Theories of International Migration A Review and AppraisMikeEly930
Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal
Author(s): Douglas S. Massey, Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino
and J. Edward Taylor
Source: Population and Development Review, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 431-466
Published by: Population Council
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2938462
Accessed: 23-01-2019 13:59 UTC
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range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Population Council is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Population and Development Review
This content downloaded from 206.224.223.240 on Wed, 23 Jan 2019 13:59:08 UTC
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Theories of International
Migration: A Review
and Appraisal
DOUGLAS S. MASSEY
JOAQUIN ARANGO
GRAEME HUGO
ALI KOUAOUCI
ADELA PELLEGRINO
J. EDWARD TAYLOR
OVER THE PAST 30 YEARS, imrnigration has emerged as a major force throughout
the world. In traditional immigrant-receiving societies such as Australia, Canada,
and the United States, the volume of immigration has grown and its composition
has shifted decisively away from Europe, the historically dominant source,
toward Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In Europe, meanwhile, countries that
for centuries had been sending out migrants were suddenly transformed
into immigrant-receiving societies. After 1945, virtually all countries in Western
Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad. Although
the migrants were initially drawn mainly from southern Europe, by the late
1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Carib-
bean, and the Middle East.
By the 1980s even countries in southern Europe-Italy, Spain, and
Portugal-which only a decade before had been sending migrants to wealthier
countries in the north, began to import workers from Africa, Asia, and the
Middle East. At the same time, Japan-with its low and still declining birth rate,
its aging population, and its high standard of living-found itself turning
increasingly to migrants from poorer countries in Asia and even South America
to satisfy its labor needs.
Most of the world's developed countries have become diverse, multiethnic
societies, and those that have not reached this state are moving decisively in that
direction. The emergence of international migration as a basic structural feature
of nearly all industrialized countries testifies to the strength and coherence of the
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW 19, NO. 3 (SEPTEMBER 1993) 431
This conte ...
Research Handbook on Climate Change, Migration and the Law - IntroductionGraciela Mariani
Synopsis
This comprehensive Research Handbook provides an overview of the debates on how the law does, and could, relate to migration exacerbated by climate change. It contains conceptual chapters on the relationship between climate change, migration and the law, as well as doctrinal and prospective discussions regarding legal developments in different domestic contexts and in international governance.
http://crs.sagepub.com/
Critical Sociology
http://crs.sagepub.com/content/36/6/891
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/0896920510377263
2010 36: 891 originally published online 17 August 2010Crit Sociol
Kyeyoung Park
Sources and Resources of Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurship
Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com
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Sources and Resources of Korean Immigrant
Entrepreneurship
Kyeyoung Park
University of California, USA
I read Tamara Nopper’s provocative article with interest as I do critical studies and work
on race and racism. It is commendable that she revisits the debate on sources of Korean
immigrant entrepreneurship, but she misunderstands the scholarship. Although she is
not attempting to explain what causes Korean small business ownership (2010: 68), my
comments will focus on the debate over the sources of Korean American entrepreneur-
ship, as pertaining to my research.
She does provide insight into how representatives of financial and governmental insti-
tutions involved in the processes of lending and business promotion among all racial and
ethnic groups employ color-blind explanations for Asian American economic patterns.
Family and kin networks were often cited by her respondents as a reason for relative
Korean business success (2010: 77). She pointed out that collective orientation was con-
sidered an inherent part of the Asian ‘character’ rather than as a reaction to disadvantage
(2010: 78).
Nopper’s study resonates with recent findings which have reported that the US Small
Business Administration advocates individualistic color-blind free market outcomes and
is a racist institution. While earlier explanations succeed in showing how Asian American
communities have unique institutions (e.g. rotating credit associations) that are imbed-
ded in their culture and how they could contribute to achieving current economic devel-
opment, they are oblivious .
Electronic copy available at httpssrn.comabstract=1348064EvonCanales257
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1348064
Towards Transnational Labor Citizenship:
Restructuring Labor Migration
to Reinforce Workers’ Rights
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Jennifer Gordon
Fordham Law School
January 2009
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1348064
GORDON RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
Towards Transnational Labor Citizenship:
Restructuring Labor Migration
to Reinforce Workers’ Rights
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Jennifer Gordon
Fordham Law School
January 2009
The author thanks the Ford Foundation for the primary funding for the research
and writing of this report, and also gratefully acknowledges the support of the Dean’s
Office at Fordham Law School and the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Race,
Ethnicity, and Diversity at the University of California-Berkeley Law School.
GORDON RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
TOWARDS TRANSNATIONAL LABOR CITIZENSHIP:
RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
TO REINFORCE WORKERS’ RIGHTS
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Contents
PROLOGUE….…………………………………………………………………………………………………...…....................1
I. INTRODUCING TRANSNATIONAL LABOR CITIZENSHIP…………….………………………3
A. Low-Wage Labor Migration in the Context of the
United States……..………………………………………………………………………………………3
B. A Response: Transnational Labor Citizenship……………….………………..5
C. Central Principles of Transnational Labor Citizenship………………..7
D. Emerging Experiments……………………………………………………………….……………9
II. ORIGIN COUNTRY ENFORCEMENT OF MIGRANT RIGHTS………………….…………..9
A. Bi-lateral Accords on Low-Wage Labor Migration………………………10
B. Unilateral Efforts by Origin Countries to Protect
Migrant Rights…………………………………………………………………………………………15
C. Contrasting Approaches: Mexico and the Philippines..………………18
D. Challenges and Lessons Learned………………………………………………………..25
III. EMERGING EXPERIMENTS WITH MOBILE LABOR CITIZENSHIP….……………..…27
A. Understanding Mobile Labor Citizenship……………………………………..27
B. The Experiments……………………………………………………………………………..………31
1. Construction: Two Approaches…………………………………………….….31
a. Union-to-Union Worker Referrals…………………………………..………33
b. Partnerships between Origin and Destination
Country Unions……………………………………….…………………………………35
2. Two Industries at the Bottom of the Wage Ladder………………39
a. Agriculture: A Destination Country Union
Builds a Base in an Origin Country…………………………………………..39
b. Domestic Work: An Origin Country Union
Builds a Base in a Destination Country …………………………...……..41
C. Challenges and Lessons Learned….…………………………………………………...43
1. Cross-Border Collaboration: Obstacles and In ...
Theories of International Migration A Review and AppraisMikeEly930
Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal
Author(s): Douglas S. Massey, Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino
and J. Edward Taylor
Source: Population and Development Review, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 431-466
Published by: Population Council
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2938462
Accessed: 23-01-2019 13:59 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Population Council is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Population and Development Review
This content downloaded from 206.224.223.240 on Wed, 23 Jan 2019 13:59:08 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Theories of International
Migration: A Review
and Appraisal
DOUGLAS S. MASSEY
JOAQUIN ARANGO
GRAEME HUGO
ALI KOUAOUCI
ADELA PELLEGRINO
J. EDWARD TAYLOR
OVER THE PAST 30 YEARS, imrnigration has emerged as a major force throughout
the world. In traditional immigrant-receiving societies such as Australia, Canada,
and the United States, the volume of immigration has grown and its composition
has shifted decisively away from Europe, the historically dominant source,
toward Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In Europe, meanwhile, countries that
for centuries had been sending out migrants were suddenly transformed
into immigrant-receiving societies. After 1945, virtually all countries in Western
Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad. Although
the migrants were initially drawn mainly from southern Europe, by the late
1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Carib-
bean, and the Middle East.
By the 1980s even countries in southern Europe-Italy, Spain, and
Portugal-which only a decade before had been sending migrants to wealthier
countries in the north, began to import workers from Africa, Asia, and the
Middle East. At the same time, Japan-with its low and still declining birth rate,
its aging population, and its high standard of living-found itself turning
increasingly to migrants from poorer countries in Asia and even South America
to satisfy its labor needs.
Most of the world's developed countries have become diverse, multiethnic
societies, and those that have not reached this state are moving decisively in that
direction. The emergence of international migration as a basic structural feature
of nearly all industrialized countries testifies to the strength and coherence of the
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW 19, NO. 3 (SEPTEMBER 1993) 431
This conte ...
Research Handbook on Climate Change, Migration and the Law - IntroductionGraciela Mariani
Synopsis
This comprehensive Research Handbook provides an overview of the debates on how the law does, and could, relate to migration exacerbated by climate change. It contains conceptual chapters on the relationship between climate change, migration and the law, as well as doctrinal and prospective discussions regarding legal developments in different domestic contexts and in international governance.
http://crs.sagepub.com/
Critical Sociology
http://crs.sagepub.com/content/36/6/891
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/0896920510377263
2010 36: 891 originally published online 17 August 2010Crit Sociol
Kyeyoung Park
Sources and Resources of Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurship
Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com
can be found at:Critical SociologyAdditional services and information for
http://crs.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts:
http://crs.sagepub.com/subscriptionsSubscriptions:
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http://crs.sagepub.com/content/36/6/891.refs.htmlCitations:
What is This?
- Aug 17, 2010 OnlineFirst Version of Record
- Oct 18, 2010Version of Record >>
at UCLA on March 12, 2012crs.sagepub.comDownloaded from
http://crs.sagepub.com/
http://crs.sagepub.com/content/36/6/891
http://www.sagepublications.com
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http://crs.sagepub.com/content/early/2010/08/16/0896920510377263.full.pdf
http://online.sagepub.com/site/sphelp/vorhelp.xhtml
http://crs.sagepub.com/
Sources and Resources of Korean Immigrant
Entrepreneurship
Kyeyoung Park
University of California, USA
I read Tamara Nopper’s provocative article with interest as I do critical studies and work
on race and racism. It is commendable that she revisits the debate on sources of Korean
immigrant entrepreneurship, but she misunderstands the scholarship. Although she is
not attempting to explain what causes Korean small business ownership (2010: 68), my
comments will focus on the debate over the sources of Korean American entrepreneur-
ship, as pertaining to my research.
She does provide insight into how representatives of financial and governmental insti-
tutions involved in the processes of lending and business promotion among all racial and
ethnic groups employ color-blind explanations for Asian American economic patterns.
Family and kin networks were often cited by her respondents as a reason for relative
Korean business success (2010: 77). She pointed out that collective orientation was con-
sidered an inherent part of the Asian ‘character’ rather than as a reaction to disadvantage
(2010: 78).
Nopper’s study resonates with recent findings which have reported that the US Small
Business Administration advocates individualistic color-blind free market outcomes and
is a racist institution. While earlier explanations succeed in showing how Asian American
communities have unique institutions (e.g. rotating credit associations) that are imbed-
ded in their culture and how they could contribute to achieving current economic devel-
opment, they are oblivious .
Electronic copy available at httpssrn.comabstract=1348064EvonCanales257
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1348064
Towards Transnational Labor Citizenship:
Restructuring Labor Migration
to Reinforce Workers’ Rights
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Jennifer Gordon
Fordham Law School
January 2009
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1348064
GORDON RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
Towards Transnational Labor Citizenship:
Restructuring Labor Migration
to Reinforce Workers’ Rights
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Jennifer Gordon
Fordham Law School
January 2009
The author thanks the Ford Foundation for the primary funding for the research
and writing of this report, and also gratefully acknowledges the support of the Dean’s
Office at Fordham Law School and the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Race,
Ethnicity, and Diversity at the University of California-Berkeley Law School.
GORDON RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
TOWARDS TRANSNATIONAL LABOR CITIZENSHIP:
RESTRUCTURING LABOR MIGRATION
TO REINFORCE WORKERS’ RIGHTS
A Preliminary Report on Emerging Experiments
Contents
PROLOGUE….…………………………………………………………………………………………………...…....................1
I. INTRODUCING TRANSNATIONAL LABOR CITIZENSHIP…………….………………………3
A. Low-Wage Labor Migration in the Context of the
United States……..………………………………………………………………………………………3
B. A Response: Transnational Labor Citizenship……………….………………..5
C. Central Principles of Transnational Labor Citizenship………………..7
D. Emerging Experiments……………………………………………………………….……………9
II. ORIGIN COUNTRY ENFORCEMENT OF MIGRANT RIGHTS………………….…………..9
A. Bi-lateral Accords on Low-Wage Labor Migration………………………10
B. Unilateral Efforts by Origin Countries to Protect
Migrant Rights…………………………………………………………………………………………15
C. Contrasting Approaches: Mexico and the Philippines..………………18
D. Challenges and Lessons Learned………………………………………………………..25
III. EMERGING EXPERIMENTS WITH MOBILE LABOR CITIZENSHIP….……………..…27
A. Understanding Mobile Labor Citizenship……………………………………..27
B. The Experiments……………………………………………………………………………..………31
1. Construction: Two Approaches…………………………………………….….31
a. Union-to-Union Worker Referrals…………………………………..………33
b. Partnerships between Origin and Destination
Country Unions……………………………………….…………………………………35
2. Two Industries at the Bottom of the Wage Ladder………………39
a. Agriculture: A Destination Country Union
Builds a Base in an Origin Country…………………………………………..39
b. Domestic Work: An Origin Country Union
Builds a Base in a Destination Country …………………………...……..41
C. Challenges and Lessons Learned….…………………………………………………...43
1. Cross-Border Collaboration: Obstacles and In ...
Wild Life Essay. ESSAY ON WILD ANIMALS. - YouTubeAshley Rosas
(DOC) Essay on Wildlife Conservation | Miraz Azad - Academia.edu. Wildlife Conservation Critical Essay (500 Words) - PHDessay.com. Write an essay on Wildlife | Essay Writing | English. Essay on Wildlife in English (1000 Words) - Thewordyboy. Short essay on wild animals - Brainly.in. Wildlife Conservation - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. wild life conservation essay.jpg. Essay on Wildlife | Importance, Threats & Wildlife Protection. ⇉Wildlife Conservation and Threatened Species Essay Example | GraduateWay. How to save wild life essay in 150 words - Brainly.in. ESSAY ON WILDLIFE CONSERVATION. ESSAY ON SAVE WILDLIFE.. Save Forest Essay in English for Students - Short and Long Easy Essay. Should animals be kept in captivity in Zoos and Wildlife Parks Essay .... 009 Maxresdefault Short Essay On Wild Animals ~ Thatsnotus. Essay on conservation of wildlife - We Write Professional Homework .... Reflection Essay on Into the Wild essay - PHDessay.com. Business paper: Wild life conservation essay.
