The negative consequences of personal exclusion have been demonstrated by multiple
studies. Less is known about the consequences of witnessing one's own group
being excluded by other groups, although studies suggest exclusion can be experienced
vicariously and negatively affects members of the excluded group. Results of
the present lab-based
experiment (N = 153) indicate, in line with our predictions,
that witnessing intergroup exclusion (a national majority excluded by a minority,
manipulated by an adapted intergroup Cyberball paradigm) produced a sense of personal
exclusion. It also increased self-reported
distress and behavioral aggression
measured in the Taylor Aggression Paradigm), especially among participants high
on collective narcissism: a belief that the exaggerated greatness of the in-group
is
not sufficiently appreciated by others. Contrary to expectations, a short mindful decentration
intervention (instructing participants to observe thoughts and emotions as
transient mental products without engaging with them) delivered while participants
were witnessing intergroup exclusion (vs. inclusion) produced changes in heart rate
variability reactivity indicative of emotional arousal, especially among collective
narcissists. We concluded that collective narcissism is associated with distress in
the face of intergroup exclusion, aggressive retaliation, and in consequence, it is
a risk-factor
predisposing group members to stress-related
health and psychosocial
problems. Furthermore, a mindful decentration, despite being an effective strategy
to reduce maladaptive stress in most people, may be counterproductive in addressing
high collective narcissists' responses to threat to the in-group's
image.
Evil Joy Is Hard to Share: Negative Affect Attenuates Interpersonal Capitaliz...Maciej Behnke
Capitalization is an interpersonal process in which individuals (capitalizers) communicate their accomplishments to others (responders). When these attempts to capitalize are met with enthusiastic responses, individuals reap greater personal and social benefits from the accomplishment. This research integrated the interpersonal model of capitalization with moral foundations theory to examine whether accomplishments achieved through immoral (vs. moral) means disrupt the interpersonal processes of capitalization. We hypothesized that an accomplishment achieved through immoral (vs. moral) means would suppress the positive affective response often reaped from capitalizing on good news. We conducted two, mixedmethods experiments in which individuals interacted with a stranger (Study 1) or with their romantic partner (Study 2). We found that responders exhibited greater self-reported negative emotions, avoidance motivation, and arousal when reacting to capitalizers' immoral (vs. moral) accomplishments. In turn, greater negative affect predicted less enthusiastic verbal responses to capitalization attempts. In Study 2 we found that immoral accomplishments increased avoidance motivation, which contrary to our expectations, increased expressions of happiness. These studies reveal that the moral means by which accomplishments are achieved can disrupt the interpersonal process of capitalization.
The Role of Emotions in Esports PerformanceMaciej Behnke
Emotions that differ on the approach-avoidance dimension are thought to have different functions. Based on the motivational dimensional model of affect, we expected high-approach tendency (and not valence) to facilitate sports performance in a gaming context. Moreover, we expected the influence of highapproach emotions on performance to be mediated by higher levels of cognitive and physiological challenge as an approach-related response. To test these hypotheses, 241 men completed 5 matches of a soccer video game FIFA 19. Before each match, approach tendencies and valence were experimentally manipulated by showing films that elicit amusement, enthusiasm, sadness, anger, and neutral states. Approach tendency, challenge/threat evaluations, cardiovascular responses, and game scores were recorded. After watching enthusiastic and amusing videos, gamers displayed stronger approach tendencies, and, in turn, improved performance, compared to negative emotions and neutral conditions. Moreover, enthusiasm produced a stronger approach tendency and promoted better performance than amusement. Elicitation of unpleasant emotions (anger and sadness) had no effect on approach tendencies or gaming-outcomes relative to the neutral conditions. Across all conditions, gamers with higher levels of cognitive and cardiovascular challenge achieved higher scores. These findings indicate that in a gaming context performance is enhanced by pleasant emotions with high-approach tendencies.
Evil Joy Is Hard to Share: Negative Affect Attenuates Interpersonal Capitaliz...Maciej Behnke
Capitalization is an interpersonal process in which individuals (capitalizers) communicate their accomplishments to others (responders). When these attempts to capitalize are met with enthusiastic responses, individuals reap greater personal and social benefits from the accomplishment. This research integrated the interpersonal model of capitalization with moral foundations theory to examine whether accomplishments achieved through immoral (vs. moral) means disrupt the interpersonal processes of capitalization. We hypothesized that an accomplishment achieved through immoral (vs. moral) means would suppress the positive affective response often reaped from capitalizing on good news. We conducted two, mixedmethods experiments in which individuals interacted with a stranger (Study 1) or with their romantic partner (Study 2). We found that responders exhibited greater self-reported negative emotions, avoidance motivation, and arousal when reacting to capitalizers' immoral (vs. moral) accomplishments. In turn, greater negative affect predicted less enthusiastic verbal responses to capitalization attempts. In Study 2 we found that immoral accomplishments increased avoidance motivation, which contrary to our expectations, increased expressions of happiness. These studies reveal that the moral means by which accomplishments are achieved can disrupt the interpersonal process of capitalization.
The Role of Emotions in Esports PerformanceMaciej Behnke
Emotions that differ on the approach-avoidance dimension are thought to have different functions. Based on the motivational dimensional model of affect, we expected high-approach tendency (and not valence) to facilitate sports performance in a gaming context. Moreover, we expected the influence of highapproach emotions on performance to be mediated by higher levels of cognitive and physiological challenge as an approach-related response. To test these hypotheses, 241 men completed 5 matches of a soccer video game FIFA 19. Before each match, approach tendencies and valence were experimentally manipulated by showing films that elicit amusement, enthusiasm, sadness, anger, and neutral states. Approach tendency, challenge/threat evaluations, cardiovascular responses, and game scores were recorded. After watching enthusiastic and amusing videos, gamers displayed stronger approach tendencies, and, in turn, improved performance, compared to negative emotions and neutral conditions. Moreover, enthusiasm produced a stronger approach tendency and promoted better performance than amusement. Elicitation of unpleasant emotions (anger and sadness) had no effect on approach tendencies or gaming-outcomes relative to the neutral conditions. Across all conditions, gamers with higher levels of cognitive and cardiovascular challenge achieved higher scores. These findings indicate that in a gaming context performance is enhanced by pleasant emotions with high-approach tendencies.
Religiosity and depression in college studentsDevon Berry
Presentation of study results examining relationship between depression and religiosity in college-age students. Background, methods, findings and discussion shared in brief format.
Project Canari: Measuring and Coping with Stress in the CityJoseph Gray
A proposal and rough prototype for Project Canari, a means of measuring and coping with stress in modern urban settings through interconnected empathy. This was a team project for Design Planning and 192021.org at the IIT Institute of Design.
Imagined interactions are a process of social cognition using verbal and visual imagery in which individuals imagine themselves in anticipated and/or past communicative encounters with significant others (Honeycutt, 2003). This theory explains how people use mental imagery to deal with conflict and think about others which serve a variety of functions. They seve six functions: catharsis, rehearsal, self-understanding, conflict management (rumination), compensation, relational maintenance
Relationships are dynamic, alive and responsive to the choices, attitudes and behaviors we bring to them. Research shows that we really are living in organic networks in which we are constantly impacting others and the social environment as the social world impacts us. The competencies associated with Emotional Intelligence directly and powerfully transform interactions and ongoing relationships with others. These skills can be learned and every day is a new opportunity to practice them.
Acts Of Service:Strengthening the neural pathways through acts of service. This is a proposed research study laying out the hypothesis that neuroplasticity would allow strengthening of the limbic and prefrontal cortical areas for recoveringaddicts with the deliberate integration of acts of service to others. A successful conclusion, measured by in increase in scores on the Prosocial Personality Battery Review would indicate a potential evidence-based argument for inclusion of acts of service in formal treatment planning.
Panel at the 2020 Restorative Design Conference, on the topic of "Trauma-Informed Design."
This panel discusses definitions of trauma, some of the ways traditional human-centered design practices might cause harm by triggering past trauma or even creating new trauma, how to create safety in our engagements with communities, and how designers might bring a trauma-informed lens to their work.
Intergroup biasHewstone, Miles; Rubin, MarkPress the Escape ke.docxmariuse18nolet
Intergroup bias
Hewstone, Miles; Rubin, Mark
Press the Escape key to close
Willis, Hazel
Press the Escape key to close
Annual Review of Psychology53 (2002): 575-604.
Key Words conflict, discrimination, prejudice, social categorization, stereotyping
* Abstract This chapter reviews the extensive literature on bias in favor of ingroups at the expense of out-groups. We focus on five issues and identify areas for future research: (a) measurement and conceptual issues (especially in-group favoritism vs. out-group derogation, and explicit vs. implicit measures of bias); (b) modem theories of bias highlighting motivational explanations (social identity, optimal distinctiveness, uncertainty reduction, social dominance, terror management); (c) key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias (identification, group size, status and power, threat, positive-negative asymmetry, personality and individual differences); (d) reduction of bias (individual vs. intergroup approaches, especially models of social categorization); and (e) the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility.
INTRODUCTION
Intergroup bias refers generally to the systematic tendency to evaluate one's own membership group (the in-group) or its members more favorably than a nonmembership group (the out-group) or its members. Bias can encompass behavior (discrimination), attitude (prejudice), and cognition (stereotyping) (Mackie & Smith 1998, Wilder & Simon 2001). More precisely, this group-serving tendency can take the form of favoring the in-group (in-group favoritism and/or derogating the out-group (out-group derogation). Use of the term "bias" involves an interpretative judgment that the response is unfair, illegitimate, or unjustifiable, in the sense that it goes beyond the objective requirements or evidence of the situation (see Brewer & Brown 1998, Fiske 1998, Turner & Reynolds 2001). Intergroup bias is a general, but not a universal, phenomenon (see Hagendoorn 1995, Hagendoorn et al. 2001), and contemporary social psychology has contributed to a more differentiated and context-dependent view of bias.
In the limited space available we focus on five specific issues. We review first, measurement and conceptual issues; second, the competing claims of currently prominent theories of bias; third, some key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias; fourth, theory and research on interventions to reduce bias; and, finally, we consider the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility. We are forced to give a selective overview, and we highlight more recent developments as well as perspectives that we feel offer a unified perspective on why bias occurs, how it is moderated, and what can be done to reduce it.
MEASUREMENT AND CONCEPTUAL ISSUES
Measures of Intergroup Bias
Forms of intergroup bias range from prejudice and stereotyping, via discrimination, injustice, perpetuation of inequality and oppres.
Research ArticlePrejudice From Thin AirThe Effect of Emo.docxronak56
Research Article
Prejudice From Thin Air
The Effect of Emotion on Automatic Intergroup Attitudes
David DeSteno,1 Nilanjana Dasgupta,2 Monica Y. Bartlett,1 and Aida Cajdric1
1
Northeastern University and
2
University of Massachusetts–Amherst
ABSTRACT—Two experiments provide initial evidence that spe-
cific emotional states are capable of creating automatic prej-
udice toward outgroups. Specifically, we propose that anger
should influence automatic evaluations of outgroups because of
its functional relevance to intergroup conflict and competition,
whereas other negative emotions less relevant to intergroup
relations (e.g., sadness) should not. In both experiments, after
minimal ingroups and outgroups were created, participants
were induced to experience anger, sadness, or a neutral state.
Automatic attitudes toward the in- and outgroups were then
assessed using an evaluative priming measure (Experiment 1)
and the Implicit Association Test (Experiment 2). As predicted,
results showed that anger created automatic prejudice toward
the outgroup, whereas sadness and neutrality resulted in no
automatic intergroup bias. The implications of these findings for
emotion-induced biases in implicit intergroup cognition in par-
ticular, and in social cognition in general, are considered.
Since the heyday of frustration-aggression and scapegoating theories
of prejudice (e.g., Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939),
social psychologists have recognized that intergroup relations, and the
stereotypes and prejudices that inevitably accompany them, are in-
fluenced by perceivers’ emotional states. As in the case of attitudes
more generally, emotions have been found to influence when, and to
what extent, people express positive or negative attitudes toward, and
beliefs about, members of in- and outgroups (Bodenhausen, Muss-
weiler, Gabriel, & Moreno, 2001; Fiske, 1998; cf. Petty, DeSteno, &
Rucker, 2001). For example, anger and happiness are known to en-
hance heuristic processing of social information that, in turn, ex-
acerbates stereotypic judgments of outgroups (Bodenhausen, Shep-
pard, & Kramer, 1994; Tiedens & Linton, 2001). Sadness, however,
has been shown to promote systematic processing of information that,
in turn, decreases stereotypic judgments (Lambert, Khan, Lickel, &
Fricke, 1997). These and similar findings have led to wide
acceptance of the view that specific emotions can influence people’s
beliefs about social groups.
It is important to note, however, that thus far, the growing corpus of
research on emotion and intergroup cognition has focused exclusively
on the effects of emotion on self-reported, or explicit, judgments of
social groups (for a review, see Bodenhausen et al., 2001). Such
judgments involve conscious deliberation and are, therefore, clearly
under perceivers’ voluntary control. Indeed, if people suspect that
incidental emotion may unduly influence an unrelated judgment, they
often ...
Religiosity and depression in college studentsDevon Berry
Presentation of study results examining relationship between depression and religiosity in college-age students. Background, methods, findings and discussion shared in brief format.
Project Canari: Measuring and Coping with Stress in the CityJoseph Gray
A proposal and rough prototype for Project Canari, a means of measuring and coping with stress in modern urban settings through interconnected empathy. This was a team project for Design Planning and 192021.org at the IIT Institute of Design.
Imagined interactions are a process of social cognition using verbal and visual imagery in which individuals imagine themselves in anticipated and/or past communicative encounters with significant others (Honeycutt, 2003). This theory explains how people use mental imagery to deal with conflict and think about others which serve a variety of functions. They seve six functions: catharsis, rehearsal, self-understanding, conflict management (rumination), compensation, relational maintenance
Relationships are dynamic, alive and responsive to the choices, attitudes and behaviors we bring to them. Research shows that we really are living in organic networks in which we are constantly impacting others and the social environment as the social world impacts us. The competencies associated with Emotional Intelligence directly and powerfully transform interactions and ongoing relationships with others. These skills can be learned and every day is a new opportunity to practice them.
Acts Of Service:Strengthening the neural pathways through acts of service. This is a proposed research study laying out the hypothesis that neuroplasticity would allow strengthening of the limbic and prefrontal cortical areas for recoveringaddicts with the deliberate integration of acts of service to others. A successful conclusion, measured by in increase in scores on the Prosocial Personality Battery Review would indicate a potential evidence-based argument for inclusion of acts of service in formal treatment planning.
Panel at the 2020 Restorative Design Conference, on the topic of "Trauma-Informed Design."
This panel discusses definitions of trauma, some of the ways traditional human-centered design practices might cause harm by triggering past trauma or even creating new trauma, how to create safety in our engagements with communities, and how designers might bring a trauma-informed lens to their work.
