This document summarizes a student's research on women-led anti-nuclear power demonstrations in Japan. It discusses how, after the Fukushima disaster, a group of mothers formed the Mothers of Fukushima to measure radiation levels and protest the government's handling of the situation. These women-led protests challenge traditional gender roles in Japan but are also enabled by women's social role as protectors of children. The student conducted interviews with university students and protest leaders to understand how public opinion influences women's participation and how the protesters navigate their societal roles. The research aims to determine how Japanese women are able to openly oppose nuclear power despite cultural expectations.

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Leading the Future: Women as the Face of Anti-Nuclear Power Demonstrations in
Contemporary Japan
Nanzan University
On a quiet Friday night, a humble group of citizens carried vividly colored posters up a
flight of stairs while others aid carrying heavier materials. Some are from a train station down;
others are from the far country side. Children in school uniforms clutch onto their shiny trumpets
in their left hand, preparing for what could be the night of their lives. Their parents, standing
right next to them, give them words of encouragement for what they’re about to do. Mothers
frantically tell their children to put back on their mufflers for the winter gust will soon breathe
ice into their lungs. The creaking knees and buckling ankles of the aged shift into automatic gear
as they soon approach the subway exit. What are others doing on a night such as this? Staying
under a warm futon while listening to Christmas carols on the radio? Eating home cooked meals
by the side of a roasting hot heater? But how long can these lives continue to live like this when
their energy bills sky rocket and the remnants of Fukushima continue to radiate hazardous
material onto children who aren’t old enough to walk.
As they reached the top of the subway stairway, a cold gust of wind scratches their aged
and tired cheeks. But they are all unwavering; they’ve made it this far. Through rain, sleet, and
snow, they’ve stood before two business goliaths who threaten to endanger all of Japan.
How many times have they come back to stand on this ground? Too many times but not
enough. Not until changes are made. In their light down jackets, these protesters prepare for the
opposition that stands before them. With a megaphone ready and hearts swelled with passion, a
deafening chant roars throughout the night sky: 「原発いらない」(We don’t need nuclear
power).

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Overview
In this industrious, face paced world, the luxuries of daily life is often taken for granted.
Unbeknownst to many, there is always someone fighting on another’s behalf. Weeks after the
Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, a group of mothers decided to take measures into their own
hands. After they discovered the government wasn’t providing them with factual information, the
Mothers of Fukushima channeled through their networks to form their own coalition of active
citizens. Not only have these women successfully measure the levels of radiation and spread this
information to the general public, but they’ve also participated and led many anti-nuclear power
protests in order to convince the government to permanently dismantle the nuclear power plants.
Since then, the symbol of these protests has become one of a group of mothers who are worried
for the future of their children.
The representation of women, particularly mothers, in these leadership positions
exemplifies a progressive and regressive position for Japanese women. A simple Google search
of the Fukushima anti-nuclear power protests quickly reveals a plethora of demonstrations with
women as the subject. What makes this observation so interesting is how different the Japanese
public reacts to such an image. In Noriko Horiguchi’s book, Women Adrift: The Literature of
Japan's Imperial Body, the state of Japan “emphasizes the social role of women as wise mothers.
Family values stressed hard work for the sake of the household and obedience to in laws”
(Horiguchi 2011). The household is generally seen as the mother’s realm and a “good
mother…sacrifices all for her child” (Steury 1993). Because this movement’s message to protect
children falls into a mother’s realm, they are able to participate in these demonstrations without
much criticism. That does not mean they are not met with opposing views; however the

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movement is made stronger because women, particularly mothers, are able to more easily join
than if they were to not have society’s approval.
From an American’s perspective, women are generally leaders in groups with a gender
equality agenda. At the same time, women in these visible positions are often viewed with
disdain. Even groups such as Mothers Against Drunk Driving (or M.A.D.D.) are generally
received with negative publicity; so much that they have an opposition group called Stop the
MADDness1
who contest MADD’s every action. This innate social resistance discourages
mothers from supporting this cause even if they wanted to protect their children from drunk
drivers.
Women in the United States and Japan are generally seen as uninterested in politics and
participation in social protest is considered unnatural for women. According to Hofstede’s
Cultural Dimensions, “At 95, Japan is one of the most masculine societies in the world. It is still
hard for women to climb up the corporate ladders in Japan with their masculine norm of hard and
long working hours” (Hofstede Center 2014). Yet Mothers of Fukushima have created a large
network in response to the lack of governmental action. They formed networks of concerned
parents and citizens, pooled their resources in to measure the radioactivity near their homes,
raised public awareness, and clearly communicated all of this information back throughout their
networks. Their presence on the streets has led to worldwide media coverage and has encouraged
many women locally to join the cause.
Even though Japanese mothers are considered to remain within their own sphere of
influence, the home, they often find ways to use position in society to suit their purposes.
Morioka Rika in her chapter of Japan Copes with Calamity argues, “when resistance does occur
(in Japan), it is often spearheaded by women, politically marginalized mothers and housewives,
1
http://stopthemaddness.org/