The article illustrates the results of the economic development of the first fifteen years of the XXI century under the conditions of unprecedented economic freedom, globalization and the appearance of new informational sectors up to and including the first attempts at revising liberalism. The analysis of statistical data demonstrates an obvious increase in the percentage of well-off people in many countries as well as the increased economic capabilities of small, medium and large businesses, whose assets are distributed among an ever-increasing number of owners. This provides the impetus to review our collective approach to liberalization and globalization, as well as to view its unexpected strong sides that make human progress possible.
The International Journal of Engineering and Science (The IJES)theijes
The International Journal of Engineering & Science is aimed at providing a platform for researchers, engineers, scientists, or educators to publish their original research results, to exchange new ideas, to disseminate information in innovative designs, engineering experiences and technological skills. It is also the Journal's objective to promote engineering and technology education. All papers submitted to the Journal will be blind peer-reviewed. Only original articles will be published.
The papers for publication in The International Journal of Engineering& Science are selected through rigorous peer reviews to ensure originality, timeliness, relevance, and readability
Save Water Save Earth Essay. 10 Lines on Save Water in English for Kids - You...Shannon Edwards
Save Water Save Earth Essay Essay on Save Water Save Earth for .... Essay on Save Water Save Earth in English Essay writing - YouTube. Best Save Water Essay for Kids and Students Earth Reminder. Save Water Save Life Essay in 1000 Words in English Learnattic. Save Water Save Life Save Earth Essay // Save water Essay For Children .... 10 Lines on Save Water Save Earth for Students and Children in English .... 10 Lines on Save Water in English for Kids - Your Hop. Save Water Essay in English for students 700 Words. Save Water amp; Its Importance Best Speeches amp; Essays For Students. Write 10 lines on Save Water, Save Life English - YouTube. Save Water Essay For Grade 2 Sitedoct.org. Definition essay: Short paragraph on save water save life. https://flic.kr/p/Trp5sK save_water_save_life hoemsweethome.tumblr .... Water Saving Essay Coretan. Save Water Save Earth Essay in English Pakilminfo.com. Essay on Save Water for Children and Students Save water, Save water .... 10 Lines on Save Water in English for Kids. Essay on Save Earth for Students and Kids - 410 Words. Save water and save earth. Essay On Save Water Save Earth Free Essays .... Essay on Save Water - YouTube. Save Earth, Save Life, Save Animals Endangered: Earth Save earth .... Elocution on save earth. Essay on Save Mother Earth: 7 Selected .... Save Earth Essay Telegraph. Essay on save water save life in English save water save future .... Article :- Save water save life. - YouTube. How To Save Water Essay How To Guide. Save water save energy essay introduction. Essay How To Save Water At Home Sitedoct.org. Essay on save water save life. write me a essay Save Water Save Earth Essay Save Water Save Earth Essay. 10 Lines on Save Water in English for Kids - Your Hop
Capital Accumulation and Economic Growth in Nigeria “Endogenous Growth Approach”iosrjce
The paper adopts a simple endogenous growth model to evaluate the short and long-run impact of
Gross Fixed capital formation, human capital formation, savings and population growth rate on economic
growth in Nigeria. The Autoregressive Distributed Lag model indicates no short and long-run impact of these
variables on economic growth. Also using Pesaran Bound Test and Wald Coefficient Diagnostic Test, we found
no long-run impact of Gross Fixed capital formation, human capital formation, national saving, and population
growth rate on growth. Beside, the error term (et) is rightly signed but not significant and the speed of
adjustment towards equilibrium is very poor at 23.99percent. it is very clear that none of the independent
variables contributed greatly to the variations in the economic growth rate in both short-run and long run
because the impulse they emitted for the both periods fluctuated all through the periods under review with small
percentage impacts. For example the gross fixed capital formation produced 6.12 percent positive shocks for
the ten periods and -4.38 percent negative shocks on economic growth, while human capital formation produced
more negative shocks (-12.48)percent than positive (6.51) for the ten periods. Like-wise national savings and
population- emitted more negative impulse (-6.55, -7.72) than positive (5.89, 6.52) on growth respectively .we
recommend that government should provide an enabling environment that will encourage both domestic and
foreign investment and in addition human capital development through education and in-job training should be
encouraged
Essay For Economics. Economics Essay 5. Essay of introduction of economics B...Ashley Arrington
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Economic essay. Economic Essay | Economics - GCSE CCEA | Thinkswap. Economics essay - Discuss the impact of globalisation on an economy .... Economics essay. 10 Economics Essay Topics That Will Improve Your .... Economics Essay Writing Service | Essays-Panda.com.
Ukessays.com-Causes Effects of Water Pollution Environmental Sciences .... Essay Impact of Water Pollution | Oil Spill | Water Pollution. (DOC) Water pollution essay | Lucca Galvani - Academia.edu. Water pollution essay in english writing - YouTube. Essay on water pollution causes. Essay water pollution english / pro-golfacademy.com. Causes of Water Pollution - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. Essay on Water Pollution In English | Water Pollution Essay In English. Water Pollution Effects on Humans - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. Water Pollution - Major Problem in Our World Today - Free Essay Example .... How To Prevent Water Pollution Essay – Telegraph. Effects Of Water Pollution Short Essay | Sitedoct.org. Water Pollution Short Essay Samples - Homework for you. An Essay on Water Pollution-1300+Words - Education and Career. Water Pollution Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words. Water pollution essay for kids - Top-Quality Dissertations with .... Paragraph on Water Pollution 100, 150, 200, 250 to 300 Words for Kids .... Essays on How To Prevent Water Pollution. Free essay example about How .... Water pollution E.V.S PROJECT | Water Pollution | Water. Essay | Water Pollution | Sewage.
Good and interesting argumentative essay topics for college students .... FREE 15+ Argumentative Essay Samples in PDF | MS Word. 10 Best Ideas For Argumentative Essay Topics 2023. Business Paper: Sample argument essay. What Is an Argumentative Essay? Simple Examples To Guide You .... Argumentative Essay Outline | Argumentative essay outline, Essay ....
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African Human Mobility Review (AHMR) is an interdisciplinary journal created to encourage and facilitate the study of all aspects (i.e. socio-economic, political, legislative and developmental) of human mobility in Sub-Saharan Africa.
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and oppor.docxestefana2345678
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and opportunities; civil unrest, political uncertainty, and a pandemic. What added stressors have been caused by the changes? What helpful tips can you offer your classmates regarding managing this massive change in how we do life. Also, do you need anything? Resources are available and by posting a need here, perhaps together we can help each other connect with needed resources.
.
The thread must be a minimum of 250 words- MINIMUM OF TWO SOURCES BESI (1).docxestefana2345678
The thread must be a minimum of 250 words. MINIMUM OF TWO SOURCES BESIDES THE TEXTBOOK. Must cite at least 2 sources in addition to the Bible.
TEXTBOOK: Bennett, B. T. (2018).
Understanding, assessing, and responding to terrorism:
Protecting critical infrastructure and personnel
(2nd ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN: 9781119237785.
**AMY***
The term critical infrastructure (CI) has changed multiple times over the last twenty years; however, the general concept of what constitutes critical infrastructure has remained fairly consistent since the first formal definition was developed under the Clinton Administration in 19996 (Bennett, 2018). According to the author, since President William Clinton’s Executive Order 13010, the term and concept underwent various changes; two years after EO 13010, President Clinton signed the Presidential Decision Directive 63, which added the “cyber†to the definition of CI. After the attacks on September 11, 2001, CI was re-defined under the Bush administration per the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT) Act of 2001. Bennett noted that the Homeland Security Act of 2002 added the concept of “key resources†to the CI definition, an area of CI that is crucial to the proper functioning of the various Cis. This post will discuss what critical infrastructure means, what soft and hard targets are, define cascading effects, and what the author believes is the most important CI within the author's geographical location and why this CI was chosen.
What does critical infrastructure mean?
Critical infrastructure is a blanket term that encompasses 16/17 “systems and assets, physical or virtual, so vital to the United States that incapacity or destruction of such systems or assets would have a debilitating effect on security, national economic security, health, or safety, or combination of those matters†(Bennett, 2018, p. 41; Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency [CISA], 2020, pp. 1). As previously mentioned, the Homeland Security Act of 2002 added “key resources†to the definition of critical infrastructure; key resources are defined as the publicly or privately controlled individual resources essential to the minimal operation of the economy and government (Bennett, p. 41). According to Bennett, while key resources do not hold the same status as critical infrastructure, they are important and necessary for the production, functioning, and maintenance of various critical infrastructures. Bennett summarized critical infrastructure as the important assets we want and depend on to be available and functional when needed (p. 43).
What are soft and hard targets?
The terms soft and hard targets describe the levels of protection any given critical infrastructure asset or location has. Protection includes physical security and countermeasures in place for any potential attack or natural d.
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Similar to Chapter Title- Theoretical Overview Book Title- Immigrant America Boo.docx (20)
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and oppor.docxestefana2345678
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and opportunities; civil unrest, political uncertainty, and a pandemic. What added stressors have been caused by the changes? What helpful tips can you offer your classmates regarding managing this massive change in how we do life. Also, do you need anything? Resources are available and by posting a need here, perhaps together we can help each other connect with needed resources.
.
The thread must be a minimum of 250 words- MINIMUM OF TWO SOURCES BESI (1).docxestefana2345678
The thread must be a minimum of 250 words. MINIMUM OF TWO SOURCES BESIDES THE TEXTBOOK. Must cite at least 2 sources in addition to the Bible.
TEXTBOOK: Bennett, B. T. (2018).
Understanding, assessing, and responding to terrorism:
Protecting critical infrastructure and personnel
(2nd ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN: 9781119237785.
**AMY***
The term critical infrastructure (CI) has changed multiple times over the last twenty years; however, the general concept of what constitutes critical infrastructure has remained fairly consistent since the first formal definition was developed under the Clinton Administration in 19996 (Bennett, 2018). According to the author, since President William Clinton’s Executive Order 13010, the term and concept underwent various changes; two years after EO 13010, President Clinton signed the Presidential Decision Directive 63, which added the “cyber†to the definition of CI. After the attacks on September 11, 2001, CI was re-defined under the Bush administration per the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT) Act of 2001. Bennett noted that the Homeland Security Act of 2002 added the concept of “key resources†to the CI definition, an area of CI that is crucial to the proper functioning of the various Cis. This post will discuss what critical infrastructure means, what soft and hard targets are, define cascading effects, and what the author believes is the most important CI within the author's geographical location and why this CI was chosen.
What does critical infrastructure mean?
Critical infrastructure is a blanket term that encompasses 16/17 “systems and assets, physical or virtual, so vital to the United States that incapacity or destruction of such systems or assets would have a debilitating effect on security, national economic security, health, or safety, or combination of those matters†(Bennett, 2018, p. 41; Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency [CISA], 2020, pp. 1). As previously mentioned, the Homeland Security Act of 2002 added “key resources†to the definition of critical infrastructure; key resources are defined as the publicly or privately controlled individual resources essential to the minimal operation of the economy and government (Bennett, p. 41). According to Bennett, while key resources do not hold the same status as critical infrastructure, they are important and necessary for the production, functioning, and maintenance of various critical infrastructures. Bennett summarized critical infrastructure as the important assets we want and depend on to be available and functional when needed (p. 43).
What are soft and hard targets?
The terms soft and hard targets describe the levels of protection any given critical infrastructure asset or location has. Protection includes physical security and countermeasures in place for any potential attack or natural d.
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and oppor (1).docxestefana2345678
These past two years have brought us some serious challenges and opportunities; civil unrest, political uncertainty, and a pandemic. What added stressors have been caused by the changes? What helpful tips can you offer your classmates regarding managing this massive change in how we do life. Also, do you need anything? Resources are available and by posting a need here, perhaps together we can help each other connect with needed resources.
.