Intergroup biasHewstone, Miles; Rubin, MarkPress the Escape ke.docxmariuse18nolet
Intergroup bias
Hewstone, Miles; Rubin, Mark
Press the Escape key to close
Willis, Hazel
Press the Escape key to close
Annual Review of Psychology53 (2002): 575-604.
Key Words conflict, discrimination, prejudice, social categorization, stereotyping
* Abstract This chapter reviews the extensive literature on bias in favor of ingroups at the expense of out-groups. We focus on five issues and identify areas for future research: (a) measurement and conceptual issues (especially in-group favoritism vs. out-group derogation, and explicit vs. implicit measures of bias); (b) modem theories of bias highlighting motivational explanations (social identity, optimal distinctiveness, uncertainty reduction, social dominance, terror management); (c) key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias (identification, group size, status and power, threat, positive-negative asymmetry, personality and individual differences); (d) reduction of bias (individual vs. intergroup approaches, especially models of social categorization); and (e) the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility.
INTRODUCTION
Intergroup bias refers generally to the systematic tendency to evaluate one's own membership group (the in-group) or its members more favorably than a nonmembership group (the out-group) or its members. Bias can encompass behavior (discrimination), attitude (prejudice), and cognition (stereotyping) (Mackie & Smith 1998, Wilder & Simon 2001). More precisely, this group-serving tendency can take the form of favoring the in-group (in-group favoritism and/or derogating the out-group (out-group derogation). Use of the term "bias" involves an interpretative judgment that the response is unfair, illegitimate, or unjustifiable, in the sense that it goes beyond the objective requirements or evidence of the situation (see Brewer & Brown 1998, Fiske 1998, Turner & Reynolds 2001). Intergroup bias is a general, but not a universal, phenomenon (see Hagendoorn 1995, Hagendoorn et al. 2001), and contemporary social psychology has contributed to a more differentiated and context-dependent view of bias.
In the limited space available we focus on five specific issues. We review first, measurement and conceptual issues; second, the competing claims of currently prominent theories of bias; third, some key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias; fourth, theory and research on interventions to reduce bias; and, finally, we consider the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility. We are forced to give a selective overview, and we highlight more recent developments as well as perspectives that we feel offer a unified perspective on why bias occurs, how it is moderated, and what can be done to reduce it.
MEASUREMENT AND CONCEPTUAL ISSUES
Measures of Intergroup Bias
Forms of intergroup bias range from prejudice and stereotyping, via discrimination, injustice, perpetuation of inequality and oppres.
Research ArticlePrejudice From Thin AirThe Effect of Emo.docxronak56
Research Article
Prejudice From Thin Air
The Effect of Emotion on Automatic Intergroup Attitudes
David DeSteno,1 Nilanjana Dasgupta,2 Monica Y. Bartlett,1 and Aida Cajdric1
1
Northeastern University and
2
University of Massachusetts–Amherst
ABSTRACT—Two experiments provide initial evidence that spe-
cific emotional states are capable of creating automatic prej-
udice toward outgroups. Specifically, we propose that anger
should influence automatic evaluations of outgroups because of
its functional relevance to intergroup conflict and competition,
whereas other negative emotions less relevant to intergroup
relations (e.g., sadness) should not. In both experiments, after
minimal ingroups and outgroups were created, participants
were induced to experience anger, sadness, or a neutral state.
Automatic attitudes toward the in- and outgroups were then
assessed using an evaluative priming measure (Experiment 1)
and the Implicit Association Test (Experiment 2). As predicted,
results showed that anger created automatic prejudice toward
the outgroup, whereas sadness and neutrality resulted in no
automatic intergroup bias. The implications of these findings for
emotion-induced biases in implicit intergroup cognition in par-
ticular, and in social cognition in general, are considered.
Since the heyday of frustration-aggression and scapegoating theories
of prejudice (e.g., Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939),
social psychologists have recognized that intergroup relations, and the
stereotypes and prejudices that inevitably accompany them, are in-
fluenced by perceivers’ emotional states. As in the case of attitudes
more generally, emotions have been found to influence when, and to
what extent, people express positive or negative attitudes toward, and
beliefs about, members of in- and outgroups (Bodenhausen, Muss-
weiler, Gabriel, & Moreno, 2001; Fiske, 1998; cf. Petty, DeSteno, &
Rucker, 2001). For example, anger and happiness are known to en-
hance heuristic processing of social information that, in turn, ex-
acerbates stereotypic judgments of outgroups (Bodenhausen, Shep-
pard, & Kramer, 1994; Tiedens & Linton, 2001). Sadness, however,
has been shown to promote systematic processing of information that,
in turn, decreases stereotypic judgments (Lambert, Khan, Lickel, &
Fricke, 1997). These and similar findings have led to wide
acceptance of the view that specific emotions can influence people’s
beliefs about social groups.
It is important to note, however, that thus far, the growing corpus of
research on emotion and intergroup cognition has focused exclusively
on the effects of emotion on self-reported, or explicit, judgments of
social groups (for a review, see Bodenhausen et al., 2001). Such
judgments involve conscious deliberation and are, therefore, clearly
under perceivers’ voluntary control. Indeed, if people suspect that
incidental emotion may unduly influence an unrelated judgment, they
often ...
Anxious Solitary Adolescents' Coping in Response to Peer StressVictor Scott
Completed research with faculty adviser, Dr. Shell, resulting in publication. The project took a total of two years from conception to publication. Publication titled: "Anxious Solitary Adolescents' Coping in Response to Peer Stress"
Article
Social Identity Reduces Depression by
Fostering Positive Attributions
Tegan Cruwys1, Erica I. South1, Katharine H. Greenaway1,
and S. Alexander Haslam1
Abstract
Social identities are generally associated with better health and in particular lower levels of depression. However, there has been
limited investigation of why social identities protect against depression. The current research suggests that social identities reduce
depression in part because they attenuate the depressive attribution style (internal, stable, and global; e.g., ‘‘I failed because I’m
stupid’’). These relationships are first investigated in a survey (Study 1, N ¼ 139) and then followed up in an experiment that
manipulates social identity salience (Study 2, N ¼ 88). In both cases, people with stronger social identities were less likely to
attribute negative events to internal, stable, or global causes and subsequently reported lower levels of depression. These studies
thus indicate that social identities can protect and enhance mental health by facilitating positive interpretations of stress and
failure. Implications for clinical theory and practice are discussed.
Keywords
depression, social identity, multiple group membership, attribution, failure, mental health
We cannot live only for ourselves.
A thousand fibers connect us with our fellow men.
—Herman Melville, Moby Dick
Humans have an innate need for social connections that are vital for
health and happiness in life (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Cohen &
Wills, 1985). When this need is not met—when the ‘‘thousand
fibers’’ in Melville’s (1851) quote are reduced to a few or
none—people are at risk of reduced well-being and even mental ill-
ness. In fact, depression—the leading cause of disability worldwide
(World Health Organization, 2012)—commonly arises when a per-
son lacks social connections (Cacioppo, Hawkley, & Thisted,
2010; Cacioppo, Hughes, Waite, Hawkley, & Thisted, 2006).
Although extensive prior work has documented the fact that
social connectedness and social identities are critical to mental
health and reduced rates of depression, it remains unclear why
this is the case (Cruwys, Haslam, Dingle, Haslam, & Jetten,
2014; Jetten, Haslam, Haslam, Dingle, & Jones, 2014). We
address this research gap in the present work. What exactly do
social identities do, psychologically, that makes them so protec-
tive for mental health? In answering this question, we propose a
novel mechanism through which social identities can protect peo-
ple against depression, that is, reduced depressive attributions.
Social Identity and Depression
A growing body of literature demonstrates that social identities
are a key psychological resource that is protective for health
generally (Haslam, Jetten, Postmes, & Haslam, 2009; Jetten,
Haslam, & Haslam, 2012) and against depression in particular
(Cruwys et al., 2013; Cruwys, Haslam, Dingle, Haslam, et al,
2014; Cruwys, Haslam, Dingle, Jetten, et al., 2.
Health Psychology Psychological Adjustment to the Disease, Disability and Lossijtsrd
This article discusses the psychological adjustment of adults to severe or incurable diseases or other loss. The stress that results from a diagnosis of illness or loss depends on many factors, such as the beliefs of each individual and the social context. Considering the diversity of human perceptions, feelings and behaviors, it was considered important for the present study to include a theory of stress and treatment related to physical illness. At the center of attention are end stage individuals, not their organic problems but mainly their psychological state and that of their families. Reference is then made to the loss of loved one and the period of mourning. As regards the disease response, there is a difference between the immediate reaction to loss, what we call mourning, and the adaptation to a new way of life without the loved one. Finally, the role of therapeutic communication between patients and their families and mental health professionals, as well as the need to maintain psychological balance, is also described. Agathi Argyriadi | Alexandros Argyriadis ""Health Psychology: Psychological Adjustment to the Disease, Disability and Loss"" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-3 , April 2019, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd23200.pdf
Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/psychology/23200/health-psychology-psychological-adjustment-to-the-disease-disability-and-loss/agathi-argyriadi
Due Facilitating group to post by Day 1; all other students post AlyciaGold776
Due: Facilitating group to post by Day 1; all other students post to discussion prompt by Day 4 and one other peer initial discussion prompt post by Day 7
Initial Post: Created by Facilitating Group ( I am not in the facilitating group)
This is a student-led discussion.
· The facilitating group should choose one member from their group who will be responsible for the initial post.
· On Day 1 of this week, the chosen group member will create an initial post that is to include the group's discussion prompts, resources, and the instructions for what your classmates are to do with the resources.
· During this week, each member of your group is to participate in the facilitation of the discussion. This means making certain that everyone is engaged, questions from students are being answered, and the discussion is expanding.
· It is the expectation that the facilitating group will address all initial peer response posts by Day 7.
Reply Posts: Non-Facilitating Students
· If you are not a member of the facilitating group, you are to post a discussion prompt response according to the facilitating group's instructions by Day 4. Your reply posts should include substantive reflection directed to the presenters.
· You are also expected to respond to at least two other peer's initial discussion prompt posts.
Facilitating Group’s Post (to be replied)
Depression and Somatization Disorders
Barry Lynne, Brittany Stoken, and Jessica Murphy
NU664C: Psychiatric Mental Health Care of the Family I
November 1, 2021
Depression and Somatization Disorders
Hello Class,
Group 1 is assigned Depression and Somatization Disorders to further discuss. Failure to adjust and modify emotions cognitively while experiencing stress can ultimately present an outcome of exaggerated physiological and behavioral responses and amplify susceptibility to somatic disorders, such as somatization (Davoodi, et al., 2019). Somatization Disorder is the presentation of recurrent and multiple somatic complaints of several years duration for which medical attention has been sought but which do not derive from a specific physical disorder (Swartz, Blazer, & George, 2012).
Please respond to the following questions:
1. When caring for a patient with somatization disorder, what therapeutic interventions would you formulate (Allen, Woolfolk, Escobar, Gara, and Hamer, 2006)?
2. How would you evaluate the success of your interventions for a patient living with somatization?
Depression is an extremely serious mood disorder that effects how you think, feel, and act. Symptoms range from mild to severe including, feeling sad, loss of interest or pleasure, change in appetite, trouble sleeping or getting too much sleep, feeling worthless, difficulty concentrating, and thoughts of death or suicide (American Psychiatric Association, 2021). To be diagnosed with depression, symptoms must last at least two weeks and present a change in level of functioning (National Institute of Men ...
1Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitud.docxdrennanmicah
1
Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitudes – A test of General Strain
Theory*
Amy Nivette
Griffith University
Manuel Eisner
University of Cambridge
Denis Ribeaud
ETH Zurich
2
ABSTRACT
Objectives: This study examines the influence of collective strain on support for violent
extremism among an ethnically and religiously mixed sample of Swiss adolescents. This
study explores two claims derived from General Strain Theory: (1) exposure to collective
strain is associated with higher support for violent extremism and (2) the effect of
collective strain is conditional on perceptions of moral and legal constraints.
Methods: This study examines the effects of collective strain using data from two waves
of the Zurich Project on the Social Development of Children and Youth. This study uses
ordinary least squares procedures to regress violent extremist attitudes at age 17 on strain,
moral and legal constraints, and control variables measured at ages 15-17. Conditional
effects were examined using an interaction term for collective strain and moral
disengagement and legal cynicism, respectively.
Results: The results show that vicarious collective strain does not have a direct effect on
violent extremist attitudes once other variables are controlled. However, the degree to
which individuals neutralize moral and legal constraints amplifies the impact of collective
strain on violent extremist attitudes.
Conclusions: This study shows that those who already espouse justifications for violence
and rule-breaking are more vulnerable to extremist violent pathways, particularly when
exposed to conditions of collective social and economic strife, conflict, and repression.
3
Research on violent extremism has produced a wide array of risk factors in psychological,
social, and political domains (Bhui, Warfa, and Jones 2014; Borum 2011a, 2011b;
Dalgaard-Nielsen 2010; Gill, Horgan, and Deckert 2014; LaFree and Ackerman 2009;
McGilloway, Ghosh, and Bhui 2015). These include psychological characteristics (e.g. low
self-control), social context features (e.g. alienation) and political processes (e.g. exclusion
from politics). LaFree and Ackerman (2009) argue that part of the difficulty in
synthesizing information on extremist violence is due to the breadth of attitudinal,
behavioral, and group-based outcomes examined under one conceptual umbrella. In
addition, studies differ in their analytical approach, including for instance analyses of risk
factors using survey samples and individual interviews (Doosje, Loseman, and van den
Bos 2013; Goli and Rezaei 2010; Pauwels and De Waele 2014), or retrospective life
history analyses of known terrorists (Gill et al. 2014). As a result of this diversity in
theoretical domains, outcomes, and analytical approaches, empirical findings on the
causes and correlates of violent extremist beliefs and behaviors are unders.
This is an example of what you are being asked to do in Weeks 2, 3.docxjuliennehar
This is an example of what you are being asked to do in Weeks 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8 and 9.
DO NOT apply psychoanalytic to any of the case studies.
Case of Deidre: Conceptualization of Problem through Psychoanalytic Theory
A case conceptualization is a report that is written to explain a client’s presenting problems, establish goals as they relate to a theory, plan interventions, and explain the rationale for the interventions and expected outcomes for the client. The interventions chosen will reflect the theory being focused on this week and will include citations from a minimum of two of the week’s resources.
Presenting Problem
From a psychoanalytic perspective, Deidre appears to be experiencing anxiety because of unconscious conflicts originating from her early childhood experiences (e.g., parents’ divorce and mom’s moods), her complicated family relationships, the untimely death of her father, and her abortion. Additionally, Deidre is experiencing a high level of guilt indicating that her ego is struggling to balance between the instinctual drives of her id and the drives of her superego (i.e., the aspect of self that looks at the morality of choices) (Johnson, 2016). It could be that Deidre is experiencing unconscious psychological conflicts surrounding the secret of her abortion, her desire to feel safe with her boyfriend, Tom, and her need to remain loyal to the values she learned from her childhood (i.e., to kill is wrong).
