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Eng13: language, culture and
society
Instructor: Eurilyn Casido;
Student: Jelou D. Abad,
Welmark Lantapon, Angel
Rose Dagoy, Juhany Padua.
Journal of Linguistic
Anthropology
Standardization, Racialization,
Languagelessness: Raciolinguistic
Ideologies across Communicative
Contexts
Jonathan Daniel Rosa
Graduate School of Education Stanford University
jdrosa@stanford.edu
Introduction
“This article examines how processes of
racialization organize the relationship between
ideologies of language standardization and what I
term “languagelessness.” Whereas ideologies of
language standardization are often understood to
stigmatize particular linguistic practices perceived
as deviating from prescriptive norms, racialized
ideologies of languagelessness call into question
linguistic competence—and, by extension,
legitimate personhood—altogether.”
Theorizing Standardization,
Racialization, and languagelessness
“These processes can be understood using Silverstein’s
(2003:535) conical model of standardization and stratification in which
“top-and-center folks can look downward-and-outward, as it were, toward
peripheries at various degrees of negatively valued deviation from their
imagined full-time, default, or unmarked identity.” Within any culture of
language standardization, these top/bottom and center/ periphery
hierarchies organize structures of societal inclusion and exclusion linking
language, place, and ethnoracial and class personhood. These processes
can be understood using Silverstein’s (2003:535) conical model of
standardization and stratification in which “top-and-center folks can look
downward-and-outward, as it were, toward peripheries at various degrees
of negatively valued deviation from their imagined full-time, default, or
unmarked identity.” Within any culture of language standardization, these
top/bottom and center/ periphery hierarchies organize structures of societal
inclusion and exclusion linking language, place, and ethnoracial and class
personhood.”
Latina/o Bilingualism as Languagelessness
in New Northwest High School
“Mandatory language policies create a stratified,
class-based distinction between elite and remedial
bilingualism (Duchene and Heller 2012; Heller 1999). That
is, while bilingualism is understood as a valuable asset or
goal for middle-class and upperclass students, for working
class and poor students it is framed as a disability that must
be overcome. In the context of the intertwined dynamics of
race and class in the United States and elsewhere, these
language policies become keyways of managing minoritized
populations that are understood to present problematic
forms of linguistic diversity (Gal 2012; Roth-Gordon 2011).”
Languagelessness across Scales of
Educational Language Policy
“Selective enrollment schools and application-based charter
schools, however, accept almost none of these students. In many
of these selective settings, all students can take core courses in
languages other than English and classroom language learning is
combined with trips to countries in which languages other than
English predominate. One Chicago language academy’s website
states, “Spanish, German, French, Italian or Chinese are as much a
part of your day as social studies, mathematics, science, language
arts, music, art, and physical education.” Its homepage highlights
stories such as “April in Paris,” “Students leave to Italy,” and
“Students in Barcelona, Spain.” Unlike the overall demographics of
Chicago Public Schools, these language academies often have far
fewer low-income students and far more white students.”
Languagelessness across
Contexts
“Ideologies of languagelessness are present in many
institutional contexts other than K-12 schools and on scales
beyond the local Chicago one described above. Since the
1980 decennial census, the U.S. Census Bureau has posed a
two-part language question: (1) Does this person speak a
language other than English in the home? and (2) How well
does this person speak English? The first question requires
respondents to report the language other than English that
is spoken at home and the second question requires
respondents to categorize themselves as speaking English
‘very Standardization, Racialization, Languagelessness 173
well, well, not well, or not at all.’”
Languagelessness Experienced: Yesi’s
Case
“Many of the younger siblings of the Latina/o
students among whom I conducted ethnographic research in
Chicago were bilingual English-Spanish users, yet they
learned to deny their Spanish language abilities in school
and became ashamed of their “accented” English as soon as
their first year of elementary school. These young people
were already facing the racialization of their language use as
unfit for and deficient within mainstream school settings.
The very linguistic practices that might be prized were they
produced by students embodying normative whiteness,
position racialized students as inferior and in need of
perpetual remediation through ideologies of
languagelessness.”
Conclusion
“This article has focused on examples of ideologies of languagelessness that
characterize U.S. Latinas/os as using no language legitimately, the definition of
Latina/o bilingualism as deficiency, Latinas’/os’ perpetual designation as English
Language Learners, the notion of “non-non” in bilingual education, the U.S. Census
Bureau’s category of “linguistic isolation,” and the theoretical concept of
“semilingualism.” However, ideologies of languagelessness have manifested
themselves in many other contexts, from the onset of colonial contact between Europe
and the Americas, in which indigenous populations were figured as having “no
language at all” (Greenblatt 1990:17), to more recent cases in which African
Americans and other groups have been said to suffer from “language gaps” (Rosa and
Flores 2015), “verbal deprivation” (Bereiter and Engelmann 1966), and the inability to
produce intelligible language (Smalls 2016). For various racialized groups, neither the
use of a particular “national” language nor the standardized variety of that language
alone can ensure societal inclusion. Note that the quotations from Bloomfield and the
NNHS teacher with which this article began were articulated more than 80 years apart
in relation to completely different ethnoracial groups, languages, and social contexts.
The striking similarity between these quotations speaks to the powerfully entrenched
nature of the relationship between ideologies of standardization and languagelessness
on the one hand, and the anchoring of these ideologies in longstanding processes of
racialization on the other.”