The objects of action and perceptionMelvyn A- Goodale-- G- Keith Humph.docxestefana2345678
The objects of action and perception
Melvyn A. Goodale*, G. Keith Humphrey
Department of Psychology, University of Western Ontario, London, ON N6A 5C2, Canada
Abstract
Two major functions of the visual system are discussed and contrasted. One function of vision is the creation of an internal model or percept of the external world. Most research in object perception has concentrated on this aspect of vision. Vision also guides the control of object-directed action. In the latter case, vision directs our actions with respect to the world by transforming visual inputs into appropriate motor outputs. We argue that separate, but inter- active, visual systems have evolved for the perception of objects on the one hand and the control of actions directed at those objects on the other. This ‘duplex’ approach to high-level vision suggests that Marrian or ‘reconstructive’ approaches and Gibsonian or ‘purposive- animate-behaviorist’ approaches need not be seen as mutually exclusive, but rather as com- plementary in their emphases on different aspects of visual function. 1998 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved
Keywords:Vision; Action; Perception
1. Introduction
It is a common assertion that the fundamental task of vision is to construct a representation of the three-dimensional layout of the world and the objects and events within it. But such an assertion begs at least two fundamental and interrelated questions. First, what is vision? Second, what is the nature of the representation that vision delivers? These questions, which are central to the entire research enterprise in understanding human vision, form the framework for the present paper. In attempting to answer these questions, we will contrast what we believe are two major functions of the visual system. One function of vision is the creation of an internal model or percept of the external world – a model that can be used in the
0010-0277/98/$19.00ï›™ 1998 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved PII S0010-0277(98)00017-1
C O G N I T I O N
Cognition 67 (1998) 181–207
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 519 6612070; fax: +1 519 6613961; e-mail:
recognition of objects and understanding their interrelations. Most research in object vision has concentrated on this function (witness the current volume). There is another function of vision, however, which is concerned not with object recognition, but with object-directed action. In this case, vision guides our actions with respect to the world by transforming visual inputs into appropriate motor outputs. We will suggest that separate, but interacting, visual systems have evolved for the perception of objects on the one hand and the control of actions directed at those objects on the other. This ‘duplex’ approach to high-level vision suggests that Marrian or ‘recon- structive’ approaches and Gibsonian or ‘purposive-animate-behaviorist’ approaches need not be mutually exclusive and may be actually complementary.
2. What.
Required-The Week 3 Discussion consists of two topic- (1-) What are th.docxestefana2345678
Required:
The Week 3 Discussion consists of two topic.
(1.) What are the differences between cash and accrual basis accounting? Provide an example of each.
(2.) Accrual accounting requires adjusting entries. Provide an example of an adjusting entry.
e sure to NOT USE non-credible sources such as dictionaries, wikipedia, investopedia, accountingtools, accountingcoach and blogs.
MUST CITE WITHIN THE post. Please do NOT USE FIRST PERSON> NO BIG, LONG PARAGRAPHS.
250 word minimum
.
Quantitative research Qualitative researchFocus on testing hypotheses.docxestefana2345678
Quantitative research Qualitative research
Focus on testing hypotheses and theories. Focus on exploring ideas formulating a theory or hypothesis.
Requires many respondents. Requires few respondents.
Closed questions. Open-ended questions.
Quantitative is a good fit for my study. My research question is " Does foster kids have higher risk of homelessness compared to youth who were never placed out of home by child welfare? The reason why Quantitative fit my study because I will be able test the theory if foster children is more at risk of becoming homeless if they removed from their home. With quantitative research you to analyze a survey with multiple choice questions that is distributed to a sample. This could be done online, in person, or over phone. I could also experiment the situation. Situation in which different types of variables are controlled and manipulated to establish cause and effect relationships. I could observed the subject in a natural environment where variables can not be controlled.
The way how I will make sure my approach will be culturally sensitive by understanding how cultural differences may affect and influence individuals when forming their unique personalities, perceptions, and their interaction to others.
Reference
Yegidis, B. L., Weinbach, R. W., & Myers, L. L. (2018).
Research methods for social workers
(8th ed.). Pearson. Chapter 6: Qualitative Research (pp. 126–145)
Casado, B. L., Negi, N. J., & Hong, M. (2012). Culturally competent social work research: Methodological considerations for research with language minorities
Social Work
, 57(1), 1–10.
Respond
to two colleagues by providing constructive feedback on their choice of methodological approach. Would a different approach be more appropriate or effective in answering the research question? Why or why not?
.
Paper OneLength- 1000- 1200 words- 3-5-4 pages- exclusive of the Work.docxestefana2345678
Paper One
Length : 1000- 1200 words/ 3.5-4 pages, exclusive of the Work Cited page
For your first paper, you’ll be analyzing impediments to your own critical thinking and how they shaped your decision making in a specific decision in your life.
First, think back to a decision you’ve made that you either now see as a bad decision or that you’re still not fully sure you thought through critically. It doesn’t have to be a super-personal decision (why did I date that girl for so long in high school?), and it can even be a decision that’s had a good outcome (why did I choose this university?), as long as you can express how you didn’t really think critically about it at the time .
Elements of Reasoning : For prewriting purposes, go around the circle of elements with this decision as you made it then , paying close attention to who you were when you made it (your Point of View). You’ll want to use these notes as you describe your decision-making process and put any elements of reasoning in bold in your paper. Plan to use between 3-5 elements of reasoning in your paper.
Impediments : Finally, think about what types of impediments got in your way as you made this decision. Develop paragraphs in your paper around these impediments and put them in bold type in your paper as well. Your thesis statement should say something about how the impediments that blocked your critical thinking interacted with the elements of reasoning to keep you from using them effectively.
Because all papers in CRTW must include documented material, make sure you quote Nosich at least once when talking about at least one impediment that hindered your critical thinking. You'll then need to give the page number in MLA format in your paper and create a Works Cited page with Nosich's book on it at the end of your paper.
Hints:
1. Don’t be afraid to use the first person “I.†This is a paper about you and your thinking.
2. You can tell this as a story if you’d like, so long as it’s clear that you’re analyzing your own thinking and which impediments and elements of reasoning were (or weren’t) involved.
3. Whether you tell this as a story or write it as a more formal academic paper, your introduction should give some context to your decision: when was it, what was it, and why did you need to make it?
4. In your conclusion, rather than repeating what you’ve already said in the introduction and body of the paper, please try to reflect on what you’ve learned from analyzing this decision and/or making the decision in the first place. What might you do differently in the future? How might you approach the same impediment(s) if you feel them creeping into your thought process in future decisions?
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CAPELLA UNIVERSITY
Tele Psych Staff Training Session
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Middle-range theories can be traced back to the mid-1900s in the works.docxestefana2345678
Middle-range theories can be traced back to the mid-1900s in the works of sociologist Robert K. Merton. Its main approach entailed combining concept and also empirical study. Registered nurses initially did not have a reasoning for evaluating middle-range concepts and relied on customs, beliefs, and expert rules in their technique. The method restricted development in the medical care occupation, and the American Nurses Organization advocated for academic designs beginning in 1965, which resulted in advancements in nursing theories. Nevertheless, registered nurses had developed concepts before the American Nurses Organization supported their extensive usage in nursing. For example, Florence Nightingale established the Environmental Concept in 1860 that linked healing with a client's atmosphere (Ribeiro et al., 2018). Likewise, Virginia Henderson developed the Nursing Demands Theory in 1955, which described 14 patient requirements (Ribeiro et al., 2018). Theories in the first stages matched the nursing metaparadigm of nursing, health and wellness, environment, and person. Further research study by nursing theorists has produced various concepts that we can evaluate and also use in modern method.
Assessing middle-range theories counts on inner as well as exterior objection to identify their integrity (Lee & Vincent, 2021). Interior criticism focuses on exactly how independent parts of the concept sync to form the theory's internal building and construction. Inner objection includes clearness, sensible advancement, competence, consistency, and also degree of theory advancement. As an example, quality describes just how the visitor comprehends the theoretical idea, whereas logical development takes a look at the coherency of the arguments that create the theory (Khoshnood et al., 2020). Additionally, competence connects to how concepts can be put on different nursing settings, and consistency needs harmony in analysis, concepts, and definitions of significant components (Khoshnood et al., 2020). Lastly, the level of development gauges a theory's development level based upon the suggestions, ideas, abstraction from fact, as well as application to technique (Khoshnood et al., 2020). Historians or nursing theorists use all five inner criticism elements to examine a middle-range concept's integrity.
Outside criticism, on the other hand, focuses on the concepts' partnership and also their communication with the sources of information that guide a theory. Exterior objection assesses energy, relevance, range, materialism, fact convergence, discrimination, and merging (Khoshnood et al., 2020). Philosophers consider energy to develop the applicability of a concept in practice as well as its value to identify if it resolves essential concerns influencing nursing technique. Moreover, they use the range to determine the variety of subjects protected and also materialism to figure out whether a concept can attend to comfort needs (Khoshnood et al., 2020)..
NURS 320- Module 2- Rural Dwellers This module introduces some comm.docxestefana2345678
NURS 320: Module 2: Rural Dwellers This module introduces some common characteristics of rural dwellers as they relate to healthcare. It is very important to remember that rural dwellers are not all the same! Yet it is important to appreciate some characteristics that may be more prevalent in rural areas so care can be adapted to meet unique needs and preferences. Module Objectives:  1) Consider approaches nurses should take in adapting care to meet the needs of unique individuals. 2) Explore the significance of the Symptom- Action - Timeline Process as it relates to rural dwellers. 4) Choose approaches that would facilitate positive outcomes when caring for those who delay care. 5) Appraise factors that contribute to the use of complementary and alternative approaches to care in rural dwellers. Assigned readings: Buehler, J.A., Malone, M., Mjerus-Wegerhoff, J.M. (2013). Patterns of Responses to Symptoms in Rural Residents: The Symptom-Action-Timeline Process. In C.A. Winters (Ed.), Rural nursing: Concepts,theory, and practice (pp. 131 - 139). New York: Springer.  This is chapter nine in the online text Rural nursing: Concepts, theory and practice. http://ssuproxy.mnpals.net/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=e680sw w&AN=547705&scope=site National Council of State Boards of Nursing (2018). A nurse's guide to professional boundaries. https://www.ncsbn.org/ProfessionalBoundaries_Complete.pdf Shreffler-Grant, J.M., Nichols, E., Weinert, C., & Ide, B. (2013). Complementary Therapy and Health Literacy in rural Dwellers. In C.A. Winters (Ed.), Rural nursing: Concepts, theory, and practice (pp.205 - 214). New York: Springer. This is chapter 13 in the online text Rural nursing: Concepts, theory and practice. http://ssuproxy.mnpals.net/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=e680sw w&AN=547705&scope=site Swan, M. A., & Hobbs, B. B. (2021). Lack of Anonymity and Secondary Traumatic Stress in Rural Nurses. Online Journal of Rural Nursing & Health Care, 21(1), 183–201. https://ssuproxy.mnpals.net/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ccm& AN=150428679&scope=site Key Points
• Since rural dwellers have different definitions of health, it is important that healthcare professionals respect values and approach care from the client’s unique perspective.
• It is important to remember that rural dwellers and rural communities are not all alike. There is much diversity (client, family, nurse, and healthcare system) in rural areas.
• It is not uncommon for rural dwellers to delay seeking professional healthcare for a variety of reasons.
• It is important that healthcare professionals are sensitive to issues surrounding the healthcare experience of rural dwellers.
• The Symptom-Action-Timeline (SATL) process is explored in relationship to rural dwellers.
• Chronic illness impacts many. It is not uncommon for rural and urban dwellers experience an.
Microaggressions create an environment of marginalization- exclusion-.docxestefana2345678
Microaggressions create an environment of marginalization, exclusion, and disrespect, leading to anxiety, depression, and low self-esteem. They can further create an environment of distrust, fear, and hostility which can impede communication and collaboration between individuals. For example, Alex and Coach depict how a series of microaggressions can lead to alienation, frustration, and a lack of self-esteem (Walden University, 2021). The video highlights how microaggressions can lead to feeling misunderstood and lacking belonging (Walden University, 2021). As a social worker, I would respond by listening to their stories, validating their feelings, and offering support. I would help the student identify strategies to cope with the microaggressions they are experiencing, such as utilizing self-care activities, connecting with a support system, and seeking counseling. In the video, I demonstrated several practice skills, such as active listening, empathy, a non-judgmental attitude, and cultural humility. I used reflective listening to demonstrate my understanding of the student's experiences and feelings.
The potential impacts of ethnic and racial microaggressions on adolescent psychological development can be far-reaching and long-lasting (Walden University, 2021). Such experiences can create shame, guilt, and anger, leading to depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. They can lead to feelings of isolation and marginalization, leading to an increased risk of engaging in high-risk behaviors such as substance use. Additionally, microaggressions can leave adolescents feeling disconnected from their cultural and racial identities, resulting in a lack of cultural competency and pride.
As a social worker, I would create an open dialogue where the student can share their experiences and feelings in a safe and non-judgmental space. This would allow the student to gain insight into their feelings and help to create an action plan to address the negative impacts of microaggressions (Walden University, 2021). A key part of this process would be to utilize the values and ethics of the profession. This includes ensuring the student's rights to self-determination, confidentiality, and respect. Additionally, I would provide the student with resources and tools to help them effectively manage and cope with the negative impacts of microaggressions.
Respond
to two colleagues by providing constructive feedback on their choice of methodological approach. Would a different approach be more appropriate or effective in answering the research question? Why or why not?
.
leadership resourceTen steps to carrying out a SWOT analysisChris Pear.docxestefana2345678
leadership resource
Ten steps to carrying out a SWOT analysis Chris Pearce offers a guide to help nursing leaders analyse their aotivities
A SWOT ANALYSIS is an effecrive way of identifying your strengths
and weaknesses, and of examining the opportunities and threats you
face. Carrying out an analysis using the SWOT framework will help
you and your team focus your activities on where you are strongest,
and where your greatest opportunities lie,
7 C0NSIDERTHE USES OF SWOT
This technique can be used in various situations includ-
ing business planning, team building and away days, as
well as when you review the work of your team, during change man-
agement processes and even in your personal career planning.