Deidre is using some defense mechanisms—including repression, which blocks these conflicts from her awareness, avoidance, and rationalization—that help her cope with her fears of abandonment. According to Johnson (2016), these defense mechanisms, unconsciously employed to bolster Deidre’s fragile ego, could be linked to Freud’s concept of death instincts that might be related to her father’s early death and her fear of losing Tom.
Goals
According to Johnson (2016), the primary goal of a psychoanalytic approach is to bring Deidre’s unconscious processes into her conscious awareness to illustrate how she is blocking past experiences to help herself cope with her present experiences. The overarching goal of psychoanalysis is to help the client gain self-awareness, so she will be able to understand how past experiences and relationships are causing emotional and cognitive distortions (Johnson, 2016).
In addition to the overarching theory goals, one clinical goal the counselor will work on with Deidre is reducing the overall frequency, intensity and duration of her anxiety so that her daily functioning is maximized; this will be accomplished with the use of psychoanalytic interventions.
Interventions
Free Association
During the counseling session, clients are encouraged to state any thoughts or feelings that come to mind without censoring them. Then, in a nonjudgmental way, the counselor assists clients to analyze the underlying unconscious feelings associated with these disclosures (Johnson, 2016). The goal is not to u ...
Behavioral avoidance mediates the relationship betweenanxi.docxikirkton
Behavioral avoidance mediates the relationship between
anxiety and depressive symptoms among social
anxiety disorder patients
§
Ethan Moitra, James D. Herbert *, Evan M. Forman
Department of Psychology, Drexel University, 245 N. 15th Street, MS 988, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Received 26 September 2007; received in revised form 20 December 2007; accepted 4 January 2008
Abstract
This study investigated the relationship between social anxiety, depressive symptoms, and behavioral avoidance among adult
patients with Social Anxiety Disorder (SAD). Epidemiological literature shows SAD is the most common comorbid disorder
associated with Major Depressive Disorder (MDD), though the relationship between these disorders has not been investigated. In
most cases, SAD onset precedes MDD, suggesting symptoms associated with SAD might lead to depression in some people. The
present study addressed this question by investigating the mediational role of behavioral avoidance in this clinical phenomenon,
using self-report data from treatment-seeking socially anxious adults. Mediational analyses were performed on a baseline sample of
190 individuals and on temporal data from a subset of this group. Results revealed behavioral avoidance mediated this relationship,
and supported the importance of addressing such avoidance in the therapeutic setting, via exposure and other methods, as a possible
means of preventing depressive symptom onset in socially anxious individuals.
# 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Journal of Anxiety Disorders 22 (2008) 1205–1213
Keywords: Social anxiety disorder; Depression; Behavioral avoidance
The lifetime prevalence of Social Anxiety Disorder
(SAD) in Western societies is quite high, ranging from
7% to 13% (Furmark, 2002). In fact, SAD is the most
common anxiety disorder in the U.S. and the third most
common psychiatric disorder, exceeded only by alcohol
dependence and Major Depressive Disorder (MDD;
Kessler et al., 1994). SAD is a disabling condition;
compared to people without psychiatric morbidity,
adults with SAD report lower employment rates, lower
§
Portions of this research were previously presented at the annual
meeting of the Anxiety Disorders Association of America in March
2006.
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 215 762 1692;
fax: +1 215 762 8706.
E-mail address: [email protected] (J.D. Herbert).
0887-6185/$ – see front matter # 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.janxdis.2008.01.002
income, and lower socio-economic status (Patel, Knapp,
Henderson, & Baldwin, 2002).
1. SAD and depression
SAD is also the most common comorbid anxiety
disorder with MDD, with estimates of SAD ranging
from 15% to 37% of depressed patients (Belzer &
Schneier, 2004; Fava et al., 2000; Kessler et al., 1994).
Comorbid SAD and MDD has been associated with an
earlier onset of MDD, more depressive episodes, longer
duration of episodes, a two-fold increased risk of
alcohol dependence, and an incr ...
Reply Reply to 2 other classmates by offering 1 new piece of info.docxsodhi3
Reply: Reply to 2 other classmates by offering 1 new piece of information to add to their discussion of family systems.
As you provide feedback to peers, you are not grading their assignment, but you are enlarging the conversation to prod a bit more on what could be added to clarify the paper substantively. Please be very specific and share what you would like to see added or what was not clear as you read the paper of your peers. Additionally, please note that I will be providing corrective information for each student to take the assignment to the "finish line". The feedback is not an act of judgment nor an indication of grade. It is simply feedback that each of you can use moving forward.
250 words or more for each feedback along with one reference
Discussion board feedback #1:
Trauma can affect individuals in many ways depending on the type that has occurred. The age of the person experiencing the trauma can determine lasting effects. Trauma can occur from anywhere utero to adulthood. It is important to know what trauma is and the lasting effects the come with this exposure. Treatment for the traumatized individual can be significantly enhanced depending on the person’s level of spirituality development.
Trauma can occur from any of the following events physical, sexual, or emotional abuse, natural disasters, wartimes and terrorist attacks (Song, Min, Huh, & Chae, 2016). Trauma can be any event that is extremely alarming or upsetting experience that causes physiological anxiety, and impacts the neurological and psychosocial development processes (Song, Min, Huh, & Chae, 2016). Trauma affects individuals differently. Cultural differences around the world may lead in some cases being more socially acceptable in one country and not in others.
One neurological disorder that can develop from trauma is Post Traumatic Stress Disorder or PTSD. “For a diagnosis of PTSD, a person must have experienced, witnessed, or been confronted with an event so traumatizing that its results in symptoms of re-experiencing, hyper-arousal, cognitive alterations and avoidance (Broderick & Blewitt, 2015 p.528).” Studies have shown that a person suffering from PTSD will have a decrease in volume of the hippocampus. The hippocampus is the part of the brain “plays a role in our emotions, ability to remember, and compare sensory information to expectations (Broderick & Blewitt, 2015p.59) There is an ongoing discussion amongst physicians as to whether PTSD being a curable or just a treatable one. With the reduction of volume in the hippocampus and the memory of the traumatic event that never goes away, most doctors are leaning toward the treatable instead of curable.
Treatment for PTSD and other neurological disorders can come in the form of medications or therapies. People can choose to do one or the other with the most recommended choice being a combination of both. A combination of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) and the use of an antidepressant, more specifi ...
Similar to Distress and retaliatory aggression in response to witnessing intergroup exclusion are greater on higher levels of collective narcissism (20)
Towards a Future Esports Research: Introduction to Esports MinitrackMaciej Behnke
Research on esports is a relatively new, yet fastgrowing discipline with multiple inter-and multidisciplinary perspectives. For HICSS-56, research was solicited from multiple disciplines, including but not limited to business; cognitive science and psychology; information technology; sociology; media studies and communications; law; health, wellness, and medical sciences; and emerging technology.
Native and non-native language contexts differently modulate mood-driven elec...Maciej Behnke
Bilingual speakers have been consistently observed to experience reduced emotional sensitivity to their non-native (L2) relative to native (L1) language, particularly to the negatively-valenced L2 content. Yet, little is known about how the L1 and L2 contexts physiologically influence bilinguals' affective states, such as moods. Here, we show that bilinguals may be less physiologically sensitive to mood changes in the L2 compared to the L1 context. Polish-English bilinguals operating in either the L1 or the L2 mode (elicited via reading L1 and L2 sentences) watched positive and negative moodinducing films while their electrodermal activity was measured. We observed a greater number of skin conductance responses in the negative compared to positive mood condition in the L1 context only, indexing decreased sensitivity to mood changes in the L2 relative to the L1 mode in bilinguals. Also, skin conductance amplitudes were overall increased in the L2 compared to the L1 context, pointing to increased cognitive load when operating in L2. These findings together suggest that bilinguals experience decreased sensitivity to mood changes in their less dominant language due to L2 processing requiring greater cognitive engagement.
Ethical Considerations and Checklist for Affective Research with WearablesMaciej Behnke
As the popularity of wearables increases, so does their utility for studying emotions. Using new technologies points to several ethical challenges to be considered to improve research designs. There are several ethical recommendations for utilizing wearables to study human emotions, but they focus on emotion recognition systems applications rather than research design and implementation. To address this gap, we have developed a perspective on wearables, especially in daily life, adapting the ReCODE Health-Digital Health Framework and companion checklist. Therefore, our framework consists of four domains: (1) participation experience, (2) privacy, (3) data management, and (4) access and usability. We identified 33 primary risks of using wearables to study emotions, including research-related negative emotions, collecting, processing, storing, sharing personal and biological information, commercial technology validity and reliability, and exclusivity issues. We also proposed possible strategies for minimizing risks. We consulted the new ethical guidelines with members of ethics committees and relevant researchers. The judges (N = 26) positively rated our solutions and provided useful feedback that helped us refine our guidance. Finally, we summarized our proposals with a checklist for researchers' convenience. Our guidelines contribute to future research by providing improved protection of participants' and scientists' interests.
Esports Players Are Less Extroverted and Conscientious than AthletesMaciej Behnke
The worldwide status of esports as a sporting phenomenon has been developed in the past decade. However, as the esports industry has grown, it has remained an understudied scientific field. Esports is often contrasted with traditional sports regarding various aspects, including lack of physical activity and the online nature of social interactions. However, little is known whether individuals competing in esports-esports players-differ from individuals competing in traditional sports-athletes. To address this question, we examined the personality characteristics of both types of performers. We collected cross-sectional data on esports players' (n = 416) and athletes' (n = 452) personalities and performance characteristics. We found that esports players were less extroverted and conscientious than athletes. Furthermore, greater sports and esports experience was positively related to being more extroverted. Our findings contribute to the literature by documenting the preferences for competitive activities based on individuals' personality characteristics. We suggest that esports (rather than sports) might be a more suitable form of competition for less extroverted and conscientious individuals.
The Undoing Effect of Positive Emotions: A Meta-Analytic ReviewMaciej Behnke
The undoing hypothesis proposes that positive emotions serve to undo sympathetic arousal related to negative emotions and stress. However, a recent qualitative review challenged the undoing effect by presenting conflicting results. To address this issue quantitatively, we conducted a meta-analytic review of 16 studies (N=1,220; 72 effect sizes) measuring sympathetic recovery during elicited positive emotions and neutral conditions. Findings indicated that in most cases, positive emotions did not speed sympathetic recovery compared to neutral conditions. However, when a composite index of cardiovascular reactivity was used, undoing effects were evident. Our findings suggest the need for further work on the functions of positive emotions.
The Cold Start Problem and Per-Group Personalization in Real-Life Emotion Rec...Maciej Behnke
Emotion recognition in real life from physiological signals provided by wrist worn devices still remains a great challenge especially due to difficulties with gathering annotated emotional events. For that purpose, we suggest building pretrained machine learning models capable of detecting intense emotional states. This work aims to explore the cold start problem, where no data from the target subjects (users) are available at the beginning of the experiment to train the reasoning model. To address this issue, we investigate the potential of pergroup personalization and the amount of data needed to perform it. Our results on real-life data indicate that even a week’s worth of personalized data improves the model performance.
Psychometric Properties of the Persian Version of the Sport Mental Training Q...Maciej Behnke
Mental training is basedonthe premise that psychological factors enhance or deteriorate performanceandthat these psychological factors can be optimized by training. Researchers have developed different methods to measure these factors, including behavioral tests and questionnaires. The Sport Mental Training Questionnaire (SMTQ) is a novel and multifaceted psychometric scale with 20 items developed to assess sports mental training across 5 dimensions, including foundational skills, performance skills, interpersonal skills, self-talk, and mental imagery.
Psychophysiology of positive and negative emotions, dataset of 1157 cases and...Maciej Behnke
Subjective experience and physiological activity are fundamental components of emotion. There is an increasing interest in the link between experiential and physiological processes across different disciplines, e.g., psychology, economics, or computer science. However, the findings largely rely on sample sizes that have been modest at best (limiting the statistical power) and capture only some concurrent biosignals. We present a novel publicly available dataset of psychophysiological responses to positive and negative emotions that offers some improvement over other databases. This database involves recordings of 1157 cases from healthy individuals (895 individuals participated in a single session and 122 individuals in several sessions), collected across seven studies, a continuous record of selfreported affect along with several biosignals (electrocardiogram, impedance cardiogram, electrodermal activity, hemodynamic measures, e.g., blood pressure, respiration trace, and skin temperature). We experimentally elicited a wide range of positive and negative emotions, including amusement, anger, disgust, excitement, fear, gratitude, sadness, tenderness, and threat. Psychophysiology of positive and negative emotions (POPANE) database is a large and comprehensive psychophysiological dataset on elicited emotions.
Positive Emotions Boost Enthusiastic Responsiveness to Capitalization Attempt...Maciej Behnke
When individuals communicate enthusiasm for good events in their partners' lives, they contribute to a high-quality relationship; a phenomenon termed interpersonal capitalization. However, little is known when individuals are more ready to react enthusiastically to the partner's success. To address this gap, we examined whether positive and negative emotions boost or inhibit enthusiastic responses to partner's capitalization attempts (RCA). Participants (N = 224 individuals) responded to their partner's success. Before each capitalization attempt (operationalized as responses following the news that their partner won money in a game), we used video clips to elicit positive (primarily amusement) or negative (primarily anger) or neutral emotions in the responder. We recorded emotional valence, smiling intensity, verbal RCA, and physiological reactivity. We found indirect (but not direct) effects such that eliciting positive emotions boosted and negative emotions inhibited enthusiastic RCA (smiling intensity and enthusiastic verbal RCA). These effects were relatively small and mediated by emotional valence and smiling intensity but not physiological reactivity. The results offer novel evidence that positive emotions fuel the capitalization process.
Autonomic Nervous System Activity During Positive Emotions: A Meta-Analytic R...Maciej Behnke
Autonomic nervous system (ANS) activity is a fundamental component of emotional responding. It is not clear, however, whether positive emotional states are associated with differential ANS reactivity. To address this issue, we conducted a meta-analytic review of 120 articles (686 effect sizes, total N = 6,546), measuring ANS activity during 11 elicited positive emotions, namely amusement, attachment love, awe, contentment, craving, excitement, gratitude, joy, nurturant love, pride, and sexual desire. We identified a widely dispersed collection of studies. Univariate results indicated that positive emotions produce no or weak and highly variable increases in ANS reactivity. However, the limitations of work to datewhich we discussmean that our conclusions should be treated as empirically grounded hypotheses that future research should validate.
A system for collecting emotionally annotated physiological signals in daily ...Maciej Behnke
9th International Conference on Affective Computing and Intelligent Interaction Workshops and Demos (ACIIW), 2021
Several obstacles have to be overcome in order to recognize emotions and affect in daily life. One of them is collecting a large amount of emotionally annotated data necessary to create data-greedy machine learning-based predictive models. Hence, we propose the Emognition system supporting the collection of rich emotional samples in everyday-life scenarios. The system utilizes smart-wearables to record physiological signals unobtrusively and smartphones to gather self-assessments. We have performed a two-week pilot study with 15 participants and devices available on the market to validate the system. The outcomes of the study, alongside the discussion and lessons learned, are provided.