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who do not possess formal power or status. Housewife is a public identity that provides a
common ground and legitimacy for women to unite.” Seth Friedman in his paper Women in
Japanese Society: Their Changing Roles, provides an explanation for this phenomenon:
“Japanese women seem to exercise political power at the grass roots level as opposed to the
governmental level. In 1973 Prime Minister Tanaka said that “Women don't vote on big national
issues but on things which affect their daily lives.” Women are very active in local politics
because their local politics shape their lives and for mothers, it shapes their family’s lives as well.
Ultimately, political activism is the only option for women to enact change in their lives.
Self Introduction
As a feminist and a politically active member of American society, I took keen interests
into the differences between feminists in Japan and in the United States. My initial topic was on
the use of nuclear power in Japan; however that quickly changed when I went to observe the
anti-nuclear protest group in Sakae. I was so inspired by the large turnout of older people, mostly
women, who come out to protest every Friday at 6 pm sharp. My soul was overcome with
sympathy that I wanted to join in the protests. After my observation, I slowly wondered how all
those women are able to stand out in front of the Chubu and Kansai Electric Power buildings
when it is so hard to even get people to come out for anti-drone demonstrations in America.
Moreover, I wanted to understand how Japanese people think. Last year when I came to
Japan, I held a lot of very racist sentiments that I didn’t know were racist and misogynist until I
began talking to more people. I learned that the only way to dispel the stereotypes of Japanese
people that have been engrained in my psyche was to talk to more Japanese people about social
justice. As in turns out, Japanese people aren’t that different from Americans. Of course there

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were many times when the person I was talking to was not interested in my topic but that
would’ve been the case in America as well.
Throughout my research, I tried to keep an open mind about the people I would meet and
the sights that I would see. At the same time, I tried to remind myself that the Japanese lifestyle
is very different from the American lifestyle that I know. Luckily, everyone was very open with
talking to me about their opinions on nuclear power and the people who participate in those
demonstrations. Although my main focus is on the anti-nuclear protest group in Sakae, I was
able to analyze how Japanese people my age think about protesters and nuclear power in general.
My Study
To determine how Japanese mothers and women in general are able to openly oppose
anti-nuclear power, I interviewed two people from the Nanzan Extension College, nine students
(three males and six females) from Nanzan Unversity, and one of the key members of the anti-
nuclear protest groups in Sakae. In my research, I tried to answer the following three questions.
First, how do women maintain their subordinate role and various identities in society while also
being leaders in a visible position? Second, how does public opinion influence women’s
participation in these protests? What does their societal given roles as “mothers” play into their
roles as leader? Although I tried to incorporate how single women felt about this situation as well,
only one of the people I interviewed was single. I read different articles and books in order to
supplement some of the knowledge I learned. By comparing the data I collect from the different
interviews, I’ll be able to determine how much public opinion plays into a woman’s motivation
to participate in these demonstrations. At the same time, I can see how people within those
demonstration groups see themselves. All of these interviews were done based on convenience.
Even though I created a questionnaire, I wasn’t able to use it. In the end, it wasn’t necessary.