2 PREPARETHE GROUND
Draw a box on a flip chart or whiteboard, or even a
piece of paper, and divide it into four equal sections.
Each section should be labelled as follows: Strengths, Weaknesses,
Opportunities and Threats,
3 CONSIDER YOUR STRENGTHS
On your own, or with your group or team, decide what
your strengths are, what you do well and what other
people see as your strengths. Consider this from both your own point
of view and from the perspectives of the people with whom you work,
lie realistic, not modest. If you have difficulty with this, try listing your
characteristics. Some of these will probably be strengths.
4 CONSIDER YOUR WEAKNESSES
Ask yourself questions about, for example, what you
could improve about yourself, what you do badly or
what you should avoid. Consider these questions from different
points of view, as other people may perceive weaknesses in you that
you do not see. It is best to be realistic now, and to face unpleasant
truths about yourself as soon as possible.
5 CONSIDER YOUR OPPORTUNITIES
What opportunities are before you? Of what interest-
ing trends are you aware? Useful opportunities can arise
from changes in technology, government policy and social pattems,
or from within your organisation.
6 CONSIDERTHE THREATS
What obstacles confront you? Are the specifications of
your job, or the service you provide, changing? Is chang-
ing technology threatening your position?
7 USE INFORMATION: INTERNAL FACTORS
Strengths and weaknesses are intemal faaors. Once you
have gathered information on your strengths and weak-
nesses, and the opportunities and threats tbat you face, ask yourself
first how you can capitalise on your strengths and make greater use of
them in work situations. Strengths are the basis on whicb success can
be built, so include your strengths into your plans. But also analyse
your weaknesses and consider how you can remedy them. Draw up
an action plan based on this information,
8 USE INFORMATION; EXTERNAL FACTORS
Opportunities and threats are extemal factors. Opportun-
ities should be sought, recognised and grasped as they
arise, while threats must be acknowledged and steps must be taken
to deal with them.
9 USE SWOT IN CAREER PLANNING
You can construct your own SWOT analysis to help you
with your career .
leadership resourceTen steps to carrying out a SWOT analysisChris Pear (1).docxestefana2345678
leadership resource
Ten steps to carrying out a SWOT analysis Chris Pearce offers a guide to help nursing leaders analyse their aotivities
A SWOT ANALYSIS is an effecrive way of identifying your strengths
and weaknesses, and of examining the opportunities and threats you
face. Carrying out an analysis using the SWOT framework will help
you and your team focus your activities on where you are strongest,
and where your greatest opportunities lie,
7 C0NSIDERTHE USES OF SWOT
This technique can be used in various situations includ-
ing business planning, team building and away days, as
well as when you review the work of your team, during change man-
agement processes and even in your personal career planning.
2 PREPARETHE GROUND
Draw a box on a flip chart or whiteboard, or even a
piece of paper, and divide it into four equal sections.
Each section should be labelled as follows: Strengths, Weaknesses,
Opportunities and Threats,
3 CONSIDER YOUR STRENGTHS
On your own, or with your group or team, decide what
your strengths are, what you do well and what other
people see as your strengths. Consider this from both your own point
of view and from the perspectives of the people with whom you work,
lie realistic, not modest. If you have difficulty with this, try listing your
characteristics. Some of these will probably be strengths.
4 CONSIDER YOUR WEAKNESSES
Ask yourself questions about, for example, what you
could improve about yourself, what you do badly or
what you should avoid. Consider these questions from different
points of view, as other people may perceive weaknesses in you that
you do not see. It is best to be realistic now, and to face unpleasant
truths about yourself as soon as possible.
5 CONSIDER YOUR OPPORTUNITIES
What opportunities are before you? Of what interest-
ing trends are you aware? Useful opportunities can arise
from changes in technology, government policy and social pattems,
or from within your organisation.
6 CONSIDERTHE THREATS
What obstacles confront you? Are the specifications of
your job, or the service you provide, changing? Is chang-
ing technology threatening your position?
7 USE INFORMATION: INTERNAL FACTORS
Strengths and weaknesses are intemal faaors. Once you
have gathered information on your strengths and weak-
nesses, and the opportunities and threats tbat you face, ask yourself
first how you can capitalise on your strengths and make greater use of
them in work situations. Strengths are the basis on whicb success can
be built, so include your strengths into your plans. But also analyse
your weaknesses and consider how you can remedy them. Draw up
an action plan based on this information,
8 USE INFORMATION; EXTERNAL FACTORS
Opportunities and threats are extemal factors. Opportun-
ities should be sought, recognised and grasped as they
arise, while threats must be acknowledged and steps must be taken
to deal with them.
9 USE SWOT IN CAREER PLANNING
You can construct your own SWOT analysis to help you
with your career .
In 2016- PresidentObama replaced abstinence-only programs with age-app.docxestefana2345678
In 2016, President Obama replaced abstinence-only programs with age-appropriate, evidence-based education that addresses life skills to help teens make responsible decisions that lead to safe and healthy lives. Many have argued that sexuality education should be the responsibility of parents and clergy and that schools should not be involved. However, parents and clergy have rebutted that they lack the proper information to disseminate to the kids and oftentimes cite a lack of proper information and embarrassment or acknowledgment of teen sexuality. Sexuality education is a lifelong process and it requires a multifaceted approach, it is a team effort.
.
During a recent presidential election there was an individual vying fo.docxestefana2345678
During a recent presidential election there was an individual vying for the democratic nomination who believed in universal basic income. His name is Andrew Yang. While it might seem far fetched to some, universal basic income has been researched for over 50 years and various public and private entities have conducted their own experiments with this idea.
For the purposes of this assignment, students will research a universal basic income experiment in the United States; currently being implemented or historic. Students will discuss the experiment, utilizing their knowledge of liberal, conservative and progressive perspectives to help identify, discuss, and explain the pros and cons of the experiment. Students will identify the outcomes of the experiment. Students will also discuss if they believe the experiment could or could not be implemented within their own community. It is expected that students will identify and discuss the prevailing perspectives within their community and explain how these perspectives informed their decision.
Responses should be a minimum of two-pages double spaced, written in MS Word, 12-point font, with proper grammar and editing. Responses will be evaluated on content as well as writing style so ensure a thorough, grammatically correct response. Responses will be submitted through Turnitin.
.
In Chapter 4- Global Communication and Diversity- cultural intelligenc.docxestefana2345678
In Chapter 4, Global Communication and Diversity, cultural intelligence is described as important for global businesses to develop and be successful beyond borders.
Assignment 1 is an article review of global communication. Read a magazine article about a global business that includes issues about cross-cultural differences. Use the following online sources for an article:
BloombergLinks to an external site.
Time MagazineLinks to an external site.
After reading an article about global business, address the following:
Article information
: article name, source, date/edition, pages, web address
Summary:
a short summary of the article (one half-page)
Cultural lessons:
one paragraph that describes one or two aspects of culture that are illustrated by the article
Grading Rubric:
Followed APA format appropriately. Provided at least three (3) scholarly citations from one article. Article information provided.
Contained the appropriate article topic and background based on the chosen news/articles. Provided an excellent introduction.
Provided a well-written and thoughtful conclusion.
Provided excellent content and demonstrated an understanding and analysis of global and cross-cultural differences. Emphasized the importance of recognizing global and cross-cultural differences. The paper was within one to two pages in length.
.
What do you see as the most important dynamics that shape the operatio.docxestefana2345678
What do you see as the most important dynamics that shape the operation and interaction of the institutions covered in the Key Policy Players section, Part II, of George and Rishikof? In your opinion, is there a hierarchy among these institutions and if so, how does it function and why does it exist?
.
Topic - Disease of the Aorta-The research report should be typed and d.docxestefana2345678
Topic - Disease of the Aorta.
The research report should be typed and double-spaced. Include a page header at the top of every page which includes your paper title and page numbers. List cited sources on a separate page called References (centered at the top of the page),
•double spaced
•hanging indent
•sort references alphabetically by the last name of the first author.
.
Using any song of your choice- do a line-by line annotation of the son.docxestefana2345678
Using any song of your choice, do a line-by line annotation of the song, formulate a thesis of the song, and use it to develop the summary of the song.
N/B Annotations includes:
1. Two synthesis statements and questions about the song
2. Five instances of notable languages in the song
3. One paraphrase and 2 statements of epiphany
4. Two quotations you may potentially use from the song and clarification of a specific, complicated term or phrase used by the singer.
Length: Two pages, no reference needed
.
As a child- Erik Salomonsen had many questions but few answers about h.docxestefana2345678
As a child, Erik Salomonsen had many questions but few answers about his biological father. He knew who his mother was—a beautiful Jewish Dane whose family tried hard to appear Danish rather than Jewish. But who was his father?Born into a single-parent family, the young boy held three separate beliefs regarding his origins. At first, he believed that his mother’s husband, a physician named Theodor Homburger, was his biological father. However, as Erik matured, he began to realize that this was incorrect because his blond hair and blue eyes did not match the dark features of either parent. He pressed his mother for an explanation, but she lied to him and said that a man named Valdemar Salomonsen—her first husband—was his biological father and that he abandoned her after she became pregnant with Erik. However, Erik didn’t quite believe this second story either because he learned that Salomonsen had left his mother 4 years before Erik was born. Finally, Erik chose to believe that he was the outcome of a sexual liaison between his mother and an artistically gifted aristocratic Dane. For nearly the remainder of his life, Erik believed this third story. Nevertheless, he continued to search for his own identity while seeking the name of his biological father.During his school days, Erik’s Scandinavian features contributed to his identity confusion. When he attended temple, his blue eyes and blond hair made him appear to be an outsider. At public school, his Aryan classmates referred to him as a Jew, so Erik felt out of place in both arenas. Throughout his life, he had difficulty accepting himself as either a Jew or a Gentile.When his mother died, Erik, then 58 years old, feared he would never know the identity of his biological father. But he persevered in his search. Finally, more than 30 years later and as his mind and body began to deteriorate, Erik lost interest in learning his father’s name. However, he continued to show some identity confusion. For example, he spoke mostly in German—the language of his youth—and rarely spoke in English, his primary language for more than 60 years. In addition, he retained a long-held affinity for Denmark and the Danish people and took perverted pride in displaying the flag of Denmark, a country in which he never lived.Overview of Post-Freudian TheoryThe person we introduced in the opening vignette, of course, was Erik Erikson, the person who coined the term identity crisis. Erikson had no college degree of any kind, but this lack of formal training did not prevent him from gaining world fame in an impressive variety of fields including psychoanalysis, anthropology, psychohistory, and education.Unlike earlier psychodynamic theorists who severed nearly all ties to Freudian psychoanalysis, Erikson intended his theory of personality to extend rather than repudiate Freud’s assumptions and to offer a new “way of looking at things†(Erikson, 1963, p. 403). His post-Freudian theory extended Fre.
The Roman Empire A Historical Colossus.pdfkaushalkr1407
The Roman Empire, a vast and enduring power, stands as one of history's most remarkable civilizations, leaving an indelible imprint on the world. It emerged from the Roman Republic, transitioning into an imperial powerhouse under the leadership of Augustus Caesar in 27 BCE. This transformation marked the beginning of an era defined by unprecedented territorial expansion, architectural marvels, and profound cultural influence.
The empire's roots lie in the city of Rome, founded, according to legend, by Romulus in 753 BCE. Over centuries, Rome evolved from a small settlement to a formidable republic, characterized by a complex political system with elected officials and checks on power. However, internal strife, class conflicts, and military ambitions paved the way for the end of the Republic. Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and subsequent assassination in 44 BCE created a power vacuum, leading to a civil war. Octavian, later Augustus, emerged victorious, heralding the Roman Empire’s birth.
Under Augustus, the empire experienced the Pax Romana, a 200-year period of relative peace and stability. Augustus reformed the military, established efficient administrative systems, and initiated grand construction projects. The empire's borders expanded, encompassing territories from Britain to Egypt and from Spain to the Euphrates. Roman legions, renowned for their discipline and engineering prowess, secured and maintained these vast territories, building roads, fortifications, and cities that facilitated control and integration.
The Roman Empire’s society was hierarchical, with a rigid class system. At the top were the patricians, wealthy elites who held significant political power. Below them were the plebeians, free citizens with limited political influence, and the vast numbers of slaves who formed the backbone of the economy. The family unit was central, governed by the paterfamilias, the male head who held absolute authority.
Culturally, the Romans were eclectic, absorbing and adapting elements from the civilizations they encountered, particularly the Greeks. Roman art, literature, and philosophy reflected this synthesis, creating a rich cultural tapestry. Latin, the Roman language, became the lingua franca of the Western world, influencing numerous modern languages.
Roman architecture and engineering achievements were monumental. They perfected the arch, vault, and dome, constructing enduring structures like the Colosseum, Pantheon, and aqueducts. These engineering marvels not only showcased Roman ingenuity but also served practical purposes, from public entertainment to water supply.
Biological screening of herbal drugs: Introduction and Need for
Phyto-Pharmacological Screening, New Strategies for evaluating
Natural Products, In vitro evaluation techniques for Antioxidants, Antimicrobial and Anticancer drugs. In vivo evaluation techniques
for Anti-inflammatory, Antiulcer, Anticancer, Wound healing, Antidiabetic, Hepatoprotective, Cardio protective, Diuretics and
Antifertility, Toxicity studies as per OECD guidelines
Welcome to TechSoup New Member Orientation and Q&A (May 2024).pdfTechSoup
In this webinar you will learn how your organization can access TechSoup's wide variety of product discount and donation programs. From hardware to software, we'll give you a tour of the tools available to help your nonprofit with productivity, collaboration, financial management, donor tracking, security, and more.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Honest Reviews of Tim Han LMA Course Program.pptxtimhan337
Personal development courses are widely available today, with each one promising life-changing outcomes. Tim Han’s Life Mastery Achievers (LMA) Course has drawn a lot of interest. In addition to offering my frank assessment of Success Insider’s LMA Course, this piece examines the course’s effects via a variety of Tim Han LMA course reviews and Success Insider comments.