Blunted cardiovascular reactivity may serve as an index of psychological task...Maciej Behnke
Challenge and threat models predict that once individuals become engaged with performance, their evaluations and cardiovascular response determine further outcomes. Although the role of challenge and threat in predicting performance has been extensively tested, few studies have focused on task engagement. We aimed to investigate task engagement in performance at the psychological and physiological levels. We accounted for physiological task engagement by examining blunted cardiovascular reactivity, the third possible cardiovascular response to performance, in addition to the challenge/threat responses. We expected that low psychological task engagement would be related to blunted cardiovascular reactivity during the performance. Gamers ( N = 241) completed five matches of the soccer video game FIFA 19. We recorded psychological task engagement, heart rate reactivity, and the difference between goals scored and conceded. Lower psychological task engagement was related to blunted heart rate reactivity during the performance. Furthermore, poorer performance in the previous game was related to increased task engagement in the subsequent match. The findings extend existing literature by providing initial evidence that blunted cardiovascular reactivity may serve as the index of low task engagement.
I am afraid, so I buy it! The effects of anxiety on consumer assimilation and...Maciej Behnke
Individuals tend to satisfy their assimilation needs by purchasing products that bear a specific group identity. Such products might be preferred when an individual is threatened because anxiety increases affiliative needs. In contrast, individuals might be more attracted to unique-design products when they feel less anxious. We examined the impact of anxiety on assimilation and differentiation needs amongst consumers primed with independent and interdependent self-construal. We expected that anxiety would produce stronger assimilation needs and show a weaker preference for unique products. In Study 1 ( N = 110), we found that individuals in the anxiety-inducing condition decreased their evaluation of unique products and exhibited stronger assimilation needs. Independents who felt anxiety reacted with a reduced preference for group-linked products. Study 2 (N = 102) found that introducing an anxiety-decreasing agent (vanilla scent) after a social identity threat reduced differentiation needs and preference for unique products. Physiological data showed that the social identity threat increased sympathetic arousal, but the vanilla scent did not have a soothing effect on physiological reactivity. Overall, this work showed that both anxiety and vanilla scent reduced consumer need for differentiation. Furthermore, for independents, anxiety reduced assimilation needs. We found novel determinants of assimilation/differentiation needs with implications for advertising and retailing products with a unique design.
How seasons, weather, and part of day influence baseline affective valence in...Maciej Behnke
Many people believe that weather influences their emotional state. Along similar lines, some
researchers in affective science are concerned whether testing individuals at a different time
of year, a different part of the day, or in different weather conditions (e.g., in a cold and rainy
morning vs. a hot evening) influences how research participants feel upon entering a study;
thus inflating the measurement error. Few studies have investigated the link between baseline
affective levels and the research context, such as seasonal and daily weather fluctuation
in temperature, air pressure, and sunshine duration. We examined whether individuals
felt more positive or negative upon entering a study by clustering data across seven laboratory
experiments (total N = 1108), three seasons, and daily times ranging from 9 AM to 7
PM. We accounted for ambient temperature, air pressure, humidity, cloud cover, precipitation,
wind speed, and sunshine duration. We found that only ambient temperature was a significant
predictor of valence. Individuals felt more positive valence on days when it was
cooler outside. However, the effect was psychologically negligible with differences between
participants above c.a. 30 degrees Celsius in ambient temperature needed to generate a difference
in affective valence surpassing one standard deviation. Our findings have methodological
implications for studying emotions by suggesting that seasons and part of the day do
not matter for baseline affective valence reported by participants, and the effects of ambient
temperature are unlikely to influence most research.
The Origin of the non-governmental sector in Russia during the presidencies o...Maciej Behnke
Apart from the public (first) and business (second) sectors, the third sector is one
of the pillars constituting the modern democratic society. All the social interests
are concentrated within the third sector and they are being implemented by the
numerous non-governmental organizations cooperating with the state as well
as business world. The birth of the third sector in Russia can be associated with
the beginning of Mikhail Gorbachev reforms called the perestroika. The mental
changes that the Russian society underwent influenced by the policy of glasnost
led to the origin of public involvement into the social and political life, taking
upon the role of the often ineffective state. The degree to which the citizens were
involved in the activity of the NGOs was first of all associated with their quality
of life and it depended on the attitude of the decision-makers towards the idea
of social organizations. The time of Boris Yeltsin presidency was characterized
by two phenomena: a drop in the standard of living accompanied by the
intensification of criminalization within the public life and the positive attitude
towards the introduction of the third sector. After the new president assumed
the post, the approach of the new authority changed in a negative way and
the politics implemented led to gaining full control over public associations.
The so-called liberalization of the law in respect to the third sector was only
a display of Kremlin’s political will and did not signify serious treatment of the
principles of the democratic and civic society. The third sector, one of the pillars
supporting the civil society is at present in the state of consolidation, dealing
with numerous amendments of legal norms. After the period of mimicking
western solutions, the Russian NGOs became a power that must be taken into
account by the Russian decision-makers.
Quo vadis Eurazjo? W poszukiwaniu nowych dróg partnerstwaMaciej Behnke
Podejmując się zadania znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie dokąd zmierza Eurazja, w pierwszym rzędzie należy zdefiniować samo pojęcie "Eurazji". Otóż Eurazja jest to największy kontynent na kuli ziemskiej, w skład którego wchodzą dwie części świata: Europa i Azja. Eurazja rozciąga się na przestrzeni prawie 55 mln km 2 , co stanowi około 37% powierzchni Ziemi. Zamieszkuje ją ponad 5 mld ludzi, co odpowiada około 70% populacji. Ten składający się z dwóch części obszar charakteryzuje niewystępowanie wyraźnej granicy strukturalnej, stąd w XIX wieku w stosunku do niego zaczęto używać nazwy "Eurazja" (Eurazja). Analizując kryterium geograficzne stwierdzić trzeba, że Eurazja rozciąga się od Oceanu Atlantyckiego z graniczącymi Portugalią i Hiszpanią na zachodzie (i być może także Irlandią, Islandią i Wielką Brytanią) do najbardziej wysuniętego na wschód punktu Rosji, w Cieśninie Beringa między Oceanem Arktycznym a Oceanem Spokojnym. Północna granica Eurazji obejmuje graniczące od północy z Oceanem Arktycznym Rosję, Finlandię i Norwegię. Granice południowe wyznaczają z kolei Morze Śródziemne, Afryka i Ocean Indyjski. Kraje leżące na południowej granicy Eurazji to Hiszpania, Izrael, Jemen, Indie i kontynentalna Malezja. Eurazja często obejmuje również wyspy i kraje wyspiarskie związane z kontynentem euroazjatyckim, takie jak Sycylia, Kreta, Cypr, Sri Lanka, Japonia, Filipiny, wyspa Malezja, a może nawet Indonezja (przy czym przyporządkowanie tej ostatniej w całości do Eurazji oznacza, że wyspa Nowa Gwinea dzielona jest nieraz na indonezyjską część azjatycką oraz terytorium Papui Nowej Gwinei uznawane za stanowiące część Oceanii). Obszar Eurazji składającej się z Europy i Azji pod kątem analizy administracyjno-politycznej składa się z 93 niezależnych państw. Obejmuje on wszystkie 48 krajów Europy (w tym kraje wyspiarskie Cypr, Islandię, Irlandię i Wielką Brytanię), 17 krajów Bliskiego Wschodu, 27 krajów Azji (w tym Indonezję, Malezję, Japonię, Filipiny i Tajwan), i jeden nowy kraj, obecnie często kojarzony z Oceanią-Timor Wschodni. W ten sposób prawie połowa ze 196 niezależnych krajów świata znajduje się w Eurazji (Rosenberg). Warto zwrócić uwagę, że zainteresowanie badaczy i podróżników Eurazją nie jest zjawiskiem nowym. Wynika ono ze specyfiki tego "superkontynentu" pod każdym względem: klasyfikacji jako odrębnego kontynentu (w niektórych częściach świata Eurazja jest uznawana za największy z sześciu, pięciu lub czterech kontynentów na Ziemi) (Continents of The World), geografii fizycznej, ekosystemu, zasobów surowcowych czy też potencjału gospodarczego, społecznego i politycznego.
Pucz sierpniowy jako próba zachowania jedności ZSRR i jego konsekwencjeMaciej Behnke
The coup of August 1991, according to opinion of its to keep unity of the Soviet Union. In fact the failure process of desintegration of the U.S.S.R. It turned out party, KGB and army were not able or had no interest at restoration of former order outright. This evident insubordination soldiers, KGB and party was the symbol of changes in Economic transformations had a great influence not only economic situation in Russia, but they affected seriously family. During events in August 1991 Russians had an opportunity their own political views without fear of repressions. In against the coup d'etat, its organizators had no effective from public opinion. Moreover Mikhail Gorbachev's (the refusal to endorse a declaration of a state of emergency any chance and possibility for legitimization of their actions. Finally, strong negative attitude to the coup d'etat Federation leaders, especially by President of the Russian caused defeat of the putsch. In conclusion the author of the article claims that coup enemies of Gorbachev's perestroika policy led paradoxically powers in Russian society and collapse of the Soviet Wdniu 20 sierpnia 1991 r. w Moskwie miat zostac podpisany nowy uklad zwi^z kowy, ktory mial zastqpic dotychczas obowi^zujqcy uklad z 1922 r. Wynego cjowane warunki zakladaly przeksztalcenie Zwi^zku Socjalistycznych Republik ARTYKUŁ V STOSUNKI MIĘDZYNARODOWE. VARIA Jagielloński JAKO PRÓBA ZACHOWANIA JEDNOŚCI ZSRR I JEGO KONSEKWENCJE The coup of August to opinion ofits organisators, unity of the Soviet Union. In fact the failure of désintégration of the U.S.S.R. It turned out KGB and army were not able or had no interest of former order outright. This évident KGB and party was the symbol of changes in Economie transformations had a great influence not économie situation in Russia, but they affected seriously During events in August 1991 Russians had an opportunity political views without fear of repressions. In the coup d'état, its organizators had no effective opinion. Moreover Mikhail Gorbachev's (refusai to endorse a déclaration of a state of emergency and possibility for legitimization of their strong négative attitude to the coup d'état Fédération leaders, especially by Président of the Russian of the putsch.
Possibilities for cooperation between the non-governmental, non-commercial se...Maciej Behnke
The model of three-sector synergy in a contemporary state rests on cooperation between the first (state) sector, the second (commercial) sector, and the third sector-the civil one, also referred to as the non-commercial sector. The quest for an optimal solution and the establishment of mutual relations is underpinned by the concept of the reorganization of Russian society with regard to its political modernization; this is accompanied by a variant of social agreement that guarantees citizens equality before the law, and the protection of their rights along with simultaneous compliance with the law. What complements the image of Russia's contemporary reality is the goal of non-governmental, non-commercial organizations-not only to survive but also to develop a modus vivendi in the circumstances of an authoritarian state.
Head movement differs for positive and negative emotions in video recordings ...Maciej Behnke
Individuals tend to approach positive stimuli and avoid negative stimuli. Furthermore, emotions influence whether individuals freeze or move more. These two kinds of motivated behavior refer to the approach/avoidance behavior and behavioral freezing/activation. Previous studies examined (e.g., using forced platforms) whether individuals’ behavior depends on stimulus’ valence; however, the results were mixed. Thus, we aimed to test whether emotions’ effects on spontaneous whole‑body behavior of standing individuals also occur in the seated position. We used a computer vision method to measure the head sway in video recordings that offers ease of use, replicability, and unobtrusiveness for the seated research participant. We analyzed behavior recorded in the laboratory during emotion manipulations across five studies totaling 932 participants. We observed that individuals leaned more forward and moved more when watching positive stimuli than when watching negative stimuli. However, individuals did not behave differently when watching positive or negative stimuli than in the neutral condition. Our results indicate that head movements extracted from seated individuals’ video recordings can be useful in detecting robust differences in emotional behavior (positive vs. negative emotions).
Splitting the affective atom: Divergence of valence and approach-avoidance mo...Maciej Behnke
Valence and approach-avoidance motivation are two distinct but closely related components of affect. However, little is known about how these two processes evolve and covary in a dynamic affective context.We formulated several hypotheses based on the Motivational Dimensional Model of Affect. We expected that anger would be a unique approach-related rather than avoidancerelated negative emotion. We also expected that high-approach positive emotions (e.g., desire) would differ from low-approach positive emotions (e.g., amusement) producing a stronger link between valence and approach-avoidance motivation. We also explored other dynamic properties of discrete emotions such as the difference between approach-avoidance motivation and valence as a marker of balance within affective components. We asked 69 participants to provide continuous ratings of valence and approach-avoidance motivation for eight standardized clips representing different discrete emotions. Using multilevel modeling, we established a significant relationship between valence and approach-avoidance motivation with high-approach emotions producing a stronger link between valence and approach-avoidance motivation compared to neutral states and lowapproach emotions. Contrary to expectations, we observed that individuals exhibited an avoidance response during anger elicitation. Finally, we found that awe was a distinct positive emotion where approach motivation dominated over valence. These findings are relevant to the theory and research on diverging processes within the core structure of affect.
Seminar of U.V. Spectroscopy by SAMIR PANDASAMIR PANDA
Spectroscopy is a branch of science dealing the study of interaction of electromagnetic radiation with matter.
Ultraviolet-visible spectroscopy refers to absorption spectroscopy or reflect spectroscopy in the UV-VIS spectral region.
Ultraviolet-visible spectroscopy is an analytical method that can measure the amount of light received by the analyte.
A brief information about the SCOP protein database used in bioinformatics.
The Structural Classification of Proteins (SCOP) database is a comprehensive and authoritative resource for the structural and evolutionary relationships of proteins. It provides a detailed and curated classification of protein structures, grouping them into families, superfamilies, and folds based on their structural and sequence similarities.
Cancer cell metabolism: special Reference to Lactate PathwayAADYARAJPANDEY1
Normal Cell Metabolism:
Cellular respiration describes the series of steps that cells use to break down sugar and other chemicals to get the energy we need to function.
Energy is stored in the bonds of glucose and when glucose is broken down, much of that energy is released.
Cell utilize energy in the form of ATP.
The first step of respiration is called glycolysis. In a series of steps, glycolysis breaks glucose into two smaller molecules - a chemical called pyruvate. A small amount of ATP is formed during this process.
Most healthy cells continue the breakdown in a second process, called the Kreb's cycle. The Kreb's cycle allows cells to “burn” the pyruvates made in glycolysis to get more ATP.
The last step in the breakdown of glucose is called oxidative phosphorylation (Ox-Phos).
It takes place in specialized cell structures called mitochondria. This process produces a large amount of ATP. Importantly, cells need oxygen to complete oxidative phosphorylation.