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Each participant gave their explicit verbal consent to the interviews in both Japanese and
English. An explanation sheet was always on hand, however, it was never used. All interviews
were informal and took place in public areas such as restaurants and in a classroom. I asked
different questions depending on the person. Thus, my data may be inconsistent and generalized.
Claim 1: Given Identities Empower and Disempower Women
Based on the collected interviews and observations of Japanese students and older
women, one recurring theme stood out: everyone believed that the protesters were mothers or
protesting for the sake of children. Why was that? The link between motherhood and the anti-
nuclear protests didn’t occur to me until I asked one of the Nanzan students. Before, I assumed
that the reason these people were protesting was because their lives were in danger and that their
motivation was for themselves, not just for children. But when I asked a Nanzan student what he
thought of the protesters in Fukushima, he told me that he thought of mothers; mothers who were
afraid for their children because they’re still growing. He told me that the mothers aren’t doing it
for themselves because they’ve already grown past their young age. His words reminded me of
the fifty Fukushima workers who took on the perilous duty of going inside to shut down the
reactors: “Even if I were exposed to radiation, cancer could take 20 or 30 years or longer to
develop. Therefore us older ones have less chance of getting cancer” (Dillow 2011). I later asked
a key member of the Sakae anti-nuclear power protest group what she thought about the Nanzan
student’s statement.
When I asked him and the other eight students if they perceived these women in a
negative or positive light, they all said, “positive because I feel like they’re protecting me.” Even
if some of these students believed that the government should restart the nuclear power plants,
they sympathized with the plight of the demonstrators. From a person who has experienced

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prejudice against politically active women, I was expecting them to say that these women were
stirring up trouble. I asked three female students if they would ever consider demonstrating, they
said yes. If they were put in that position of a mother, they would do it for their children. When I
asked them what would they do if they weren’t a mother and if they just protested as they are,
they responded that they would be afraid of what their friends and family would think. Even
though they were confident in their abilities when they thought of themselves as mothers, their
bravado shrank I asked them to think of their current identity instead of that of a mother. I
interpreted the image of a mother as an identity to hide behind. Because these girls are not
mothers yet, they don’t feel like it’s their place to be protesting. But if they were mothers, they
would find it easier to protest without the need of their peer’s or family’s acceptance.
When I asked Fujiwara Hazuki, one of the key members about how many people
interpret her as a mother and mistaken for a married woman, she laughed. She told me she never
cared what her image was like because she will continue to protest regardless of what the public
eye thinks of her. Ms. Hazuki told me that she never plans on becoming a mother or getting
married and that a “new type of woman” is emerging in Japan. Women who are just like her are
on the rise. She was the only single woman I interviewed and her answers were very different
from the other two older women. Overall, some people are affected by their societal given roles
and others pay no mind to it. Unfortunately I wasn’t able to talk to anyone other than Fujiwara
Hazuki, thus this claim is largely a generalization.
After hearing that a lot of women participate in these protests, one of the extension
college students felt very inspired. She wanted to join in the protests at some point but never did
because she was afraid of what her family, friends, and husband would say about her. Women

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who protests are seen as “very aggressive” and women are expected to be meek. But given the
chance, she would like to promote change.
Claim 2: Public Opinion Matters
Unlike the United States, public opinion in Japan often has a much larger impact on
individuals’ actions. In the United States, individualism is often encouraged so public opinion
tends to have less of an effect on an individual’s decisions. Regarding the Fukushima protesters,
the women concerns were “dismissed by school teachers as irrational fears of nervous, fussy
women” (Rika 2011). Exactly how much does public opinion affect a woman’s motivation to
join the protests?
Fujiwara Hazuki made it clear that she never paid any attention to the public’s opinion.
She would continue to work hard for the sake of the future. Ms. Fujiwara was first contacted by
one of the key members from the Tokyo anti-nuclear power protests and quickly agreed to form
Nagoya’s own anti-nuclear protests. By channeling through her networks, Ms. Fujiwara was able
to gather more than 200 people for their first protest group. The group is very fluid and anyone is
welcome to join when they have time and are not required to go to the weekly meeting on
Wednesday. When I asked her who the leader of the group was, she said there isn’t one. If there
was a leader, that means that everyone else is a subordinate and just that hierarchical image
didn’t sit well with her and everyone else.
For the past 2 years, this unnamed protest group gathers every Friday in front of the
Chubu and Kansai Electric Power buildings in Sakae. Their demonstrations run on time from 6-7
in front of the Chubu Electric Company and then from 7 to 8 pm in front of the Kansai Electric
Company. Most of the participants are older women (above 40) but occasionally younger women
would be there too. Children of some protesters would be accompanied by their parents (mostly