2. Chapter 2
Theoretical Overview
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Theoretical Overview | 49
These theories of migration also emphasize the gap in wage incen- tives between sending and
receiving regions. The notion of unlimited supplies of labor, employed in analyses of both
internal and interna- tional migrations, is based on the existence of a permanent large differ-
ential in favor of receiving areas. A well-known study of international migration notes, for
example, that “unlimited supply,― demonstrated by the ease with which new labor flows
are initiated when older ones are cut off, is attributed to vast income advantages of advanced
countries over peripheral ones.3 The existence of an unlimited labor supply sug- gests that the
initiation of migrant flows depends almost exclusively on labor demand in receiving areas. When
such demand exists, migration takes place. Thus, these theories shift emphasis from
“push― factors to the “pull― exercised by receiving economies.
This position is a common one among analysts of immigration to the United States. In a study
published in 1926, H. Jerome declared that “the ‘pull’ was stronger than the
‘push’ since the size of the flow was almost always governed by labor conditions in the
United States.―4 The same position was taken by Brinley Thomas in his study of transatlan-
tic migration. For Thomas overseas migration from Europe in the nine- teenth century was
accompanied by substantial flows of capital in the same direction. A positive lagged correlation
existed between the two movements: capital investments in North America gave rise to labor
demand, which in turn stimulated migration from the old countries.5
Several problems exist with these theories. Lists of push-and-pull fac- tors are drawn almost
invariably post-factum to explain existing flows. Seldom are they used to predict the beginnings
of such movements. The limitations of these theories boil down, ultimately, to their inability to
explain why sizable migrations occur from certain countries and regions whereas others in
similar or even worse conditions fail to generate them. Studies of undocumented labor migration
from Mexico to the United States indicate, for example, that the bulk of this flow originated,
until recently, in a few Mexican states that are neither the most impoverished nor necessarily the
closest to the U.S. border. Mexican immigrants also come from the urban working class rather
than from the most impov- erished sectors of the peasantry, where the gap with U.S. wages is
pre- sumably largest.6
Similarly, analyses of professional emigration from Third World countries reveal that
differentials of advantage measured in either eco- nomic or social terms are poor predictors of
the origins of such flows. Professional migration tends to originate in mid-income countries
rather
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50 | Theoretical Overview
than the poorest ones, where wage differentials are greatest. In addi- tion, only a minority of
professionals actually emigrate from the send- ing countries, a fact that the theory cannot
successfully explain since all such individuals are presumably subject to the same “push―
pressures.7
Modern history is replete with instances in which the “pull― of higher wages has failed to
attract migration from less developed regions. When labor has been needed, it has had to be
coerced out of such places, as in the forced employment of native peoples from Africa and the
Americas in mines and plantations. The failure of push-pull theories to explain migration flows
adequately has led some scholars to propose an alterna- tive interpretation, based on deliberate
labor recruitment, according to which differentials of advantage between sending and receiving
regions determine only the potentiality for migration. Actual flows begin with planned
recruitment by the labor-scarce (and generally more advanced) country. Recruiters inform
prospective migrants of the opportunities and advantages to be gained by the movement and
facilitate it by pro- viding free transportation and other inducements.
Thus, the vaunted “pull― of American wages had to be actualized in the early years of
European migration by organized recruitment. In the 1820s and 1830s, American migration
agents were sent to Ireland and the Continent to apprise people of “the better meals and higher
wages― available for work in the Hudson and other canal companies.8 Similarly, labor
migration from Mexico, later attributed to the vast wage differences between that country and the
United States, was ini- tiated by recruiters sent by railroad companies into the interior of the
country. Studies of Puerto Rican migration to New England also indi- cate that this apparently
spontaneous flow started with the recruiting activities of large manufacturing concerns among
the rural population of the islands.9
Macro- and Microeconomic Theories
Closely related to push-pull theories are those proposed by orthodox economists who analyze
migration as an equilibrium-restoring mecha- nism between labor-abundant but capital-poor
countries and regions and those in the opposite situation. As famously proposed by Sir Arthur
Lewis, areas where the marginal productivity of workers is near zero benefit from out-migration
to areas where they can find gainful employ- ment. The flow is expected to continue until wage
rates in sending regions rise to a level comparable to receiving ones, at which point it
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4. Theoretical Overview | 51
ceases.10 Flows of both unskilled labor and highly skilled professionals follow the same
equilibrium-restoring logic. The theory focuses exclu- sively on labor-market imbalances and
does not address politically induced refugee flows.
Paralleling this macroeconomic approach, there is a microtheory of individual decision making
based on cost-benefit analysis. According to it, individuals move to places where they can
maximize returns on their human capital, adjusted for the costs of the journey.11 Borjas elabo-
rated a detailed model of this kind where “expected earnings― at places of destination,
computed as those corresponding to the actor’s skills multiplied by the probability of
employment there, are subtracted from expected earnings at home plus the costs of the journey.
If the balance is positive for some defined period, the rational actor migrates; if not, he or she
stays.12
Economic theories suffer from the same empirical shortcomings as push-pull ones, namely, that
countries and regions in the less developed world featuring comparable levels of
underemployment and poverty produce very different migration streams. Some are sources of
sizable flows while, in others, the population stays put. Since all such areas are subject to the
same equilibrium-restoring pressures, the theory leaves unexplained why these empirical
differences exist. Similarly, at the indi- vidual level it is unclear why rational actors subject to the
same cost- benefit calculations in a potential migrant population exhibit differ- ent behavior.
Some leave, but many others do not. Only a minority of Global South professionals and highly
skilled workers actually become migrants, despite all being subjected to the same, presumably
decisive, migration pressures.13
World-System and Dependency Theories
At the opposite end of the ideological continuum are a set of struc- tural theories that view
migration flows as a reflection of the ever-grow- ing articulation of the global capitalist economy
and its changing labor needs. From this perspective the central difficulty with push-pull, econ-
omistic, and labor-recruitment theories is not that they fail to identify important forces but that
they do not take into account the changing his- torical context in which they operate. For each of
these theories migra- tion occurs between two distinct, autonomous social units: that which
expels labor and that which receives it. The possibility that such flows may actually be internal
to a broader system to which both units belong
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52 | Theoretical Overview
5. is not contemplated. An alternative conceptualization of the origins of migration requires a grasp
of the character of this changing global sys- tem and of the mode of incorporation of different
areas into it.
A point of departure for this alternative approach is the fairly obvi- ous observation that the pull
of high wages has meant nothing in areas external to the international capitalist economy, since
such areas have possessed their own internal economic logic and integration. Hence, when
dominant countries wanted to put the population of these outly- ing regions to work in mines or
plantations, force, not economic incen- tives, had to be used. Labor recruitment worked only
when the tar- get population was sufficiently integrated into the capitalist system to apprehend
the significance of the inducements offered in relation to their economic conditions.
More recently, networks of trade and information across the world, the homogenization of
culture, and the extension of consumption expec- tations even to remote areas have resulted in
the “inexhaustible supplies of labor― described in the economic literature. Countries at the
center of the system are today in the enviable position of requiring neither force nor recruitment
efforts to meet labor demands but simply regulat- ing a permanently available supply at their
doorstep. The gradual artic- ulation of an international economic system has resulted in changing
forces underlying labor migrations. The effects of this articulation on such flows have not been
limited to the diffusion of new life standards and expectations. More generally, the penetration of
peripheral regions by capitalist firms has produced imbalances in those regions’ internal
social and economic structures. Though first induced from the out- side, such imbalances
become internal to the incorporated societies and lead in time to migratory pressures. As Massey
et al. put it: “In essence, world-systems theory argues that the penetration of capitalist
economic relations into non-capitalist and pre-capitalist societies creates a mobile population that
is prone to migrate. . . . International migration emerges as a natural outgrowth of disruptions and
dislocations that inevitably occur in the process of capitalist development.―14
Hence the pull from advanced economies is based not primarily on invidious comparisons of
advantage with the outside world but on the solution that migration represents to otherwise
insoluble problems internal to the sending countries. Studies of both manual laborer and
professional flows indicate that immigrants leave their countries not merely to increase their
earnings by a certain amount but to solve prob- lems rooted in their own national situations. For
immigrants these prob-
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Theoretical Overview | 53
lems appear as internal ones, but in reality they have been induced by the expansion of a global
capitalist system.15
6. The unbalancing of peripheral areas by this system ranges from the outright imposition of hut
taxes on the native African populations to create a need for ready cash in the nineteenth and early
twentieth cen- turies to the maintenance of wage scales bearing little relation to costs of modern-
style consumption in contemporary less developed nations. It includes, as well, the training of
Third World professionals for career expectations compatible with the advanced countries but
divorced from actual conditions in their own labor markets, a process we examined in chapter 1.
Labor recruitment was a device used at certain periods in the expan- sion of the capitalist world
economy to make certain target populations aware of the advantages of out-migration. The pull
of the advanced economies, insufficient to provoke migrant flows at that time, is today more than
enough to permit routine control of an “inexhaustible sup- ply.― The changing character of
“push and pull,†the obsolescence of labor recruitment, and the “spontaneous―
origins of recent migrant flows are all consequences of the development over time of the interna-
tional capitalist economy and of the shifting modes of incorporation of countries into it.16 These
relational dynamics within a global order offer the most adequate macrohistorical explanation for
the origins of inter- national migration.
The “New Economics― of Migration
Structural-historical and world-systems theories are able to account for why migration flows
originate in certain areas of the planet, depending on the level of colonial and semicolonial
penetration to which they have been subjected. These theories are less successful in accounting
for why some communities and individuals in specific labor-exporting coun- tries are more
susceptible to these pressures than others. For this task a more empirically grounded theory is
necessary. The “new economics of migration― was formulated to fill this gap. According
to it, labor migra- tion is not an individual, but a family, strategy to address the economic
uncertainties created by imperfectly developed markets in areas affected by the penetration of
capitalist corporations and other institutions.17
In rural communities of the less developed world, families have none or extremely limited access
to credit markets to finance investments, future markets to ensure crops, or state programs to
alleviate spells of
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54 | Theoretical Overview
unemployment. Their solution is to send some family members, com- monly young sons and
daughters, to urban areas in the same country or abroad. Families plan diverse migration
strategies to address vari- ous uncertainties. The remittances that their young abroad generate can
provide the necessary capital for needed investments and a reserve for economic contingences,
such as crop failures or loss of wage employ- ment at home: “In most developed countries,
consumers have instanta- neous access to credit through universal bank cards such as
7. MasterCard and Visa. As markets expand into domains formerly governed by non- market
mechanisms, consumers in developing countries often find them- selves filled with a range of
material aspirations acquired from the mass media, but without access to the credit mechanisms
that make mass consumption possible. . . . Nascent demand for consumer goods creates another
motivation for migration abroad.―18
A related mechanism highlighted by the “new economics― is rela- tive deprivation among
nonmigrant families when witnessing the sig- nificant improvements in the material situation of
families with mem- bers abroad. Thus, even when no migration pressures existed before, the
need to “keep up― with the rising migrant-fueled standards of consump- tion among
members of the community spurs other families to adopt the same strategy. As we saw in the
first chapter, relative deprivation is also a powerful mechanism underlying professional out-
migration as underemployed but highly skilled workers compare their own economic and work
lot with more fortunate peers at home and abroad.19
World-systems and the “new economics― approaches complement each other nicely, the
first accounting for the broad macrohistorical context producing major labor and professional
flows and, the second, identifying the microdynamics that propel specific families in migrant-
sending nations to adopt this strategy as a solution to the disruptions of imperfect capitalist
development.
Stability of Migration
A second aspect discussed by current theories of migration concerns the directionality of these
flows and their stability over time. Orthodox economic analyses tend to view migration in fairly
simple terms: peo- ple leave their home country in response to economic or political con- ditions,
move to another with the hope of a better life, and struggle for years or generations to attain
equality within the new society. Once initiated, the movement can be expected to continue as
long as push-
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Theoretical Overview | 55
and-pull factors remain and as long as the receiving nation permits it. Massive returns of
immigrants to their home country only occur under conditions of deliberate repatriation or severe
economic recession.
Classic studies of immigration to the United States such as those by Handlin, Thomas and
Znaniecki, Child, Wittke, and others generally assumed this basic process and proceeded to
analyze the mechanisms for survival among different groups.20 Such studies were concerned
with European immigrants— the successive flows of Germans, Irish, Italians, Poles, Jews, and
Scandinavians—coming to meet labor demand in an expanding economy. While some
8. references were made to returns to the home country, these reverse flows were generally
attributed to individ- ual circumstances or to periodic recessions in the United States.
