Many economists refer to the recurring problem of job displacement as minorities
(women) compete with dominant figures (males) for jobs which decrease the nation’s

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potential income since women accept lower-paying, unskilled jobs. Others resent feminist
discourse because it shatters societal balance and norms which view gender as a delicate
separation implemented by God (46). Morals are risked as society is construed into a
competitive and ruthless entity where higher priorities like family are displaced.
Islamic fundamentalists claim that the act of modernization would ultimately mean
the eradication of the Islamic religion and the shared identity of Middle Eastern nations that
tie them with their ancestors and history. It is critical, therefore, for Islamic countries like
Egypt who ardently abide by Islamic law to safeguard their traditions and prevent women
from being subjected to the “contamination of Western culture” (65).
CONCLUSION
The influence and power of Egypt’s older generations and religious zealots and
Turkey’s pro-modernization and liberal population have directed their historical
development. The former adheres to religious tradition as a continuation of Egypt’s
proclamation for national independence and sovereignty. Turkey exemplifies a nation that
cultivates acceptance for Western views of social matters and associates them with national
prosperity. These factors diverted both nations from following a similar path in unraveling
socially and in defining their gender roles. Turkey, in accepting influence from foreign
nations in politics and economics, encouraged a social revolution; women were elevated in
their statuses and gained greater opportunities than those afforded to their predecessors like
integration into the workforce and greater political influence. Egypt, on the other hand,
persisted in its secluded and cautious manners to shield against Western influence especially
when the Suez Canal was under British economic jurisdiction in the late nineteenth century.
Moreover, Egypt’s history of adherence to Islamic principles and traditions helped shape
gender roles in the nation, condemning any non-conformity and revolution. Difficulties

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encountered while researching and analyzing these differences centered on the inability of
coming upon specific examples of policies inspired by Western influence on the Middle East
to allow for comparison with the target nations. Further areas of investigation would have
included Egypt’s encounter with strong British influence at the turn of the twentieth century
and how it affected policy and social development. Further investigation into the influence of
fundamentalist Islam on each nation’s historical development prior to the twentieth century
would have allowed for correlations to be made between Middle Eastern nations regarding
Muslim women’s rights development. Finally, throughout the investigation questions arose
regarding the influence of alternative factors in the development of women’s rights in Turkey
and Egypt like the extent of Western persistence in the Middle East, the complexity of
diplomatic relations, and the openness of the local elites towards foreign ideas.