Reference
Rosa Jonathan Daniel. Standardization, Racialization,
Languagelessness: Raciolinguistic Ideologies across Communicative
Contexts. Journal of Linguist Anthropology [Internet]. 2016 [cited
2022 Feb 10];26(Issue 2):162–183. DOI 10.1111/jola.12116.
Available from:
https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/15481395/2016/26/2

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English 13 (Language, culture and society): Journal of Linguistic Anthropology

  • 1. Eng13: language, culture and society Instructor: Eurilyn Casido; Student: Jelou D. Abad, Welmark Lantapon, Angel Rose Dagoy, Juhany Padua.
  • 2. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology Standardization, Racialization, Languagelessness: Raciolinguistic Ideologies across Communicative Contexts Jonathan Daniel Rosa Graduate School of Education Stanford University jdrosa@stanford.edu
  • 3. Introduction “This article examines how processes of racialization organize the relationship between ideologies of language standardization and what I term “languagelessness.” Whereas ideologies of language standardization are often understood to stigmatize particular linguistic practices perceived as deviating from prescriptive norms, racialized ideologies of languagelessness call into question linguistic competence—and, by extension, legitimate personhood—altogether.”
  • 4. Theorizing Standardization, Racialization, and languagelessness “These processes can be understood using Silverstein’s (2003:535) conical model of standardization and stratification in which “top-and-center folks can look downward-and-outward, as it were, toward peripheries at various degrees of negatively valued deviation from their imagined full-time, default, or unmarked identity.” Within any culture of language standardization, these top/bottom and center/ periphery hierarchies organize structures of societal inclusion and exclusion linking language, place, and ethnoracial and class personhood. These processes can be understood using Silverstein’s (2003:535) conical model of standardization and stratification in which “top-and-center folks can look downward-and-outward, as it were, toward peripheries at various degrees of negatively valued deviation from their imagined full-time, default, or unmarked identity.” Within any culture of language standardization, these top/bottom and center/ periphery hierarchies organize structures of societal inclusion and exclusion linking language, place, and ethnoracial and class personhood.”
  • 5. Latina/o Bilingualism as Languagelessness in New Northwest High School “Mandatory language policies create a stratified, class-based distinction between elite and remedial bilingualism (Duchene and Heller 2012; Heller 1999). That is, while bilingualism is understood as a valuable asset or goal for middle-class and upperclass students, for working class and poor students it is framed as a disability that must be overcome. In the context of the intertwined dynamics of race and class in the United States and elsewhere, these language policies become keyways of managing minoritized populations that are understood to present problematic forms of linguistic diversity (Gal 2012; Roth-Gordon 2011).”
  • 6. Languagelessness across Scales of Educational Language Policy “Selective enrollment schools and application-based charter schools, however, accept almost none of these students. In many of these selective settings, all students can take core courses in languages other than English and classroom language learning is combined with trips to countries in which languages other than English predominate. One Chicago language academy’s website states, “Spanish, German, French, Italian or Chinese are as much a part of your day as social studies, mathematics, science, language arts, music, art, and physical education.” Its homepage highlights stories such as “April in Paris,” “Students leave to Italy,” and “Students in Barcelona, Spain.” Unlike the overall demographics of Chicago Public Schools, these language academies often have far fewer low-income students and far more white students.”
  • 7. Languagelessness across Contexts “Ideologies of languagelessness are present in many institutional contexts other than K-12 schools and on scales beyond the local Chicago one described above. Since the 1980 decennial census, the U.S. Census Bureau has posed a two-part language question: (1) Does this person speak a language other than English in the home? and (2) How well does this person speak English? The first question requires respondents to report the language other than English that is spoken at home and the second question requires respondents to categorize themselves as speaking English ‘very Standardization, Racialization, Languagelessness 173 well, well, not well, or not at all.’”
  • 8. Languagelessness Experienced: Yesi’s Case “Many of the younger siblings of the Latina/o students among whom I conducted ethnographic research in Chicago were bilingual English-Spanish users, yet they learned to deny their Spanish language abilities in school and became ashamed of their “accented” English as soon as their first year of elementary school. These young people were already facing the racialization of their language use as unfit for and deficient within mainstream school settings. The very linguistic practices that might be prized were they produced by students embodying normative whiteness, position racialized students as inferior and in need of perpetual remediation through ideologies of languagelessness.”
  • 9. Conclusion “This article has focused on examples of ideologies of languagelessness that characterize U.S. Latinas/os as using no language legitimately, the definition of Latina/o bilingualism as deficiency, Latinas’/os’ perpetual designation as English Language Learners, the notion of “non-non” in bilingual education, the U.S. Census Bureau’s category of “linguistic isolation,” and the theoretical concept of “semilingualism.” However, ideologies of languagelessness have manifested themselves in many other contexts, from the onset of colonial contact between Europe and the Americas, in which indigenous populations were figured as having “no language at all” (Greenblatt 1990:17), to more recent cases in which African Americans and other groups have been said to suffer from “language gaps” (Rosa and Flores 2015), “verbal deprivation” (Bereiter and Engelmann 1966), and the inability to produce intelligible language (Smalls 2016). For various racialized groups, neither the use of a particular “national” language nor the standardized variety of that language alone can ensure societal inclusion. Note that the quotations from Bloomfield and the NNHS teacher with which this article began were articulated more than 80 years apart in relation to completely different ethnoracial groups, languages, and social contexts. The striking similarity between these quotations speaks to the powerfully entrenched nature of the relationship between ideologies of standardization and languagelessness on the one hand, and the anchoring of these ideologies in longstanding processes of racialization on the other.”
  • 10. Reference Rosa Jonathan Daniel. Standardization, Racialization, Languagelessness: Raciolinguistic Ideologies across Communicative Contexts. Journal of Linguist Anthropology [Internet]. 2016 [cited 2022 Feb 10];26(Issue 2):162–183. DOI 10.1111/jola.12116. Available from: https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/15481395/2016/26/2