The experience of massive immigration from peripheral to advanced countries in the post–
World War II period has given rise to a differ- ent theoretical emphasis. A large proportion of
labor migrations in this period has taken place under “guest worker― arrangements or as a
sur- reptitious movement. These immigrants have been labeled target earn- ers, since they are
assumed to be motivated by the accumulation of money with which to fulfill goals in the home
country. It has been noted that a very high proportion of their earnings are sent home as remit-
tances, either to subsidize consumption needs or for investment.21
This “economic man― characterization was accompanied by an emphasis on these
immigrants’ lack of integration and their general indifference to the institutions of the host
society: immigrants seldom speak the language of the receiving country and seldom take part in
its associations or in intimate relationships with members of the majority. This divorce from the
surrounding society enables them to concentrate exclusively on monetary rewards and to perform
jobs that they would reject in their own country.
This theory has accorded central importance to the phenomenon of return migration. Unlike
earlier analyses, it views return to the home country as part of the normal, patterned sequence of
labor dis- placements. While it acknowledges the settlement of vast numbers of European
immigrants in the United States at an earlier period, it con- tends that permanence in the
receiving country is not at present a sign of immigrant success: “It is absolutely essential to
dispel the notion that seems to emerge in naive versions of this idea of settlement as success that
the essential aspect of success is income. Migrants tend to be target earners, and the effect of
rising incomes, all other things being equal, is to increase the rate at which they return home.
This late effect occurs
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56 | Theoretical Overview
because, in terms of the original motivations of migrants, settlement is the product of
failure.―22
This ebb-and-flow characterization of immigration advances our understanding in comparison
with earlier descriptions of a simple uni- directional movement. The emphasis on return
migration also agrees with some aspects of contemporary labor flows to the United States, as
described by recent studies. Still, this alternative theory also runs into difficulties. First, there is
evidence that many immigrants do stay in the host country precisely because they have been
economically successful. Second, the movement in many cases does not involve a single coming
and going but a series of displacements, frequently involving a seasonal pattern.23
9. More generally, this new theory, like earlier ones, is based on the per- spective of the receiving
country and, hence, fails to capture the pro- cess in its totality. It does not take into account, for
instance, the actual nature of “return― migration, which may be either to the places of
origin or to others. Similarly, it does not consider common patterns in which individuals alternate
between internal and international migration or in which households “assign― some
members to travel abroad and some to journey to cities within the country. These omissions stem
from the fact that this theory conceives of international migration as a process occurring between
two separate national units. An alternative concep- tualization would again be based on a
definition of the flow as internal to the same global economic system. Migration has a dual
economic function: from the standpoint of capital it is the means to fulfill labor demand at
different points of the system; from the standpoint of labor it is the means to take advantage of
opportunities distributed unequally in space.24
The complexity of international labor flows is a function not only of the shifting locations of
opportunities but of the fact that those locations sought by individuals and families change over
time. Opportunities for wage earnings are often better in national and international capital- ist
centers, while those for investment in land or small enterprises are often better in the places of
origin. The progressive articulation of a global economic order allows individuals and families in
remote areas to gain access to a much broader range of economic opportunities and to
“map― their use. Villages in the interior of Mexico today maintain regular contact with
ethnic communities in Chicago. Remote towns in the mountains of the Dominican Republic are
accurately informed about labor market conditions in Queens and Manhattan.25
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Theoretical Overview | 57
The more recent theory of migrant transnationalism has been devel- oped precisely to emphasize
the resilient relations of migrants with their places of origin and the complexity that these
relations acquire over time. These “multistranded― relationships lead a number of
immigrants into dual lives— traveling back home, sending remittances and making investments
there, and maintaining dual residences.26 Immigrants fre- quently create organizations to
formalize and stabilize such contacts. These range from “hometown committees― formed
by humble migrants from rural areas to formal professional and alumni associations cre- ated by
the highly skilled. Recent research on transnational organiza- tions has unveiled the important
findings that migrant involvement in them does not decline over time and actually increases with
education, income, length of residence, and security of legal status.27 We will have more to say
on the subject later on, but for the moment the crucial idea is that immigration theory has left
behind the image of these flows as unidirectional escapes from misery and want and the parallel
idea of their occurrence among self-contained nation-states. The progressive articulation of a
global capitalist economy and the complexity of com- mon people’s adaptations to it is more
properly captured by the trans- national perspective.
10. A related question is the perpetuation of migrant flows over time. Regardless of the impulses and
motivations that give rise to migration in the first place, they commonly do not suffice to account
for the sustain- ability of such movements. To accomplish this, one must introduce the concept
of social networks. As Massey et al. put it: “Migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties
that connect migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in origins and destination areas
through ties of kin- ship, friendship, and shared community origins. They increase the like-
lihood of international movements because they lower the cost and risk of such
movements.―28
Social scientists have long recognized the importance of networks in the buildup of migration
systems. This recognition goes as far back as such classics as Thomas and Znaniecki’s The
Polish Peasant in Europe and America. Tilly conceptualizes migration as a process of network-
building that depends on and, in turn, reinforces social relationships across space.29 The
microstructures thus created not only permit the sur- vival of immigrants but also constitute a
significant undercurrent run- ning counter to dominant economic trends.
This alternative perspective helps explain a phenomenon that escapes earlier theories, namely,
the resilience of migrant flows even after origi-
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58 | Theoretical Overview
nal push-and-pull forces have disappeared or after original opportuni- ties for target earning have
been removed. The fact that migrant flows do not respond automatically to such changes is
related to their organi- zation through social networks. Once in place, these structures stabilize
such movements by adapting to shifting economic conditions and by generating new
opportunities apart from the original incentives. While not indifferent to the broader context, the
network structures of migra- tion have frequently led to outcomes quite different from those
antici- pated by conventional economic hypotheses.
It is commonly recognized that pioneer migrants face the highest costs because they confront the
risks of the journey unaided. Once sev- eral such trips have been successfully completed,
however, the costs of migration are significantly lowered for future migrants, who can draw on
the pioneers’ knowledge and experience. The ability to obtain such information and
assistance constitutes the would-be migrants’ “social capital.―30 The pool of such
capital increases with each additional jour- ney, leading to the emergence of veritable migration
systems. These sys- tems can become self-perpetuating even after the disappearance of the
original incentives for migration because of the emergence of secondary considerations, such as
family events and obligations.
The durability of migration systems is not open-ended, however, since they can be terminated by
external circumstances. One such cir- cumstance is the literal emptying of places of origin, aside
11. from the old and the infirm; another is a glut of migrants in places of destina- tion, reducing
chances for employment and taxing the ability of settled migrants to assist newcomers. As de
Haas has emphasized, the opera- tion of such forces leads to the slowing down of migration
systems in such a way that the effect of social networks over time can be charted as an S-
asymptote— increasing sharply in the early years before reaching a plateau and then declining
rapidly.31
Other forces may also bring migration systems to an end. They include fertility decline and
sustained economic development in areas of out-migration, as well as the investments and
philanthropic initiatives of transnational migrant organizations that may significantly improve
living conditions there. Paradoxically, social networks that, at an earlier stage, underlie the
emergence of migration systems may, at a later time, undermine them through the developmental
activities of expatriates. Severe economic recessions in places of destination and the informa-
tion about them conveyed through social networks can also bring to a halt ongoing migrant
flows. Something to that effect happened to U.S.-
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Theoretical Overview | 59
bound migration from Mexico and Latin American migration to Spain in the wake of the
economic downturn beginning in 2008.32
The Uses of Labor Migration
Most contemporary theorizing on international migration has focused neither on its origins nor
on its directionality and stability over time. Instead, these theories have dealt with the two
remaining aspects: uses of migration for the receiving economy and the adaptation of immi-
grants. The different theoretical positions on these issues are both more complex and more
controversial than those reviewed above, since each lays claim to a supporting empirical
literature.
The orthodox neoclassical economic perspective views immigrant labor as a supplement to a
scarce domestic labor force. Immigrants are recruited to fill jobs in an expanding economy that
has run out of hands in its own population. This is the type of situation assumed since the time of
classical political economy. John Stuart Mill, for example, defended labor emigration in those
terms. He noted, however, that such labor could be profitably utilized by capital in the new
countries only if immigrants were prevented from gaining access to land. In the latter case
immigrants would work only for themselves, denying their labor to employers. In the last chapter
of Principles of Political Economy Mill had no qualms about abandoning laissez faire doctrines
to advocate government sponsorship of emigration. Only state power could prevent migrants
from turning into self-employed colonists of little or no use to capital.33
12. The situation Mill studied was obviously one in which land was plen- tiful. The actual
mechanism by which labor scarcity and demand for new labor were created in nineteenth-
century America has been described at length by Lebergott. The supply of cheap land then
appeared inexhaust- ible. The availability of the western frontier enabled domestic workers to
invest directly in land, abandoning wage labor for agricultural self- employment. The same could
be done by immigrants after a few years: “In 1820, when lands were worth $50 per acre in
Massachusetts and one dollar in Ohio, the New England farmer improved his condition by
emigrating to Ohio, and when in 1840 the best lands of Ohio were worth $50 per acre and those
of Illinois one dollar and a quarter he could again move with profit to Illinois; and again, in 1850
from lands worth $50 in Illinois to the cheap lands of Minnesota and Kansas.―34
Westward emigration by natives and older immigrants maintained
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60 | Theoretical Overview
a downward pressure on the labor supply, helping to keep wages high and attracting new
immigrant flows. But why didn’t new immigrants take immediate advantage of frontier
lands? The answer was the com- bined lack of capital and lack of experience in the new country.
They concentrated in eastern cities, and only after accumulating sufficient savings and
experience did some trek westward. This pattern explains both the attractiveness of immigrant
labor to eastern employers and the rapid fluctuations of the flow corresponding to the ups and
downs of American labor demand.35
Orthodox economic theory explains the gravitation of immigrants toward the worst jobs as a
natural consequence of an expanding econ- omy. In this view native workers move upward
toward better paid, more prestigious, or more autonomous positions. In the United States the
existence of a frontier played a central role in maintaining an “open― economic structure
and abundant opportunities for advancement. This situation can occur, at least in theory, even in
the absence of cheap land through the expansion of an industrial economy. Because labor
scarcity occurs at the bottom, wages for unskilled and semiskilled workers tend to rise as a result
of employer competition. The dual consequences are the attraction of prospective immigrants
and the need for employers to seek new sources of labor as means of controlling or reducing
wages. Both trends encourage further immigration.
As target earners, immigrant workers possess an additional desirable characteristic, namely, their
disregard, at least initially, of status consid- erations. For native workers wages signal a position
in the occupational status system so that they shy away from the lowest-paid menial jobs.
Raising wage levels at the bottom to attract native workers triggers structural inflation, as higher-
status workers then demand higher pay in order to preserve their relative standing. An abundance
of unskilled, cheaply paid foreign labor helps neutralize this danger.36
13. For orthodox economic theory, immigrant workers are not qualita- tively different from native
ones except that they are new entrants in the labor force and have less experience and perhaps
less education. With time, immigrants acquire the experience and qualifications to move upward
as well, leaving the bottom of the occupational structure to new labor flows. The process helps
maintain three moving equilibria over time: (1) between labor scarcity in some countries and
labor abundance in others; (2) between the needs of employers and the needs and skills of
workers; and (3) between workers’ aspirations and mobility oppor- tunities in the economic
structure.
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Theoretical Overview | 61
A second, and very different, theoretical perspective has focused on the experience of those
immigrant groups who have not come of their own free will but who have been made to work
under conditions of slav- ery, servitude, or peonage. These colonized minorities also meet a labor
demand but one qualitatively distinct from that described by orthodox theory. They occupy
positions at the bottom of the occupational struc- ture— not, however, positions vacated by
domestic workers but rather ones requiring a particular class of worker since no free domestic
labor can be found to perform them.
In his classic analysis of plantation economies, Edgar Thompson noted the gradual development
of this institution and its shift from white indentured servants to black slave workers. In areas of
open resources, where land was far more abundant than labor, it was easier to recruit a workforce
than to keep it. Indentured servants were not motivated to work for planters, since they were paid
in advance, but they were highly motivated to escape and work for themselves. Natives were also
diffi- cult to control. In the land of their birth, they would rebel or escape to remote places rather
than submit to the planter’s yoke.
It thus became necessary to locate a labor force fit for the hard labor but so alien that it would
become entirely dependent on the planter’s providence. For such workers the plantation
would not be a workplace but a “total institution,― where laborers spent their entire lives
and with- out which they would lack the means of survival. Thus, the choice of African slaves
and the transformation of plantations into social and political, as well as economic, organizations
evolved together. Not until these developments had taken place did a racial ideology emerge as a
means of legitimizing them.37
The incorporation of a colonized minority to a host economy has been marked in general by two
central features. First, the group is employed in nonurban extractive tasks, primarily mining and
agricul- ture. Second, production is organized along precapitalist lines, where labor is subject,
under various legal arrangements, to the will of employ- ers. The existence of labor under these
circumstances gives rise, in turn, to ideologies that justify the situation in terms of racial or
cultural dif- ferences and the need to educate and control the subordinate group. For Blauner the
14. colonization process is marked by five major events: “First, colonization begins with a forced,
involuntary entrance into the dominant society. Second, the colonizing power acts on a policy to
con- strain, transform, or destroy the indigenous culture. Third, representa- tives of the dominant
power administer the law and control the govern-
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62 | Theoretical Overview
ment bureaucracy. Fourth, there is a separation of labor status between the colonizers and the
colonized. Fifth, racism develops as a principle through which people are seen as biologically
inferior in order to justify their exploitation.―38
The shift from precapitalist unfree arrangements to fully capitalist relations of production is
experienced only in partial form by colonized minorities. Though, in theory, these minorities
come eventually to join the “free― labor force, they are still relegated to the worst menial
jobs. This situation is strikingly different from that portrayed by orthodox theory: when
employed as wage labor, colonized minorities are not sim- ply “new― entrants in the
workforce capable of moving upward after a period of time. For colonized minorities that
mobility is blocked by a variety of legal and informal mechanisms. Racial and cultural ideolo-
gies legitimize both their condition and the deliberate closure of oppor- tunities to move out of it.