If a cell completes only glycolysis, only 2 molecules of ATP are made per glucose. However, if the cell completes the entire respiration process (glycolysis - Kreb's - oxidative phosphorylation), about 36 molecules of ATP are created, giving it much more energy to use.
IN CANCER CELL:
Unlike healthy cells that "burn" the entire molecule of sugar to capture a large amount of energy as ATP, cancer cells are wasteful.
Cancer cells only partially break down sugar molecules. They overuse the first step of respiration, glycolysis. They frequently do not complete the second step, oxidative phosphorylation.
This results in only 2 molecules of ATP per each glucose molecule instead of the 36 or so ATPs healthy cells gain. As a result, cancer cells need to use a lot more sugar molecules to get enough energy to survive.
Unlike healthy cells that "burn" the entire molecule of sugar to capture a large amount of energy as ATP, cancer cells are wasteful.
Cancer cells only partially break down sugar molecules. They overuse the first step of respiration, glycolysis. They frequently do not complete the second step, oxidative phosphorylation.
This results in only 2 molecules of ATP per each glucose molecule instead of the 36 or so ATPs healthy cells gain. As a result, cancer cells need to use a lot more sugar molecules to get enough energy to survive.
introduction to WARBERG PHENOMENA:
WARBURG EFFECT Usually, cancer cells are highly glycolytic (glucose addiction) and take up more glucose than do normal cells from outside.
Otto Heinrich Warburg (; 8 October 1883 – 1 August 1970) In 1931 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology for his "discovery of the nature and mode of action of the respiratory enzyme.
WARNBURG EFFECT : cancer cells under aerobic (well-oxygenated) conditions to metabolize glucose to lactate (aerobic glycolysis) is known as the Warburg effect. Warburg made the observation that tumor slices consume glucose and secrete lactate at a higher rate than normal tissues.
This pdf is about the Schizophrenia.
For more details visit on YouTube; @SELF-EXPLANATORY;
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCAiarMZDNhe1A3Rnpr_WkzA/videos
Thanks...!
Earliest Galaxies in the JADES Origins Field: Luminosity Function and Cosmic ...Sérgio Sacani
We characterize the earliest galaxy population in the JADES Origins Field (JOF), the deepest
imaging field observed with JWST. We make use of the ancillary Hubble optical images (5 filters
spanning 0.4−0.9µm) and novel JWST images with 14 filters spanning 0.8−5µm, including 7 mediumband filters, and reaching total exposure times of up to 46 hours per filter. We combine all our data
at > 2.3µm to construct an ultradeep image, reaching as deep as ≈ 31.4 AB mag in the stack and
30.3-31.0 AB mag (5σ, r = 0.1” circular aperture) in individual filters. We measure photometric
redshifts and use robust selection criteria to identify a sample of eight galaxy candidates at redshifts
z = 11.5 − 15. These objects show compact half-light radii of R1/2 ∼ 50 − 200pc, stellar masses of
M⋆ ∼ 107−108M⊙, and star-formation rates of SFR ∼ 0.1−1 M⊙ yr−1
. Our search finds no candidates
at 15 < z < 20, placing upper limits at these redshifts. We develop a forward modeling approach to
infer the properties of the evolving luminosity function without binning in redshift or luminosity that
marginalizes over the photometric redshift uncertainty of our candidate galaxies and incorporates the
impact of non-detections. We find a z = 12 luminosity function in good agreement with prior results,
and that the luminosity function normalization and UV luminosity density decline by a factor of ∼ 2.5
from z = 12 to z = 14. We discuss the possible implications of our results in the context of theoretical
models for evolution of the dark matter halo mass function.
Nutraceutical market, scope and growth: Herbal drug technologyLokesh Patil
As consumer awareness of health and wellness rises, the nutraceutical market—which includes goods like functional meals, drinks, and dietary supplements that provide health advantages beyond basic nutrition—is growing significantly. As healthcare expenses rise, the population ages, and people want natural and preventative health solutions more and more, this industry is increasing quickly. Further driving market expansion are product formulation innovations and the use of cutting-edge technology for customized nutrition. With its worldwide reach, the nutraceutical industry is expected to keep growing and provide significant chances for research and investment in a number of categories, including vitamins, minerals, probiotics, and herbal supplements.
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| HASE et al.
1 | INTRODUCTION
Members of marginalized social groups report higher lev-
els of distress than members of advantaged social groups
(Matheson et al., 2019). Some group members radicalize to-
ward violent actions by perceived exclusion of the in-
group
from mainstream society (Kruglanski et al., 2013; McCauley
& Moskalenko, 2017). Exclusion, the experience of being
ignored or rejected by others (Riva & Eck, 2016) causes
negative emotions (Eisenberger, 2012, 2015) and provokes
immediate reactions including retaliatory aggression (DeWall
& Richman, 2011; Ren et al., 2018; Williams & Nida, 2011;
Williams & Wesselmann, 2011). While consequences of being
personallyexcludedarerelativelywellunderstood(Wesselmann
et al., 2019; Williams, 2007, 2009), less is known about conse-
quences of group-
based exclusion, that is, witnessing exclusion
of the in-
group without being personally excluded.
Better understanding of these consequences is important
to elucidate social identity processes behind distress of social
marginalization and radicalization toward political violence.
For example, leaders of extremist organizations are rarely per-
sonally marginalized (Jaśko & LaFree, 2020), but they evoke
vicarious pain of exclusion of the in-
group to mobilize fol-
lowers (Ginges & Atran, 2011; Kruglanski et al., 2013). Only
some members of marginalized social groups become mobi-
lized toward political violence. Members of radicalized social
networks who report high levels of collective narcissism are
more likely to support terrorist violence (Jaśko et al., 2020).
Given such findings, in the present study, we test whether
collective narcissism (i.e., a belief that the in-
group is ex-
ceptional but not sufficiently appreciated by others, Golec
de Zavala et al., 2009, 2019) augments the effects of wit-
nessing the in-
group's exclusion on distress and retaliatory
intergroup aggression. Initial findings of online studies align
with this prediction with respect to distress indicating addi-
tionally that individual narcissism (i.e., inflated self-
image
contingent on external validation; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998;
Sedikides, 2020) does not moderate the effects of witness-
ing the in-
group's exclusion on distress or intergroup hostil-
ity (Golec de Zavala, 2021). Going beyond the limitations of
the online studies, in line with the best practice in the field
(van Beest & Sleegers, 2019), we use a controlled, lab-
based
experiment and combine self-
report and physiological (high-
frequency heart rate variability) measures to assess group
members' emotional reactions to witnessing the in-
group's
exclusion. Moreover, we use a behavioral measure of inter-
group aggression to overcome the social desirability bias as-
sociated with declarative self-
report measures of aggressive
behavioral intentions (Barry et al., 2017).
In addition, we test whether the initial finding that
a short mindfulness experience (“body scan”) reduces
distress of exclusion on high levels of collective narcis-
sism (Golec de Zavala, 2021) generalizes beyond this
specific method of inducing the mindfulness experience.
Mindfulness—
a contemplative practice of intentionally di-
recting attention to experience in a non-
judgmental way
(Kabat-
Zinn, 1994)—
is likely to address the deficits in the
regulation of negative emotions associated with collec-
tive narcissism (Golec de Zavala, 2019; Golec de Zavala
et al., 2020). We test whether a short practice of a spe-
cific aspect of mindfulness—
decentration (i.e., a mental
process of distancing oneself from one's immediate expe-
rience and re-
evaluating it as a constructed reality of the
self, not an unchangeable truth; Kessel et al., 2016)—
can
mitigate emotional and physiological distress of exclusion
among collective narcissists.
1.1 | Vicarious experience of exclusion
People experience exclusion vicariously. They recognize
when others are excluded and feel distressed by witness-
ing another person experiencing exclusion. This effect is
stronger when the target of exclusion is emotionally close
to observers and when observers are high in trait empathy
(Beeney et al., 2011; Wesselmann et al., 2013). Negative
reactions to personal exclusion intensify when people at-
tribute interpersonal exclusion to their group membership
(Bernstein et al., 2010; Schaafsma & Williams, 2012; Wirth
& Williams, 2009). In addition, aggressive retaliation gen-
eralizes to all group members when personal exclusion is
perceived as perpetrated by a group instead of an individual
(Gaertner et al., 2008). Witnessing exclusion of the in-
group
may distress group members because group membership is
psychologically consequential.
Group identities account for a part of people's self-
concept and their sense of identity (Brewer, 2001; Tajfel
& Turner, 2001). Group members experience emotions
in reaction to events that affected the in-
groups (Mackie
& Smith, 2002; Veldhuis et al., 2014) or even symbolic
representations of the in-
groups such as flags (Muldoon
et al., 2020; Schatz & Lavine, 2007). Threat to in-
group's
image is one of the basic forms of intergroup threat that mo-
tivates group members to defensive reactions and out-
group
derogation (Branscombe et al., 1999). However, not all group
members respond to such a threat in a similar way. In-
group's
image threat produces hostile responses especially on high
levels of collective narcissism (in comparison to collective
self-
esteem or other aspects of positive in-
group identifica-
tion, social dominance orientation, right wing authoritarian-
ism, and individual narcissism, Golec de Zavala et al., 2013,
2016; Guerra et al., 2020).
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HASE et al.
1.2 | Collective narcissism and reactions to
witnessing the in-
group's exclusion
Collective narcissism is an aspect of in-
group identifica-
tion (i.e., the extent to which group membership is psycho-
logically consequential, Leach et al., 2008). It pertains to
an unrealistically positive evaluation of the in-
group and
can be theoretically, statistically, and functionally differen-
tiated from private collective self-
esteem (or in-
group sat-
isfaction), a positive evaluation of the in-
group (Golec de
Zavala et al., 2009, 2019; Golec de Zavala & Lantos, 2020).
Collective narcissism robustly and uniquely predicts inter-
group hostility (in comparison to other aspects of positive
in-
group identification and individual narcissism, Golec de
Zavala et al., 2009, 2019) and prejudice (in comparison to in-
group satisfaction and individual narcissism, Golec de Zavala
& Bierwiaczonek, 2020; Golec de Zavala et al., 2020, 2021).
Given that it emphasizes the lack of external recogni-
tion of the in-
group's exaggerated greatness, collective nar-
cissism is associated with hypersensitivity to the in-
group
image threat (also in contrast to other aspects of positive
in-
group identification and individual narcissism, Dyduch-
Hazar et al., 2019; Golec de Zavala et al., 2016). Collective
narcissism (rather than positive in-
group identification)
promotes conspiratorial ideation about alleged resentment
and interference from others to explain the in-
group's flaws
and misfortunes (Golec de Zavala, 2020; Golec de Zavala &
Federico, 2018). Given this evidence, we hypothesize that
as the in-
group's exclusion poses a threat to the in-
group's
positive evaluation (Branscombe et al., 1999), it is likely
to be more distressful to collective narcissists who invest
their sense of self-
importance in their in-
group's greatness
(Golec de Zavala et al., 2020, 2021; Golec de Zavala &
Lantos, 2020). While other aspects of in-
group identifica-
tion may also be involved in vicarious reactions to group-
based exclusion, we focused on collective narcissism as the
most likely predictor of the most problematic, aggressive re-
actions. We expected that collective narcissism will predict
higher retaliatory aggression in response to the witnessed
exclusion of the in-
group.
In line with this prediction, an online experiment has
demonstrated that witnessing exclusion of a minimal in-
group produced stronger distress on a high level of collec-
tive (but not individual) narcissism (including vulnerable
narcissism and rivalry and admiration forms of grandiose
narcissism, Golec de Zavala, 2021). Some evidence indi-
cates that individual narcissists (whose self-
image is overly
positive and contingent on external validation; Rhodewalt &
Morf, 1998; Sedikides, 2020) are prone to respond aggres-
sively to personal exclusion (Twenge et al., 2001) and other
forms of self-
image threat (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998).
Nevertheless, studies confirm that as far as in-
group's image
threat and intergroup hostility and aggression are concerned,
it is collective, not individual narcissism that matters (Golec
de Zavala et al., 2013, 2016, 2021).
1.3 | Mindfulness to reduce collective
narcissists' distress
We focus on collective narcissism to test an intervention
likely to reduce intergroup hostility among people who are
the most prone to it. Collective narcissism is robustly linked
to intergroup hostility because of its hypersensitivity to the
in-
group threat (Dyduch-
Hazar et al., 2019; Golec de Zavala
et al., 2013, 2016; Guerra et al., 2020). In addition, collec-
tive narcissism is characterized by a vulnerable sense of
self-
worth, self-
criticism, and a negative emotionality that
underlies their exaggerated reactions to negative events
involving the in-
group (Golec de Zavala, 2019; Golec de
Zavala et al., 2020). We propose that mindfulness practice
may help address specific problems with emotional regula-
tion associated with collective narcissism and thus, may re-
duce its association with retaliatory intergroup hostility.
Mindfulness is the ability to intentionally direct attention
to internal and external phenomena in a non-
judgmental way
(Kabat-
Zinn, 1994). Mindfulness practice facilitates emo-
tion regulation, especially reducing the reactivity to threat-
ening stimuli (Arch & Craske, 2006; Brown & Ryan, 2003;
Kabat-
Zinn, 1982, 2005). It addresses deficits in the ability
to constructively regulate negative emotions in the face of
adversity (for a review, see Guendelman et al., 2017). Even
short mindfulness interventions increase the ability to reg-
ulate negative emotions (Howarth et al., 2019). In one pre-
vious study, a short, introductory mindfulness intervention
(“body scan”) produced a small decrease in vicarious distress
of group-
based exclusion among collective narcissists (Golec
de Zavala, 2021). In the present study, in an attempt to isolate
the specific aspect of mindfulness that produced this change,
we focused on decentration, a specific mindful practice of
metacognitive awareness (Lebois et al., 2015). Decentration
helps to perceive thoughts and emotions as transient mental
products, which can help make them less engaging and threat-
ening (Fresco et al., 2007; Hayes et al., 1999). It mitigates
negative processing of stressful events (Lebois et al., 2015)
and reduces impulsivity (Papies & Barsalou, 2015; Papies
et al., 2012). We tested whether this aspect of mindfulness
practice drives the effects on distress among collective
narcissism.
1.4 | Present study
The aim of this study was to examine the affective, physio-
logical, and behavioral responses to witnessing the in-
group's
exclusion among group members low versus high in national
4. 4 of 18
| HASE et al.
collective narcissism. We also examined whether a short de-
centration practice would mitigate the adverse effects of wit-
nessing the in-
group's exclusion among collective narcissists.
To ensure that witnessing the in-
group's exclusion momen-
tarily in our study does not confound any chronic experiences
of personal exclusion due to the same group membership, we
tested the effect of exclusion of the majority in-
group by a
minority out-group.
We expected that in contrast to low collective narcis-
sists, high collective narcissists would react with more self-
reported distress (Hypothesis 1a) and a psychophysiological
indicator thereof (Hypothesis 1b) as well as more retaliatory
aggression toward the members of the excluding out-
group
(Hypothesis 2). We also hypothesized that a brief mindful-
ness intervention would mitigate the distress of exclusion
on high levels of collective narcissists, reducing emotional,
psychophysiological, and behavioral differences between
group members with high versus low collective narcissism
(Hypothesis 3).