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mothers). I asked why they brought their children there and they said that their children feel
strongly about their future and they’re afraid of nuclear energy. Also, the presence of their
children gives their protest more “power.” Initially, it was really hard to contact anyone within
this group. Until my second observation, I didn’t understand how their group dynamic worked.
Luckily there were two other Americans who are also from Los Angeles who helped me out.
They helped me explain how the group worked and pointed out the key members of the group.
After a couple of weeks, one of the Americans acted as my translator and my guide into the
group.
When I interviewed one of the extension college students, she said she was moved by the
protest so much that she wanted to join it. However, what stopped her was what she thought her
family, friends, coworkers, and husband would think of her. She told me about women who
participate in demonstrations tend to be looked down upon. As much as she would like to protest
for the safety of herself and the future, she can’t bring herself to do it. She is a married, working
woman who is possibly in her late thirties and is taking Nanzan classes to enrich her knowledge
of Japanese culture and history. I asked her if she has ever told any family member about the
protests and she said know. Even though she doesn’t know what her family, friends, and husband
think of the protests in general terms, she’s afraid that they will judge her harshly even if she’s
doing it for them.
The other Nanzan extension college student that I interviewed had absolutely no
experience with the protests at all. She is a married woman in her late forties and is taking
Nanzan classes to understand more about Japanese culture and food. Because she never watches
TV or reads the newspaper, she was unaware that there were even protests at all. When I asked
her on her opinions of women in the anti-nuclear power protests, she said she had a “neutral” and

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somewhat negative image of them, calling some of them “hypocritical” because not everyone in
those demonstration groups believe in the message. Even though she has never seen or heard of
these protests before, she’s using her knowledge to supplement what she didn’t know. When I
asked her if she would ever consider joining these demonstrations, she said no but she
understands the situation of the people in Fukushima. Her interpretation of the situation was that
the people of Fukushima don’t have a choice but to protest. They’re trapped because many of
them can’t afford to move away from that area.
Summary
The linkage to mothers and anti-nuclear power demonstrations stems from the large
groups of mothers who took to the streets after they could no longer trust the government to give
them the real facts. Even if these students believed that Japan should go back to nuclear power,
they often supported these women in their efforts to stop nuclear energy. These students based
their opinions on the more conservative lives they’ve had to live since the shutdown of the
nuclear power plants. Most of them said they wouldn’t participate in these demonstrations
because they don’t have time. However, they feel relieved that someone else is doing it on their
behalf.
The realm of responsibilities for Japanese women centers on domestic matters: running
the household, ensuring the health of family members and educating children. One of the
questions I asked all of the Nanzan students was: “What if these women who protest weren’t
mothers? What is your image of them?” Half of them said, “Those women are probably thinking
of their future children or other people’s children.” The other half had said, “She’s probably
doing it for her family.” Overall, their image of the women in the protests was still largely
positive even if it was a woman who is not a mother or married. At the same time, it’s a double

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edged sword. Women are only able to speak effectively on issues traditionally related to female
roles such as health and safety of workers and children. Although the same role they are given
gives them some authority, it limits their voices to family related issues. The societal expectation
of a woman to be a mother doesn’t clash with their participation in these demonstrations. Even if
it did, many of these women would still do it. Fujiawara Hazuki said Japanese people tend to be
private and so the plight of others usually does not concern them very much. However, many of
these women protest because this is an issue that expands outside the private realm. Women are
using the tools they have at hand to make policy change for the future.

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References
1. Friedman, Seth. "The Changing Roles of Women in Japanese Society." The Changing
Roles of Women in Japanese Society. N.p., Dec. 1992. Web. 11 Dec. 2014.
<http://www2.gol.com/users/friedman/writings/p1.html>.
2. Gill, Tom, Brigitte Steger, and David H. Slater. Japan Copes with Calamity
Ethnographies of the Earthquake, Tsunami and Nuclear Disasters of March 2011. N.p.:
n.p., n.d. Print.
3. Horiguchi, Noriko J. Women Adrift: The Literature of Japan's Imperial Body.
Minneapolis: U of Minnesota, 2011. Print.
4. Steury, Jill. 1993. “Working Mothers in Japan and the Effects on Children and Society.”
Intercultural Communication Studies . Paper presented at the biennial conference of the
Institute for Cross-Cultural Research, San Antonio, TX (March).