No colonized minorities exist at present in the United States, but the legacy of slavery and, to a
lesser extent, the colonization of the Mexican population of the Southwest left major his- torical
traces that last to our day. As we saw in chapter 1, the condition of these groups— generations
after their formal release from colonial bonds and the end of legal discrimination— remains
quite problematic and challenging. This is what these theories attempt to capture.
The central feature of the colonial perspective on immigration is that it regards the use of this
labor force as useful for the dominant racial group as a whole. The different classes of the
dominant group benefit from the colonial situation in different ways. Employers gain because
they have at their disposal a cheap and exploitable labor source to which they can dictate their
own terms. Dominant-group workers also benefit in various ways. First, they gain symbolically
from the existence of an inferior group with which they can compare their own lot. This allows
them to entertain feelings of superiority and to identify vicariously with the dominant classes.
Second, they stand to gain materially through three mechanisms: (1) the exclusion of the
colonized from competition for the better-paid physical and supervisory jobs; (2) the lowering of
the cost of goods and services produced with colonized labor that cheapens their own
consumption; and (3) the redistribution of part of the surplus extracted from that labor by the
employer class in the form of higher wages and other benefits for workers of the racially
dominant group.
15. This group thus endeavors to stabilize its monopoly of economic and social advantages through
mechanisms that reserve the best positions for its members. In the United States, the formal end
of slavery was
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Theoretical Overview | 63
accompanied by the creation of the Jim Crow legal system to perpetu- ate the condition of the
colonized; a set of similar practices emerged in the Southwest to preserve the subordinate status
of immigrants and their descendants.39
A third perspective on the uses of migrant labor also stresses the sig- nificance of racial and
cultural differences and a racist ideology but interprets the effects differently. Employing
migrants from culturally and racially distinct origins is identified here as a common strategy used
by the employer class against organizations of domestic workers. Hence, the benefits brought
about by a subordinate minority in the labor mar- ket accrue not to all members of the dominant
racial or ethnic group but only to members of the employer class. Such benefits are extracted
precisely against the interests of the domestic proletariat, which is pitted against the new source
of labor.
Immigrant workers, whether free or coerced, are generally in a weaker position to resist
employer dictates than domestic ones. First, immigrants lack familiarity with economic and
social conditions in places of destination, and they do not have the means to resist exploi- tation.
Second, they are separated from the domestic working class by linguistic and cultural barriers
and by the all-too-common prejudices among that class. Third, conditions in places of origin are
frequently so desperate that immigrants willingly accept whatever kind of com- pensation is
given them. Fourth, an immigrant labor force is usually brought under legal constraints that place
it from the start in a vulner- able position. While the character of these arrangements varies with
the country or period, their common effect is to render immigrants subject to ready exclusion or
deportation. Organizational efforts or protests among immigrants can thus be defined as a police
matter rather than one involving legitimate class revindications.40
This theory of labor immigration does not necessarily contradict the colonialist one since each
applies to different historical periods. However, this last perspective calls attention to an
important outcome neglected by most analysts of colonialism: a division of labor that works to
the direct advantage of certain classes within the racially dominant group and to the direct
disadvantage of others. In this model ideology is employed less to legitimize the privileges of a
race or cultural group over another than to sustain the separation between two segments of the
working class and to fragment organizations based on class solidar- ity. The widespread racism
among native workers is thus, ultimately, an ideology directed against themselves.
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64 | Theoretical Overview
This analysis directly contradicts predictions stemming from the orthodox economic perspective
on labor immigration. If foreign labor is imported to serve exclusively as a supplement to the
domestic labor force, a strong inverse correlation should obtain between domestic lev- els of
unemployment and size of the immigrant flow: periods of eco- nomic recession that bring about
higher unemployment should produce, within a relatively short time, a decrease in immigration.
In contrast, if the function of immigration is not solely to supplement the domestic labor force
but to discipline it, the result would be quite different. In this case there should be a positive
correlation over time between lev- els of unemployment and immigration. An organized and
militant labor force becomes “useless― to capitalist firms, which then opt in favor of hiring
immigrant workers over domestic ones. The presence of this new preferred source of labor has
the effect of accelerating the displacement of domestic workers, thus leading to higher levels of
unemployment. As we saw in chapter 1, this was the motivation that undergirded the shift by
industrial employers in the Northeast and Midwest from white European to southern black labor
starting in the mid-1910s.
This historical experience was given theoretical form by Edna Bonacich. She labels her thesis
“a split labor market interpretation.― During the decades following World War I, southern
black migrants constituted a “preferred― labor force because of their willingness to work at
menial jobs for low wages, their lack of organizational experi- ence, and their deferential attitude
toward bosses. The strategy through which capitalists targeted this migrant labor force against
the organi- zational efforts of white workers took three forms: (1) strikebreaking, (2) replacement
of white workers with lower-paid black labor, and (3) a policy of paternalism toward black
workers and organizations that cemented their alliance with employers against all-white
unions.41
As we also saw in chapter 1, European workers had been used before blacks to fill a similar role.
In 1832 the directors of the Delaware and Hudson Canal, confronted with demands for higher
wages, found that “against this evil the only effective remedy was the introduction of addi-
tional miners from abroad.― Immigrant labor was imported as promptly as possible and to
such an extent that a recurrence of the “evil― was not experienced for some time. More
recently, Galarza described a similar process involving the use of Mexican immigrant labor
against orga- nizational efforts of domestic farmworkers, most of them Mexican Americans in
California and throughout the Southwest.42 In this man- ner the role of southern black and
Mexican workers shifted from that
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17. Theoretical Overview | 65
of colonized minorities to that of being the core of a split labor market developed against the
organizational efforts of the native working class in the first half of the twentieth century.
The fourth perspective on immigrant labor combines elements of the preceding two, though it
focuses primarily on the post– World War II sit- uation. Different versions of this perspective
exist, but the most coher- ent one is that based on an analysis of the increasing segmentation of
social relationships of production under advanced capitalism. The core of this “dual
economy― thesis is the observation that advanced econo- mies generate an oligopolistic
segment in which control of the different facets of production and commercialization is far more
extensive than among earlier capitalist firms.
The emergence of oligopolies in different segments of the economy is a process common to all
industrialized capitalist countries. These firms are said to control a significant portion of their
respective markets, rely on capital-intensive technology to enhance productivity, and are able to
pass on part or all of the increases in the wage bill to consumers through their control of markets.
Their social relationships of production have several distinct characteristics determined both by
requirements of firms and by past struggles between management and labor for control of the
production process.43
A prime goal of corporations in this oligopolistic sector is stability in labor relations, and the
main strategy to accomplish it is bureaucra- tization of the production process and the creation of
so-called inter- nal markets. Bureaucratization means the substitution of a system of control
based on direct personal command by one based on adherence to impersonal rules. Internal
markets means the division of work into finely graded job ladders. Hiring is generally at the
bottom, and access to higher positions is usually through internal promotion rather than external
recruitment. Stability is promoted by the fact that workers do not confront the arbitrary orders of
a boss or managerial superior but rather a set of explicitly laid-out rules. More important, job
ladders offer incentives to remain with a particular firm, since seniority and training are
rewarded with increases in pay and status. Oligopolistic corporations are able to create internal
markets because of their size and because they can compensate for increases in labor costs with
increases in productivity, higher prices for the final product, or both. Wages in this sector of the
economy are thus higher and fringe benefits and work con- ditions more desirable.44
A second segment of the economy is formed by those smaller com-
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66 | Theoretical Overview
petitive enterprises that more faithfully reflect the structural conditions under early industrial
capitalism. Such firms operate in an environment of considerable economic uncertainty. Their
18. markets are usually local and regional, they do not generate their own technology, and they often
depend on labor-intensive processes of production. Firms in this sector do not have internal
markets. Because they also lack a monopoly posi- tion, they face greater difficulties in passing
on increases in their wage bill. The conditions of production in this sector thus lead to a strong
downward pressure on wages. Control over workers cannot depend on the incentives attached to
job ladders or be based on impersonal rules. Instead, discipline is imposed directly, and it is often
harsh. Firing is a permanent threat and a common practice, since most labor employed by these
firms can be replaced. Wages are not only lower than in the oli- gopolistic sector, but their
distribution is flat over time.
For workers in the secondary sector, seniority is not a guarantee of higher-income or job
security. High labor turnover in these firms is a joint consequence of employer dismissals and of
worker dissatisfaction. The viability of these relationships of production depends on the pres-
ence of a labor force that is both abundant and powerless. Otherwise, labor costs would go up,
and the existence of firms, as presently struc- tured, would be threatened.45 Differences in
conditions of employment in a dual economy do not depend primarily on the requirements of the
job or on the qualifications of the worker. Advantages in income and security enjoyed by those
in the oligopolistic sector are the direct out- come of earlier class struggles that resulted in an
eventual accommoda- tion: organized labor gained advantages and security, while firms gained
control over the work process in a manner that promoted stability and minimized disturbances in
production. Hence, it is perfectly possible that jobs with equal requirements are unequally
rewarded depending on the segment of the economy in which they are situated.
Entrance into the oligopolistic labor market is primarily a function of the requirements of firms
and not the qualifications of workers. As part of its control over the work process, management
has systemati- cally opted for capital-intensive technology that reduces expensive labor costs.
The supply of qualified workers for available positions in the oli- gopolistic sector thus
consistently exceeds demand. Hence, it is per- fectly possible that individuals with equal
qualification are rewarded unequally depending on the segment of the economy in which they
are employed.
The class struggles that led to the bifurcation of relationships of pro-
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Theoretical Overview | 67
duction into a dual labor market in the United States were conducted when most workers were
white. They involved both white Americans and older European immigrants. The final
consolidation of a protected, unionized labor force in this segment of the economy took place
only after the New Deal and World War II. Subsequent entrants into the labor market confronted
a situation of progressive closure of oligopo- listic corporations and employment restricted to the
competitive sector. These new entrants were, for the most part, unorganized and therefore
19. vulnerable. They included white women, white teenagers, and white rural migrants, as well as
black and Puerto Rican migrants and immi- grants.46 Hence, the same minorities that had
previously served as the mainstay of colonial and split-labor regimes now found themselves con-
fined to the secondary sector of the dual labor market.
Students of immigration in the United States noted the increasing reliance of competitive firms
on immigrants, primarily unauthorized ones, as a source of labor. This process accelerated in the
mid-1960s (coinciding with the end of the Bracero Program) and reached both numerical
importance and notoriety during the 1970s. It coincided with the exhaustion of certain other
labor sources— teenagers and rural migrants— and the increasing resistance of women to
accept condi- tions of employment in these firms. The analysis offered by dual-econ- omy theory
and its predictions concerning labor immigration are more complex than both the colonialist and
split-labor-market theories. This complexity is not necessarily a function of shortcomings in the
other perspectives but derives from an emphasis on the more recent transfor- mation of advanced
economies.
The dual-economy thesis agrees with notions advanced by the two preceding perspectives but in
a modified form. It agrees with colonial- ist theory in that the incorporation of a subordinate
racial or cultural minority into the labor market can benefit both employers and work- ers among
the dominant group. This prediction is valid if we limit the definition of domestic labor to those
in the primary market. Workers in this sector benefit from the labor of subordinate immigrant
groups for all the reasons advanced by colonialist theory: lower costs of goods and services, the
possibility of sharing in the surplus extracted from immi- grants, and the symbolic rewards of a
superior status.
The dual-economy analysis also agrees with split-labor-market the- ory in its characterization of
immigrants as a “preferred― labor force used against the organizational efforts of domestic
workers. This pre- diction is valid if we limit the definition of domestic labor to those in
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68 | Theoretical Overview
the competitive sector. The increase in illegal immigration during the last decades of the
twentieth century and its employment by competi- tive firms were strategies intended to
discourage the resistance of the domestic-minority workforce to accept low wages and harsh
treatment and its effort to improve its lot. The situation in this case is somewhat different from
that described by Bonacich because it does not pit vul- nerable immigrant labor against a
unionized working class in the for- ward sectors of the economy. Instead, immigrants were used
to undercut domestic workers who were themselves weak and frequently unorga- nized and who
were employed by the most technologically backward firms. Oligopolistic labor, most of it
white, was largely insulated from the competition of unauthorized foreign workers and could
actually profit from their presence.
20. The rapid deindustrialization of the American economy, described in the first chapter, has
significantly altered the portrait of the labor mar- ket and the uses of migrant labor outlined by
dual-economy theory. Large swathes of what had been previously portrayed as the primary labor
market disappeared, as formerly oligopolistic firms were forced to cope with increasing foreign
competition. They did so by ditching the “historic pact― with organized labor in the
post– World War II era. The process of industrial restructuring in effect did away with much
of American industry through massive plant closures and relocation of production facilities
abroad. Predictably, vast segments of the formerly protected primary workforce just melted
away.