To operationalize aggression, we used a behavioral ag-
gression task based on the Taylor Aggression Paradigm (e.g.,
Chester & Lasko, 2019). To operationalize distress—
a nega-
tiveemotionalresponsetowitnessingthein-group'sexclusion,
we used a self-
reported scale (Wirth & Williams, 2009), pre-
tested in previous studies in Poland (Golec de Zavala, 2021;
Lantos & Golec de Zavala, 2021). We also used a psycho-
physiological indicator of responses to stressful situations as-
sociated with emotion regulation: high-
frequency heart rate
variability (HF HRV; Di Simplicio et al., 2012; Shaffer &
Ginsberg, 2017; Sloan et al., 2017). Decreased HF HRV is a
commonly examined indicator of the parasympathetic activ-
ity of the autonomic nervous system in response to stressful
events (Shaffer & Ginsberg, 2017).
Despite considerable literature reporting the psychologi-
cal correlates of collective narcissism, no prior research has
examined whether individuals low and high on collective nar-
cissism differ in their physiological responses to threatening
situations. Previous studies indicated that individual narcis-
sism is associated with a maladaptive physiological stress
response in face of everyday adversity (Cheng et al., 2013;
Sommer et al., 2009). Given this evidence and the fact that
collective narcissism is associated with behavioral displays
of distress in response to the in-
group's image threat (Golec
de Zavala et al., 2013), we expected that collective narcis-
sists may exhibit a maladaptive physiological stress response
(indicated by decreased HF HRV) when witnessing the in-
group's exclusion. According to the neurovisceral integration
model, relatively low HF HRV can be considered an indica-
tor of reduced behavioral flexibility or inability to generate
a fast enough appropriate response to changing situational
demands in stressful situations (Thayer & Lane, 2007). A
meta-analysis found that negative social interactions elicit de-
creases in HF HRV compared to baseline levels (Shahrestani
et al., 2015). This pattern was also found for other instances
of social stress, like having to prepare and deliver a speech in
front of an audience (Shahrestani et al., 2015). Moreover, low
HF HRV was associated with negative affect in a large study
(Sloan et al., 2017) and HF HRV was found to decrease in
response to stressful situations (Balzarotti et al., 2017). Given
that decreased HF HRV has been used as an index of negative
emotionality or distress in various contexts (including inter-
personal exclusion research relevant to this article, Liddell &
Courtney, 2018), we used this psychophysiological index in
our study.
2 | METHOD
The study used a quasi-
experimental, mixed design with a
two-
condition within factor (witnessing the in-
group's inclu-
sion vs. exclusion), and two 2-
group between factors (col-
lective narcissism group: low vs. high scorers; mindfulness
condition: control vs. mindful decentration). Figure 1 graphi-
cally summarizes the study design.
We used the extreme groups approach to dichotomize col-
lective narcissism after a priori considering advantages and
disadvantages associated with dichotomizing of the contin-
uous variable (Preacher et al., 2005). We used this approach
for cost efficiency and to increase the power of the complex
lab-
based study to detect whether the hypothesized modera-
tion exists in the hypothesized direction. We selected extreme
participants at recruitment following the procedure recom-
mended in the literature (DeCoster et al., 2011; Preacher
et al., 2005). We restricted our focus to extreme ends of the
distribution of collective narcissism after the moderation by
continuous collective narcissism in the predicted direction
was supported by independent studies on the effects of inter-
group exclusion (Golec de Zavala, 2021) and multiple studies
on the effects of the in-
group image threat (for review, Golec
de Zavala et al., 2019).
2.1 | Participants
The study was approved by the SWPS University of Social
Sciences and Humanities ethics committee. To establish low
and high cutting points for collective narcissism in the target
population that would enable a quasi-
experimental grouping
variable in the main study, we pretested 918 Polish partici-
pants. In the pretest, we marked the cutoff scores indicating
the lower (X < 2.03) and upper 20% (>4.25) of the Collective
Narcissism Scale mean scores (e.g., “I will not rest until
Poles are met with the recognition they deserve”; Golec de
Zavala et al., 2009; answered on a scale from 1—
completely
disagree to 7—
completely agree). Based on the cutoff val-
ues, we invited participants to the main study. Ultimately, 80
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HASE et al.
participants who scored below the low cutoff point (<2.03,
to form the low collective narcissism group) and 86 partici-
pants who scored above the high cutoff point (>4.25, to form
the high collective narcissism group) participated in the main
study. We excluded 11 participants whose collective narcis-
sism score in the main study was above or below the cutoff
scores obtained by those participants in the pretest. We also
excluded data from two participants who participated twice
due to a clerical error (see OSF for syntax to replicate analy-
ses without exclusions).
The final sample comprised 153 participants (79.70%
female) between 18 and 43 years old (M = 22.95, SD =
4.25). Participants were Polish students recruited from uni-
versities in Poznan via the university's research participant
pool, in-person approaches, e-mails, posters, and Facebook
advertising. Each participant received two cinema tickets
worth 50 PLN as compensation for completing the study.
After all, data were collected, participants were probed for
guessing the purpose of and having any suspicions about
the study. To ensure the accuracy of the pretest division
into low and high collective narcissism groups, we used
the Collective Narcissism Scale in the main study as per
the pretest (Golec de Zavala et al., 2009; see above). In line
with the logic of the pre-
assignment to collective narcis-
sism (low vs. high), the mean collective narcissism score
in the high group was M = 4.49, SD = 0.61, whereas the
mean in the low group was M = 1.67, SD = 0.37; t(125.49)
= 34.43, p < .001, d = 5.55, 95% CId (4.85, 6.25). High
and low collective narcissists did not significantly differ
on age (p = .40).
Power analysis with G*Power 3.1 (Faul et al., 2009) indi-
cated a necessary sample size of 100 participants to detect
moderate effect sizes of f = 0.20 with α = .05, 80% power, a
moderate correlation among repeated measures (r = .30),
nonsphericity correction of 1, and two measurements in a
four-
group repeated measures ANOVA. We assumed
FIGURE 1 Study design flow chart.
HRV, heart rate variability
6. 6 of 18
| HASE et al.
moderate effect size for the HF HRV variable based on previ-
ous studies that found a moderate effect with a comparable
similar methodology (Iffland et al., 2014; 𝜂2
p = .11) and the
large effect size for self-
reported distress and behavioral mea-
sure of aggression based on the Cyberball literature (d = 1.36;
Hartgerink et al., 2015).
2.2 | Measures
2.2.1 | Manipulation checks
We collected a standard manipulation check for the Cyberball
paradigm:
“What percentage of all ball throws did your group re-
ceive in the Cyberball game (choose a number between 0
and 100)?”. The item was scored on a 100-
point visual ana-
log scale ranging from 0 to 100, anchored with 10-
point in-
crements (i.e., at 0, 10, 20, etc.). A sense of exclusion after
Cyberball was also assessed with two items scored on a 7-
point scale ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 7 (com-
pletely agree). The first item assessed perceived personal
exclusion (“I felt excluded”); Cyberball inclusion: M = 2.54,
SD = 1.71; Cyberball exclusion: M = 4.22, SD = 2.00. The
second item assessed perceived group exclusion (“I had the
impression that my group was excluded”); Cyberball inclu-
sion: M = 1.87, SD = 1.14; Cyberball exclusion: M = 6.05,
SD = 1.38.
To assess the effectiveness of the mindfulness manipula-
tion, we measured state mindfulness after the Cyberball ex-
clusion game. We used a 6-
item short version of the Toronto
mindfulness scale containing items 2, 5, 6, 7, 10, and 11 (e.g.,
“I was receptive to observing unpleasant thoughts and feel-
ings without interfering with them”, Lau et al., 2006). Items
were scored on a 7-
point scale ranging from 1 (completely
disagree) to 7 (completely agree), and a mean score was cal-
culated from all items, α = .75, M = 5.48, SD = 0.73; mind-
fulness: α = .79, M = 5.51, SD = 0.81, control: α = .69,
M = 5.45, SD = 0.64.
2.2.2 | Emotional distress
Distress was assessed by six items assessing participants'
experience during the previous Cyberball game (“While
observing the game I felt…”), ending in “good”, “happy”,
“relaxed”, “resentful”, “upset”, and “outraged”. Items were
scored on a 7-
point scale ranging from 1 (completely disa-
gree) to 7 (completely agree). The first three items were re-
verse coded and an overall mean distress score was created;
Cyberball inclusion: α = .80, M = 2.59, SD = 0.85; Cyberball
exclusion: α = .90, M = 3.85, SD = 1.35.
2.2.3 | Physiological responses as an index of
emotional arousal
We used high-
frequency heart rate variability (HF HRV) as
an indicator of psychophysiological activation associated
with emotional arousal. We recorded cardiac activity with
the Biopac MP160 system (Biopac Systems, Inc., Goleta,
CA, USA), which includes electrocardiography (ECG) elec-
trodes, a wireless signal transmission system, and a receiver
unit including an A/D converter. ECG data were recorded
with Ag–
AgCl surface electrodes within standard configu-
ration (Sherwood et al., 1990), sampled at 500 Hz, wire-
lessly transmitted and received by the BioNomadix system,
converted to a digital signal and stored on a computer using
data acquisition and analysis system (iMotions software,
Copenhagen, Denmark). RR peaks were identified automati-
cally by the HRV analysis 2.0.2 module in LabChart 8.1 soft-
ware (ADInstruments, NewZealand). The relevant segments
were visually inspected and corrected for false or undetected
R-
waves, movement artifacts, and ectopic beats, and cor-
rected manually when necessary. We calculated the HF HRV
using Fast Fourier Transformation with a frequency of 0.15–
0.40 Hz. HF HRV reflects parasympathetic modulation of the
heart (Malik et al., 1996). The HF HRV was reported in mi-
croseconds squared (µs2
) for the 0.15–
0.40 Hz band.
HF HRV was computed for the 150 s of the two Cyberball
games and for the last 150 s of each of the respective baseline
periods. The measurement periods were set to 150 s to allow
for the computation of a meaningful measure of ultra-
short
high-
frequency HF HRV (Shaffer & Ginsberg, 2017) while
also minimizing the participant task disengagement risk.
Consistent with previous research in psychophysiology, HRV
outliers were winsorized to be 1% more extreme than the next
non-
outlying value (Shimizu et al., 2011, see OSF folder for
syntax). Data points were considered outliers at ≥3 SD dis-
tance from the mean (Stevens, 2009). We created baseline-
to-
intergroup exclusion condition HF HRV difference scores by
subtracting the mean of the last 150 s of each baseline period
from the mean of the 150 s of the respective intergroup exclu-
sion condition. Using difference scores is a standard strategy
for the study of autonomic responses to psychological fac-
tors (e.g., Gross & Levenson, 1995; Kaczmarek et al., 2019;
Kreibig et al., 2013). Stronger decreases in HF HRV indi-
cated a more maladaptive physiological stress response.
2.2.4 | Aggression
Participants completed six trials of the modified Taylor
Aggression Paradigm (Warburton & Bushman, 2019), using
a variation of the procedure described by Chester and Lasko
(2019). In this paradigm, participants engage in an alleged
competitive reaction time task. As per the standardized
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HASE et al.
procedure, during each trial participants watch three con-
secutive rectangle signs: green indicating that their opponent
was ready, yellow indicating that the game is about to start
and players should focus, and red indicating that the player
should react as fast as possible by clicking on the rectangle.
Instructions indicated that the participant who clicked the
red rectangle faster would win the trial. Participants were in-
formed that they were competing against one of the out-group
players from the previous Cyberball game (i.e., the team that
had just included/excluded the participant's in-
group). Each
trial began by indicating the desired duration and intensity of
the next noise blast to be administered to the opponent in case
of successful performance. If participants lost, they heard a
white noise blast allegedly administered by the opponent.
Before the game started, the participant heard a low-(3 s,
65 dB), medium-(4 s, 75 dB), and high-
intensity (5 s, 85 dB)
sample of white noise. The intensity was previously calibrated
using the Bruel & Kjaer 4128C Head & Torso simulator and
Bluedio T6 ANC wireless headphones, which were also used
in the remainder of the study. Before each trial, participants
chose the desired duration of the noise blast to be adminis-
tered to their opponent on a scale from 0 (0 s) to 10 (5 s) with
0.5-
s increments; and desired volume from 1 (55 dB) to 10
(95 dB) with 5-
db increments. Participants received bogus
feedback after each trial about whether they won or lost. In
trials 1, 3, and 5, they lost. In trials 2, 4, and 6, they won.
After all trials, the participant saw the configuration of the
noise blast supposedly waiting for them in case of an unsuc-
cessful trial. The duration and intensity of noise blasts deliv-
ered by the computer were gradually increasing after every
two trials representing low provocation (trials 1–
2), medium
provocation (trials 3–
4), and high provocation (trials 5–
6).
We used average volume to operationalize aggressive be-
havior in the Taylor Aggression Paradigm as this is the most
commonly used operationalization (Elson, 2016). It also
aligns with the definition of aggression as behavior intended
to harm another person who does not want to be harmed
(Anderson & Bushman, 2002) and the findings that the av-
erage Taylor Aggression Paradigm volume was positively as-
sociated with real-
world aggression (Anderson et al., 2008;
Ferguson et al., 2008).
2.3 | Procedure
Upon arrival at the laboratory, participants provided their
informed consent to take part in a study that allegedly ex-
amined the effect of mindfulness practice and temperamental
type (to justify the physiological assessment) on their abil-
ity of mental visualization during intergroup coordination
online (to justify to the Cyberball paradigm and the Taylor
Aggression Paradigm). First, the experimenter placed sen-
sors to measure physiological activity on participants' torsos.
Next, participants were invited to relax while the experiment-
ers appeared to wait for other participants to arrive at nearby
cubicles. Next, participants were asked to take part in the in-
tergroup interaction online using a computer. They were led
to believe they were randomly allocated to the role of the
observer (vs. player) in this interaction. All participants were
observing the game and instructed to visualize it (imaging
the settings, its participants, etc.) in detail. Participants ob-
served the Cyberball game (under the impression that play-
ers were all participants in the same lab) played supposedly
in real-
time by Polish and Ukrainian (expatriates living in
Poland) participants. The login information to the game was
presented in Polish, English, and Ukrainian to increase the
credibility of the cover story. For the same reason, before the
game, participants saw a screen presenting information about
other participants in nearby cubicles logging in to the game.
2.3.1 | Intergroup exclusion
We used an adapted intergroup Cyberball paradigm like in
previous studies (Golec de Zavala, 2021; Golec de Zavala
et al., 2020; Lantos & Golec de Zavala, 2021). In the in-
terpersonal Cyberball paradigm (Hartgerink et al., 2015;
Williams et al., 2000), participants are led to believe that they
play an online ball-
tossing game with two other participants.
In our study, participants were led to believe that they were
randomly allocated to observe two national teams tossing
the ball to each other. The screen showed the Polish team
(three white avatars with the Polish flag beneath them, and
the word “Polska” written above the flag) playing with the
Ukrainian team (three white avatars with the Ukrainian flag
beneath them, and the word “Ukraina” written above the flag,
Figure 1).
According to the standard procedure for using physiolog-
ical and neural measures in the Cyberball paradigms (van
Beest & Sleegers, 2019), participants first watched a pre-
programmed game in which their national in-
group's (i.e., the
Polish) team was fairly treated in the game (50% of throws
were thrown to the Polish players). Analyses indicate that this
level of inclusion is an adequate control condition for testing
the effects of exclusion (Dvir et al., 2019). Next, they watched
the game in which their national in-
group was excluded (only
10% of initial throws went to Polish players; the Ukrainian
players passed among themselves for the rest of the game).
Analyses indicate that this order to presentation is adequate
to test the effects of exclusion and that changing the order
of presentation of the exclusion and the control condition
does not change the results in any meaningful way (Tang &
Richardson, 2013). Each game took approximately 2.5 min.
After each game participants responded to manipulation
check questions, the self-
report measure of distress, and took
part in the Taylor Aggression Paradigm to which they were
8. 8 of 18
| HASE et al.
allegedly allocated as players. All participants were players
in this part but they were also asked to visualize all aspects of
the interaction just as when observing the ball-
tossing game.
2.3.2 | Mindful decentration intervention
The mindfulness intervention employed a decentration tech-
nique (observing one's thoughts without judgment) and was
randomly allocated to 76 participants who listened to an
audio recording prepared by an experienced mindfulness
trainer. As the Cyberball game unfolded in the inclusion and
exclusion conditions, the recording instructed participants to
observe all thoughts, emotions, assessments, and comments
without engagement, as passing creations of the mind (verba-
tim transcript in online Supporting Information S1). The
other 77 participants were randomly allocated to a control
condition without any recording.1
The mindfulness manipu-
lation check was collected after witnessing the in-
group's
exclusion.
2.4 | Analytical strategy
To check whether the manipulation of intergroup exclusion
in the Cyberball paradigm had the intended effect of mak-
ing participants perceive exclusion of the Polish team, as
well as feel personally excluded in response to witnessing
the in-
group's exclusion, we perform paired-
samples t-tests
comparing the observed percentage of throws received by
the Polish team during the Cyberball game and personal
and group exclusion between the inclusion and exclusion
condition. To check the effectiveness of mindful decentra-
tion manipulation (especially on high levels of collective
narcissism), a 2 × 2 ANOVA tests the main and interaction
effects for the decentration versus control condition and col-
lective narcissism group on state mindfulness. We used an
independent-samples t-
test to check for the intended differ-
ences in collective narcissism between the low and high col-
lective narcissism groups.
For the main analyses, we employed three 2 × 2 × 2
mixed-
model ANOVAs with witnessing the in-
group's ex-
clusion as the within factor, collective narcissism level, and
mindful decentration condition as between factors, and all
interaction effects. Emotional distress after witnessing the
in-
group's in-
/exclusion, aggression volume after witnessing
the in-
group's in-
/exclusion, and baseline-
to-
witnessing the
in-
group's in-
/exclusion HF HRV reactivity were the respec-
tive dependent variables. Significant effects were followed up
with Bonferroni-
corrected pairwise comparisons. The signif-
icance level was .05 for all analyses.
3 | RESULTS
3.1 | Manipulation checks
Relative to witnessing the in-
group's inclusion, participants
felt more excluded on the personal and on the group level
after witnessing the in-
group's exclusion; personal-
level
inclusion-exclusion difference: M = −1.68, t(152) = −10.48,
p < .001, d = −0.85; group-
level inclusion-
exclusion dif-
ference: M = −4.18, t(152) = −30.04, p < .001, d = −3.43
(across collective narcissism level and mindful decentration
conditions). A paired-
samples t-
test of the observed percent-
age of throws received by the Polish team during the inclusion
versus exclusion stage of the Cyberball game also confirmed
the effectiveness of the intergroup exclusion manipulation,
as there was a significantly higher observed percentage of
throws received by the Polish team in observed intergroup in-
clusion than in exclusion; mean difference: M = 40.99, t(152)
= 30.10, p < .001, d = 4.05. These effects were not moder-
ated by the between-
factors (all ps > .15).
The mindful decentration manipulation check (see
Table S2) showed no significant main effect for mindful de-
centration condition, F(1, 149) = 0.33, p = .57, 𝜂2
p < 0.01.
However, it did reveal a significant mindful decentration by
collective narcissism condition interaction effect, F(1, 149)
= 4.20, p = .04, 𝜂2
p = 0.03. Pairwise comparisons indicated
that mindful decentration was more effective for low than for
high collective narcissists. Precisely, there was a trend for
low collective narcissists in the mindful decentration condi-
tion to score higher on state mindfulness than low collective
narcissists in the control condition, p = .07, d = 0.40, 95%
CId (−0.06, 0.85), whereas there was no difference between
high collective narcissists in the mindful decentration and
the control condition (p = .30). The interaction effect also
resulted in higher mindfulness scores in low (compared to
high) collective narcissists in the mindful decentration con-
dition, p < .01, d = 0.67, 95% CId (0.20, 1.12). In contrast,
1
To ensure that the audio recording in the mindful decentration (vs. no
audio in control) condition did not introduce additional differences in
cognitive load between these conditions, we compared psychophysiological
markers of cognitive load between the conditions (i.e., pupil dilation and
eye blink rate). Those measurements were taken during the study that took
eye tracker data for the purpose of testing a different research question
(procedure is explained in the online Supporting Information). During the
in-
group inclusion, participants in the mindful decentration condition
produced significantly more eye blinks than participants in the control
condition. There was no difference in the number of blinks or pupil dilation
between the mindful decentration conditions during the in-
group exclusion.
There were no control-
mindful decentration differences in pupil dilation
between the exclusion conditions (for detailed results see Table S7). Thus,
participants in the mindful decentration condition were likely habituated to
listening to the audio recording by the time of witnessing the in-
group's
exclusion (which was the key part of the experiment) and did not require
any more cognitive resources than control participants.
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HASE et al.
no such difference was observed in the control condition (p
= .78). Thus, high collective narcissists appeared resistant to
the mindful decentration manipulation, whereas it worked for
low collective narcissists.
3.2 | Main analyses
Table 1 reports correlations between key variables.
3.2.1 | Emotional distress
We used a 2 × 2 × 2 (witnessing the in-
group's exclusion x
collective narcissism level x mindful decentration condition)
mixed-
model ANOVA to test the hypothesis that high (vs. low)
collectivenarcissistsreacttowitnessingthein-group'sexclusion
(in comparison to inclusion) with more distress (Hypothesis
1a). We also used this analysis to test the hypothesis that mind-
ful decentration mitigates the negative effects of witnessing
the in-
group's exclusion among participants who score high on
collective narcissism, reducing differences between those who
score low versus high on collective narcissism (Hypothesis 3).
The results are graphically summarized in Figure 2.
We found a significant main effect for the within-
subjects
factor (witnessing the in-
group's inclusion vs. exclusion),
F(1,149) = 127.95, p < .001, 𝜂2
p = 0.46, indicating that par-
ticipants felt more distressed after witnessing the in-
group's
exclusion than after witnessing its inclusion. In line with
Hypothesis 1a, we found a significant observed intergroup
exclusion by collective narcissism interaction, F(1,149) =
4.49, p = .04, 𝜂2
p = 0.03. The distress of high collective nar-
cissists increased more than that of low collective narcissists
from observed intergroup inclusion to exclusion, High: p <
.001, d = 1.14, 95% CId (0.80, 1.48); Low: p < .001, d = 0.75,
95% CId (0.42, 1.08). After inclusion, there was no signifi-
cant emotional distress difference between participants who
scored high versus low on collective narcissism (p = .86),
whereas group members who scored high on collective nar-
cissism reported significantly more distress after witnessing
the in-
group's exclusion than those who scored low on col-
lective narcissism, p = .02, d = 0.37, 95% CId (0.05, 0.69).
TABLE 1 Correlations between key variables
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4 5
1. Emotional distress (inclusion) 2.59 0.85 –
2. Aggression (inclusion) 3.28 2.20 0.24**
–
3. ΔHF HRV (inclusion) −114.36 594.50 0.07 0.05 –
4. Emotional distress (exclusion) 3.85 1.35 0.27***
0.24**
0.16 –
5. Aggression (exclusion) 3.79 2.46 0.28***
0.89***
0.06 0.31***
–
6. ΔHF HRV (exclusion) −147.48 748.12 0.04 −0.10 0.09 −0.02 −0.06
Note: Δ = Witnessing the in-
group's in-
/exclusion minus baseline mean change score.
*p < .05;; **p < .01;; ***p < .001.
FIGURE 2 Emotional distress adjusted mean values by experimental condition. Error bars represent standard errors
10. 10 of 18
| HASE et al.
The analyses yielded no support for Hypothesis 3, as the
effect of the mindful decentration manipulation was not sig-
nificant (see Table S3, “Observed Intergroup Exclusion *
Mindfulness Condition” and “Observed Intergroup Exclusion
* Mindfulness Condition * Collective Narcissism Group”).
3.2.2 | HF HRV
We used a 2 × 2 × 2 mixed-
model ANOVA to test whether
people scoring high (vs. low) on collective narcissism dis-
play more psychophysiological arousal in response to
the in-
group's exclusion than to their in-
group's inclusion
(Hypothesis 1b). We also used this analysis to test the hy-
pothesis that mindful decentration mitigates the negative
effects of witnessing the in-
group's exclusion among partici-
pants who score high on collective narcissism (Hypothesis
3). The results are graphically summarized in Figure 3.
The results did not support Hypothesis 1b. Collective nar-
cissists did not display higher psychophysiological arousal
when witnessing the in-
group's exclusion (vs. inclusion),
as the expected effect only approached significance (see
Table S4, “Observed Intergroup Exclusion * Collective
Narcissism Group”). Pairwise comparisons showed that HF
HRV reactivity became marginally more negative between
the inclusion and exclusion condition among high collective
narcissism group members, p = .08, d = −0.19, 95% CId
(−0.51, 0.14). For low collective narcissism group members,
the inclusion-
to-
exclusion difference did not approach statis-
tical significance despite a similar effect size magnitude (for
an effect of opposite direction), p = .40, d = 0.20, 95% CId
(−0.13, 0.53). Also of interest to the hypothesis, the pairwise
comparison of high and low collective narcissism scorers in
the in-
group exclusion condition did not show any significant
difference, p = .37, d = 0.14, 95% CId (−0.18, 0.47).
The results did not support Hypothesis 3 although the
analysis revealed a significant 3-
way interaction effect (see
Table S4, “Observed Intergroup Exclusion * Mindfulness
Condition * Collective Narcissism Group”). This effect
was due to a greater inclusion-
exclusion difference between
participants who scored low versus high on collective nar-
cissism in the mindful decentration than in the control
condition. However, this effect was different than hypoth-
esized. Specifically, group members who scored high on
collective narcissism in the mindful decentration condition
(not in the control condition, as was expected) exhibited a
significant inclusion-
exclusion decrease in HF HRV reac-
tivity, p < .001, d = −0.57, 95% CId (−1.04, −0.10). Other
inclusion-
exclusion changes were not significant; low collec-
tive narcissism-
mindful decentration p = .28, d = 0.59, 95%
CId (0.10, 1.07); high collective narcissism-
control p = .30,
d = 0.15, 95% CId (−0.31, 0.61); low collective narcissism-
control condition of mindful decentration, p = .93, d = 0.02,
95% CId (−0.43, 0.48).
The 2-
way interaction effect involving mindful de-
centration condition approached significance, but it was
also contrary to the hypothesized direction (see Table S4,
“Observed Intergroup Exclusion * Mindfulness Condition”).
Participants in the mindful decentration condition showed
marginally decreased HF HRV reactivity from in-
group in-
clusion to exclusion, p = .09, d = −0.27, 95% CId (−0.60,
0.06); whereas there was no such effect in the control group,
p = .42, d = 0.10, 95% CId (−0.22, 0.43). Furthermore, in
the in-
group exclusion condition, there was no difference in
HF HRV reactivity between the mindful decentration and the
control condition, p = .81, d = 0.05, 95% CId (−0.28, 0.37).
FIGURE 3 High-
frequency heart rate variability reactivity adjusted mean values by experimental condition. Error bars represent standard
errors
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HASE et al.
3.2.3 | Aggression
We used a 2 × 2 × 2 (witnessing the in-
group's exclusion
x collective narcissism level x mindful decentration condi-
tion) mixed-
model ANOVA of aggressive behavior to test
the hypothesis that group member who score high (vs. low)
on collective narcissism react to witnessing the in-
group's ex-
clusion (in comparison to witnessing its inclusion) with more
aggression (Hypothesis 2). We also used this analysis to test
Hypothesis 3 (mitigation of the negative effects of exclusion
among collective narcissism high scorers). The results are
graphically summarized in Figure 4.
We found a significant main effect of witnessing the in-
group's exclusion, F(1,149) = 31.05, p < .001, 𝜂2
p = 0.17,
evidencing that participants were generally more aggressive
toward the out-group members after witnessing the in-group's
exclusion, than inclusion. In line with Hypothesis 2, we
found a significant intergroup exclusion by collective narcis-
sism interaction, F(1,149) = 4.03, p = .05, 𝜂2
p = 0.03. Evident
in differential inclusion-
exclusion changes in aggression,
group members who scored high on collective narcissism
were more affected by witnessing the in-
group's exclusion,
p < .001, d = 0.26, 95% CId (−0.05, 0.58) than those who
scored low on collective narcissism, p = .01, d = 0.15, 95%
CId (−0.16, 0.47).
Moreover, the effect of witnessing exclusion of the in-
group on aggression toward the out-
group was influenced by
the interaction of collective narcissism level (low vs. high)
and mindful decentration condition (control vs. mindful
decentration), F(1,149) = 4.27, p = .04, 𝜂2
p = 0.03. In the
mindful decentration condition, people who scored high on
collective narcissism reacted with more aggression after ex-
clusion than exclusion, p < .001, d = 0.37, 95% CId (−0.08,
0.81), whereas those who scored low did not (p = .21). In the
control condition, both those who scored low on collective
narcissism, p = .02, d = 0.18, 95% CId (−0.26, 0.63), and
those who scored high reacted with a significant inclusion-
exclusion increases in aggression, p = .03, d = 0.16, 95%
CId (−0.29, 0.61). The magnitude of these increases was only
about half of that of high collective narcissists in the mindful
decentration condition, though. Thus, there was no support
for Hypothesis 3.
4 | DISCUSSION
The present study tested whether collective narcissism mod-
erates emotional and behavioral responses to witnessing the
in-
group's exclusion. We hypothesized that collective nar-
cissism should predict distress (or negative emotional reac-
tions) and retaliatory intergroup aggression in response to
witnessing the in-
group being excluded (vs. included) by
others. The present results align with those expectations.
We also predicted that collective narcissism should be as-
sociated with higher psychophysiological arousal when wit-
nessing the in-
group's exclusion. This effect was found only
when participants were instructed to pay attention to their
thoughts and experiences while observing the game in which
their in-
group was excluded. Finally, we expected that the
short mindful decentration practice should reduce emotional
distress and psychophysiological reactions to witnessing the
in-
group's exclusion as well as aggression especially on high
levels of collective narcissism. Instead, we found this inter-
vention had a soothing effect (on psychophysiological meas-
ure) only on low levels of collective narcissism and did not
affect aggression.
FIGURE 4 Aggression adjusted mean values by experimental condition. Error bars represent standard errors
12. 12 of 18
| HASE et al.
4.1 | Collective narcissism and emotional
reactions to witnessing the in-
group's exclusion
Participants scoring high on collective narcissism reported
significantly more negative emotions after witnessing their
national in-
group being excluded in the virtual ball-
tossing
game by a national minority, a team of Ukrainian immi-
grants. Note that this manipulation does not confound the
momentary in-
group's exclusion in the lab with the chronic
in-
group marginalization in the real-
life. Group members
who score high on collective narcissism may find it difficult
to downregulate their negative emotions in reaction to the in-
group's image threat that witnessing the in-
group's exclusion
poses. Such results extend previous correlational findings
highlighting the deficits in the ability to regulate negative
emotions associated with collective narcissism (Golec de
Zavala, 2019). They also extend previous experimental find-
ings indicating higher sensitivity and stronger emotional
responses to the in-
group's image threat on higher levels of
collective narcissism (Golec de Zavala et al., 2013, 2016,
2020). The present findings suggest more severe emotional
reactions to visualized momentary marginalization of the in-
group among group members high on collective narcissism.
Together with previous findings indicating higher levels of
collective narcissism among members of radicalized social
groups (Jaśko et al., 2020), those results indicate collective
narcissism as a risk factor increasing the probability of radi-
calization among group members facing chronic marginali-
zation of their in-
group.
The self-
report findings indicative of distress after witness-
ing the in-
group's exclusion are paralleled by the increase in
a psychophysiological response (HF HRV) associated with
stress-
related emotional arousal. This response was stronger
among participants who scored high on collective narcissism,
especially when they were instructed to focus on their experi-
ences and feelings while witnessing the in-
group's exclusion.
Such results suggested also that mindful decentration manip-
ulation did not work as intended for those participants. The
short mindful decentration practice did not produce a state of
mindfulness among participants high on collective narcissism.
Instead, it might have increased their attention to their negative
emotional responses to witnessing the in-
group's exclusion,
which translated into more psychophysiological reactivity.
Our HF HRV results hold implications for the health sta-
tus of high collective narcissists, as they offer a first look at
the psychophysiological correlates of collective narcissists'
emotional responses to in-
group image threat. For exam-
ple, previous research has associated reduced HF HRV in
response to challenging situations with impaired glucose
regulation and hypothalamic-
pituitary-
adrenal axis function,
inflammation (Thayer & Sternberg, 2006), a risk for cardio-
vascular disease and stroke (Thayer & Lane, 2007), and all-
cause mortality and morbidity (Liao et al., 2002). Thus, the
observed HF HRV response of high collective narcissists in
the mindful decentration condition might imply a heightened
risk of developing potentially critical health problems when
exposed to stress in intergroup situations.
4.2 | Collective narcissism and retaliatory
aggression after witnessing the in-
group's exclusion
The analysis of aggressive behavior also presents a rea-
son to be concerned about collective narcissists' responses
to witnessing the in-
group's exclusion. The present results
align with Hypothesis 2 indicating that collective narcis-
sists are more likely to aggress against the members of the
out-
group that exclude their in-
group. The average volume
of white noise blasts administered to the alleged out-
group
member after group members witnessed their in-
group's
exclusion was a function of collective narcissism. Thus,
collective narcissism may be a health risk factor to group
members exposed to their in-
group's marginalization but
collective narcissism is also a risk factor to those who may
be perceived as perpetrators of marginalization. Our find-
ings might indicate that group members who endorse col-
lective narcissism may be more likely to engage in violent
retribution after perceived offences to their in-
group (Golec
de Zavala & Keenan, 2020). They may also be more likely
to join violent or extremist groups and advocate terrorist
violence (Jasko et al., 2020).
Results indicating that collective narcissism moder-
ates the effect of vicarious intergroup exclusion on retalia-
tory intergroup aggression may also suggest that collective
narcissists use aggression to regulate negative emotions.
Indeed, findings suggest that retaliatory aggression after in-
terpersonal exclusion serves a palliative function (Chester &
DeWall, 2017). Collective narcissists may engage in retal-
iatory intergroup aggression due to its perceived palliative
and in-
group image-
defending function. Existing evidence
aligns with this interpretation suggesting that collective nar-
cissism is associated with the belief that aggressive revenge
in the name of the in-
group is “sweet” and should be pleas-
ant (Dyduch-
Hazar & Mrozinski, 2021; Golec de Zavala &
Lantos, 2020).
4.3 | The unexpected impact of mindful
decentration
The present study tested a mindful decentration practice as
a potential intervention to reduce collective narcissists' dis-
tress and aggression after vicarious intergroup exclusion.
However, our findings indicate that this intervention was not
successful in producing the mindfulness state on high levels
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HASE et al.
of collective narcissism, although it produced the heightened
mindfulness state among participants who scored low on
collective narcissism. Such findings suggest a constraint to
previous results indicating that mindfulness interventions are
effective in reducing stress on the physiological as well as
psychological level (Hoge et al., 2018; Shearer et al., 2016).
Collective narcissism is an individual difference variable that
may undermine the effectiveness of such interventions or at
least undermine the effectiveness of the mindful decentration
intervention.
Our failure to induce the mindfulness state among group
members who endorse collective narcissism can be explained
by the literature, which suggests that the mindfulness practice
sometimes increases instead of reducing fear or anxiety (Baer
et al., 2019; Cebolla et al., 2017; Van Dam et al., 2018). Short
mindfulness interventions can produce unpleasant thoughts
or agitation (Clarke & Draper, 2020; Lomas et al., 2015)
observed also on the physiological level (increased level of
cortisol, Creswell et al., 2014). It is plausible that certain
characteristics predispose people to such adverse reactions.
For example, physiological stress reactions (increased level
of cortisol and decreased level of HRV) were observed
among highly self-
critical people during contemplative prac-
tice (Rockliff et al., 2008). Our results may indicate that col-
lective narcissism is another such variable. The short mindful
decentration intervention we used might have increased
emotional distress among participants who scored high on
collective narcissism because they paid more attention to the
witnessed exclusion and their (negative) emotional reactions
to it. Future studies would do well examining this possibility
further, especially in light of results indicating that collec-
tive narcissists respond well to other forms of mindfulness
intervention such as the basic “body scan” practice (Golec de
Zavala, 2021).
As noted earlier, contrary to our expectations, group
members who scored high on collective narcissism ex-
hibited a significant reduction in HF HRV reactivity from
witnessing the in-
group's inclusion to exclusion, especially
when they were instructed to observe their thoughts and
feelings as passing, without engaging with them. This may
suggest that instead of inducing a mindfulness state we
might have prompted collective narcissists to pay more at-
tention to their negative emotional reactions to witnessing
the in-
group's exclusion and more positive emotional re-
actions when witnessing the in-
group's inclusion. Indeed,
when instructed to focus on their experiences and reactions,
participants high in collective narcissism showed an HF
HRV reactivity change of positive direction after witness-
ing the in-
group's inclusion. This suggests that witnessing
in-
group's inclusion (especially when instructed to pay at-
tention) may reduce negative emotional reactions among
group members who endorse collective narcissism (Sloan
et al., 2017). Future studies would do well examining such
an intervention to reduce distress and intergroup hostility
among collective narcissists.
4.4 | Limitations
Despite providing several novel insights, this study was
limited by a few issues. First, collective narcissism was di-
chotomized using extreme responders, thereby ignoring indi-
viduals representing the middle of the population. Although
this method also represents certain strengths when done (like
in the present research) a priori (Preacher et al., 2005), it also
has shortcomings. While our findings regarding the hypoth-
esized effects and their direction are reliable, the effect sizes
reported in the present study should be interpreted with cau-
tion, as they may be inflated due to the extreme group ap-
proach (Preacher et al., 2005). The effect sizes should be seen
in the context of other results pertaining to the collective nar-
cissism as a moderator of the reactions to witnessing the in-
group's exclusion and the in-
group's image threat (Golec de
Zavala, 2021; Golec de Zavala et al., 2019) and to the main
effects of witnessing the in-
group's exclusion on distress and
intergroup hostility (Golec de Zavala, 2021; Golec de Zavala
et al., 2020; Lantos & Golec de Zavala, 2021).
The previous studies also clarify another limitation of
the present research, which is a lack of robustness check of
collective narcissism as the moderator. It was not applied to
the present study due to the power concerns. However, other
studies indicate that individual narcissism does not moderate
the effects of intergroup exclusion (Golec de Zavala, 2021)
or the in-
group's image threat (Golec de Zavala et al., 2013).
The present investigation focused on specific moderation by
collective narcissism based on extensive evidence indicating
that collective narcissism predicts hypersensitivity and exag-
gerated reactions to the in-
group's image threat (for review,
Golec de Zavala et al., 2019). We believe that the a priori
disentangling collective narcissism as an aspect of in-
group
identification increases precision in our understanding of the
mechanism underlying its associated reactions. Nevertheless,
future studies would do well investigating other aspects of
in-
group identification as possible moderators of the effects
of witnessing the in-
group's exclusion to uncover alternative
mechanisms to the one investigated here. Previous studies in-
dicate no such moderation by in-
group satisfaction (Golec de
Zavala, 2021).
Another methodological limitation is the lack of coun-
terbalancing of the inclusion and exclusion conditions in
the Cyberball paradigm. This was done to ensure the com-
mensurability of the physiological data in the entire sample.
Although it could have provided insight into potential order
effects or ameliorative effects of post-
exclusion inclusion, the
size of the study did not permit this additional condition. Apart
from being beyond the scope of this study, such comparisons
14. 14 of 18
| HASE et al.
have been done elsewhere (see Tang & Richardson, 2013,
who mitigated concerns about potential confounds like time-
or fatigue-
related effects). Nevertheless, we suggest replicat-
ing these comparisons in the intergroup Cyberball context
for further support for the present procedure. Our findings
are also similar to results from between-
participants exper-
imental designs that explored the effects of intergroup ex-
clusion on distress and intergroup hostility (Lantos & Golec
de Zavala, 2021), and the moderating role of (continuous)
collective narcissism (in comparison to individual narcissism
and in-
group satisfaction, Golec de Zavala, 2021).
Another limitation of our findings is that the self-
report
measure of distress and the physiological responses associated
with emotional arousal in stressful situations were not associ-
ated. However, this is frequently the case in studies assessing
distress in response to social exclusion. Such physiological and
self-
report measures are rarely associated despite both show-
ing hypothesized responses to exclusion (Cascio et al., 2014;
Chester et al., 2014; Masten et al., 2011). The self-
report and
physiological assessment of emotional arousal in response to
a distressing intergroup situation may reflect somewhat dif-
ferent aspects of emotional responses to intergroup exclusion.
The physiological measure may capture the immediate, broad
arousal while the self-
reported measure may capture a reflec-
tive aspect of the experience (Masten et al., 2011).
The simple and short mindful decentration intervention
constitutes another limitation. A short mindful decentration
intervention might have produced a different effect than a
longer and more comprehensive mindfulness training com-
prising multiple sessions and/or additional techniques. The
proper assessment of the effectiveness of the mindful de-
centration manipulation was also limited by the absence of
neutral auditory stimuli in the control condition, which could
have produced a cognitive load more comparable to that in
the mindfulness condition. To reduce concerns that apply-
ing auditory stimuli in the experimental conduction might
have produced a potential confound of cognitive load, we
performed additional analyses on physiological data associ-
ated with cognitive effort (pupil dilation and eye blink rate,
see Supporting Information S6 & S7) between the mindful
decentration and control condition. Those analyses indicate
no significant differences between the conditions, increas-
ing our trust in the validity of the decentration manipulation.
Nevertheless, future studies would do well examining the ef-
fects of different forms of mindfulness interventions and their
different durations.
4.5 | Conclusion
This study corroborated existing literature indicating that peo-
ple scoring high on collective narcissism react more extremely
to witnessing the in-
group's exclusion in terms of experienced
emotional distress. Going beyond such findings, it indicated
that collective narcissism increases the risk of aggressive ac-
tions against the excluding out-
group. The study also advanced
the literature by examining psychophysiological responses
associated with reactivity to witnessing the in-
group's exclu-
sion. It showed that focusing on experienced emotions when
observing the in-
group's exclusion provoked reactions in high
collective narcissists associated with potential health risks.
Future studies could extend these findings further elucidating
the psychological, behavioral, and physiological responses of
high collective narcissism scorers to witnessing or only imag-
ining a threat to the in-
group's image. This could eventually
help develop effective interventions to mitigate high collective
narcissism scorers' distress when facing an intergroup threat.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
ThisworkwassupportedbythePolishNationalScienceCentre
advanced research grant Maestro [2017/26/A/HS6/00647]
awarded to Dr Agnieszka Golec de Zavala. AGZ provided the
conceptualization, hypotheses, and the study design, prepared
the theoretical introduction and interpretations of findings for
the first write up and lead the preparation of the revision. AH
performed the statistical analyses and produced the first write
up of the study; MB prepared the protocol of physiological
data collection, oversaw data collection and processing and
collaborated at conceptualization and write up; MM devel-
oped and pretested the mindful decentration intervention; KW
helped to collect and process the data. We would like to thank
Marta Kaleja for her help in data collection.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
Adrian Hase: Data curation; Formal analysis; Writing-
original draft; Writing-
review & editing. Maciej Behnke:
Conceptualization; Methodology; Software; Supervision;
Writing-
review & editing. Magdalena Mazurkiewicz:
Methodology; Writing-
review & editing. Kamil Kordian
Wieteska: Data curation; Investigation. Agnieszka
Golec de Zavala: Conceptualization; Funding acquisi-
tion; Methodology; Project administration; Resources;
Supervision; Writing-
review & editing.
ORCID
Adrian Hase https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3072-706X
Maciej Behnke https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2455-4556
Agnieszka Golec de Zavala https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-7631-9486
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SUPPORTING INFORMATION
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Supplementary Material
How to cite this article: Hase A, Behnke M,
Mazurkiewicz M, Wieteska KK, Golec de Zavala A.
Distress and retaliatory aggression in response to
witnessing intergroup exclusion are greater on higher
levels of collective narcissism. Psychophysiology.
2021;00:e13879. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.13879