The new service economy that replaced the old industrial system and the accompanying
“hourglass― labor market depicted in figure 2 have had predictable effects in the uses of
migrant labor. Industrial restruc- turing and labor flexibility opened the top of the hourglass
market to highly qualified foreign workers. As we saw in chapter 1, the H-1B program was
explicitly designed to facilitate their arrival. Menial jobs in services and agriculture at the bottom
of the hourglass continued to attract unskilled workers from Mexico, Central America, and the
Caribbean. They actually became the preferred labor source for this sec- tor because of their
vulnerability and willingness to perform harsh jobs for low pay.47
In the absence of legal channels for entry, the bulk of this immi- gration arrived clandestinely.
More recently, as we saw in chapter 1, the H-2A program has been significantly expanded to
attract migrant workers needed in U.S. agriculture and services but who are increas- ingly
unwilling to brave the risks and the costs of a clandestine journey.
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Theoretical Overview | 69
The expansion of this program contains the seeds of a temporary labor system to address the
needs of labor-intensive firms on a regular basis.
The Entrepreneurial Path
Theories of the uses of migrant labor have covered in detail different aspects of the historical
experience of migrant workers. These theo- ries have neglected, however, an important
alternative to wage work, namely, self-employment. Since the late nineteenth century, students
of immigration have noted the high propensity of migrants to go into small business. In chapter 1
we saw that entrepreneurs represent one of the main types of contemporary immigrants to the
United States, and we explored some of the consequences of this alternative path.
Several theories have been advanced to explain the phenomenon of immigrant entrepreneurship.
The best known is probably Ivan Light and Edna Bonacich’s theory of minority
disadvantage. As immigrants find themselves handicapped by generalized discrimination and
21. lack of knowledge of the host language and culture, they turn to small busi- ness as an alternative
means of economic survival. The early experience of Chinatowns in California and Japanese
small businesses throughout the West Coast, related in chapter 1, provide evidence in support of
this theory.48 But important anomalies do exist. Other equally discriminated foreign groups have
been unable to reproduce the dense entrepreneur- ial networks created by Jewish and Japanese
immigrants at the begin- ning of the twentieth century or by Koreans, Cubans, and Chinese in its
last decades.
Further, independent entrepreneurship has turned out to be not merely a survival alternative but a
path toward rapid economic mobil- ity in many instances. The creation of business enclaves by
Russian Jews in the Lower East Side of Manhattan and by the Japanese in San Francisco, Los
Angeles, and Seattle allowed these groups to ascend rap- idly on the economic ladder, leaving
other immigrant minorities com- posed mainly of wageworkers behind. The more recently
established Cuban enclave of Miami, Koreatown of Los Angeles, the Chinatowns of New York
and San Francisco, and the Little Saigon area of Orange County have yielded, by and large,
similar results.49
The concepts of social networks and social capital, discussed ear- lier in connection with the
origins of immigrant flows, can be invoked again for the explanation of these economic
phenomena. It is clear that entrepreneurially oriented foreign groups make use of intraethnic net-
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70 | Theoretical Overview
works and cultural solidarity to compensate for the barriers posed by discrimination and lack of
business contacts in the outside world. As will be illustrated in greater detail in chapter 4, the
ethnic community can become in these circumstances a source of capital, labor, and market
information supporting business success. In a sense immigrant entrepre- neurs compensate for
their lack of financial capital with the extensive social capital created by ethnic solidarity.50
Yet this theory also falls short because social networks and solidarity are common among all
minority groups, immigrant or otherwise, but only a few of them have managed to create viable
economic enclaves. An extensive literature on African American inner cities, for example, has
demonstrated the existence and vital role of social networks and social capital as means for
personal and family survival. But the opera- tion of these mechanisms never managed to lift
these areas out of a situ- ation of permanent poverty and social marginalization. The areas where
these groups concentrate, as those created by most immigrant minori- ties, develop into ethnic
neighborhoods, not economic enclaves.51
The key element for collective business advancement lies in the pres- ence of a critical mass of
migrants with business expertise acquired in their country of origin and brought along into the
host society. As we saw in chapter 1, every experience where entrepreneurship has led to the
22. emergence of a viable enclave has been marked by the presence of indi- viduals skilled in
industrial and commercial trades.52 Broad human cap- ital resulting from a general liberal
education does not suffice; instead, the key factor has been specific expertise in organizing and
operating different types of firms. When a class of such persons exists in an eth- nic community,
businesses emerge in sufficient numbers to provide an alternative path to wage employment in
the outside economy. In time, managerial and investment knowledge disseminate from the early
entre- preneurs to their coethnic workers, providing a platform for sustained economic mobility.
Zhou concludes her well-known review of ethnic enterprise in the United States on the following
note: “The central idea of the enclave economy concept is that the enclave is more than just a
shelter for the disadvantaged who are forced to take on either self- employment or marginal work
in small businesses. Rather, the ethnic enclave possesses the potential to develop a distinct
structure of eco- nomic opportunities as an effective alternative path to social mobility.―53
As we will see in chapter 7, this path also has significant effects for the educational and
occupational achievement of the offspring of these immigrants— the second generation.
Although the enclave path is excep-
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Theoretical Overview | 71
tional, it possesses significant theoretical implications as a means to escape the secondary labor
market and the bottom tier of the present economic “hourglass.―
Immigrant Adaptation
The last set of theories deals with the social relationships between immi- grants and members of
the native majority and their cultural interac- tions. Different perspectives on immigrant
adaptation correspond to different theories on the uses of immigrant labor. Thus, the theory that
views immigrants essentially as a supplement to the domestic labor force is complemented by a
first perspective on adaptation in terms of social and cultural assimilation. The assimilationist
school, as these writings are collectively known, comprises most of the classic studies of immi-
grants in the United States. These include the work of such sociologists and historians as Handlin
on the urban Irish, Child on second-genera- tion Italians, Wittke on the Germans, and Blegen on
the Norwegians. It also includes an array of subsequent scholars, from Milton Gordon to Thomas
Sowell.54
The assimilationist perspective defines the situation of immigrants as involving a clash between
conflicting cultural values and norms. The native majority represents the “core,― while
immigrants are the “periph- ery.― Assimilation occurs by the diffusion of values and norms
from core to periphery. By osmosis, as it were, these new cultural forms are gradu- ally absorbed
by immigrants, bringing them closer to the majority. The process, sometimes called
23. acculturation, is generally seen as irreversible though it may take different lengths of time for
different groups.55
In the most extensive treatise on assimilation, Milton Gordon defines acculturation as a
precondition for other forms of assimilation. Next in line comes structural assimilation, or
extensive participation of immi- grants in primary groups of the core society. This is followed, in
a loose sequence, by amalgamation, or intermarriage, between immigrants and natives and by
identificational assimilation or the development of a common national identity based on the
symbols of the core group. Attitudinal assimilation reflects the absence of prejudice toward
immi- grants, while behavioral assimilation represents the absence of discrimi- nation.
According to Gordon, there is no necessary linear relationship between different types of
assimilation past the stage of acculturation. Learning the norms and values of the society may
lead to a reduction of prejudice and discrimination, with minority and majority choosing
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72 | Theoretical Overview
to remain apart in terms of social interaction. Identificational assimi- lation might occur in the
absence of amalgamation and even of exten- sive structural assimilation. Nevertheless, it is the
latter process— exten- sive primary-level interaction between immigrants and members of the
native majority— that Gordon defines as central to assimilation.56
This view is shared by other sociologists of the same school, such as Warner and Srole. For them
assimilation is a linear process, but the speed at which immigrants gain access to closer
interaction with mem- bers of the core group is affected by three variables: race, religion, and
language. The more similar an immigrant group is to the white, Protestant, English-speaking
majority, the faster it will be assimilated. The process may take many generations for immigrants
different from the majority in all three variables. For Warner and Srole race is the pri- mary
criterion, and nonwhite groups are those whose assimilation is the most difficult.57
Gordon examines three alternative ideological tendencies, or view- points, on assimilation:
Anglo conformity, the melting pot, and cultural pluralism. As the label indicates, Anglo
conformity refers to the com- plete surrender of immigrants’ symbols and values and their
absorption by the core culture. The process culminates in identificational assimila- tion, though it
may not lead to structural assimilation or to the total elimination of discrimination and prejudice.
The melting-pot thesis holds that assimilation results in a blend of the values, norms, lifestyles,
and institutions of the different groups, both core and peripheral. This is manifested, for example,
in the incorporation of multiple foreign cui- sines into “American― food, in the adoption
into English of a number of foreign expressions, and in the integration of symbols and festivities
brought by different immigrant groups into American culture. Cultural pluralism refers to a
situation in which immigrants are able to retain their own culture, modified by contact with the
core group but still pre- serving its distinct character. Under pluralism these differences do not
24. result in prejudice and discrimination: each group is allowed to function in a plane of relative
equality, with limited structural assimilation and amalgamation among them.
While cultural pluralism is the option favored by most immigrants, Gordon asserts that it has
never really existed in the United States. In his view the acculturation process has led to
outcomes best reflected in the Anglo-conformity thesis: basic values, norms, and symbols taught
to immigrants and fully absorbed by their children correspond to those of the dominant American
culture.58 Other assimilationists, such as Sowell,
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Theoretical Overview | 73
argue that the more benevolent melting-pot imagery is actually more empirically accurate.
American society and culture are a distillate of many national contributions, of which the Anglo-
Protestant tradition is the most significant but by no means the only one. Sowell asserts that
“the American culture is built on the food, the language, the atti- tudes, and the skills from
numerous groups. . . . Features of American culture . . . are a common heritage, despite ethnic
diversities that still exist. Budweiser is drunk in Harlem, Jews eat pizza, and Chinese res-
taurants are patronized by customers who are obviously not Chinese.―59
While rejecting such statements as superficial, other writers believe, nonetheless, that the
melting-pot concept is useful as a description of more fundamental processes: rebuffed in their
attempts to translate acculturation into structural assimilation, second- and third-genera- tion
“immigrants― have developed their own melting pots segmented along religious lines.
Kennedy and, subsequently, Herberg elaborated the notion of a triple melting pot, in which
primary-level relations and intermarriages occur within broad groupings defined by religion:
Protestants, Catholics, and Jews. While ethnic identities might persist within each of these broad
segments, the general tendency is toward the emergence of an undifferentiated “American―
population within each of them.60 Gordon endorsed this typology, concluding that Anglo con-
formity in the culture and segmented melting pots in the social struc- ture are the basic
tendencies of immigrant assimilation in the United States. Other authors, particularly Glazer and
Moynihan, have added to this triple melting pot a fourth segment separated from the others not
by religious but racial lines. Blacks and perhaps other nonwhites do not readily “melt― into
the broader society or any of its subsegments, although they have also been acculturated in the
dominant values.61
Despite the many qualifications and typologies that pervade the assimilationist literature, its
basic insight is that contact between a for- eign minority and an established majority will lead,
through a series of stages, to an eventual merging of values, symbols, and identities. This
integration into a single society and culture, or perhaps into several subsegments, is held to be a
good thing. For the majority this merging represents a guarantee of social stability and the
enrichment provided by selective elements of foreign cultures. For the minority it offers the
25. possibility of accessing positions of higher prestige and power and the promise of a better future
for their children.
The assimilationist model reflects a view of society as a consensual structure. Social change
consists of attempts to restore equilibrium dis-
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74 | Theoretical Overview
rupted by external forces. The massive arrival of individuals with for- eign languages and
cultures represents such a disruption. Assimilation is the process by which equilibrium is
restored. As immigrants learn the new culture and language, they shed traditional preconceptions
and early feelings of alienation. As they come to know and understand mem- bers of the
majority, they adopt a more positive attitude toward them. This process of apprenticeship is
rewarded, in turn, by greater openness of the host society and greater opportunities for economic
and social advancement.62
The internal colonialist, split-labor-market, and dual-economy per- spectives on uses of migrant
labor correspond to a very different analy- sis of immigrant adaptation. From these alternative
viewpoints greater knowledge of the core language and culture by new immigrants and greater
familiarity with members of the dominant group do not neces- sarily lead to more positive
attitudes and more rapid assimilation. Such conditions can lead to precisely the opposite, as
immigrants learn their true economic position and are exposed to racist ideologies directed
against them as instruments of domination. This perspective on immi- grant adaptation
emphasizes ethnic resilience as an instrument of resis- tance by oppressed minorities.
Studies of ethnicity typically begin by noting the persistence of distinct cultural traits among
groups formed by immigration despite extensive periods of time in the host society. This
situation can only be explained, from an assimilationist perspective, by the insufficient diffusion
of the culture of the core to peripheral groups. This kind of explanation runs contrary, however,
to the actual experience of many immigrant groups who have been in the receiving country for
several generations. These groups have learned American English, are thoroughly familiar with
the values and lifestyles of the majority, and are completely integrated into the economic
structure. Still, they have not abandoned their distinct cultural traits and self-identities and often
resist further assimilation.63
At this point the ethnic resilience literature splits into two cur- rents. One notes the functional
advantages of ethnicity, ranging from the moral and material support provided by ethnic
networks to politi- cal gains made through ethnic bloc voting. It “pays― to preserve eth- nic
solidarity, which is often the only edge that immigrants and their descendants have for
advancement in the broader society. This line of argument is associated in the United States with
26. the works of Greeley, Suttles, and Glazer and Moynihan. Research supporting this position has
dealt primarily with the experience of “white ethnics,― the descen-
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Theoretical Overview | 75
dants of European immigrant groups, though it has been extended to nonwhite minorities.64
Glazer and Moynihan concluded poignantly that “the point of the melting pot is that it did not
happen.â€65 For Greeley ethnic resilience is not a cultural “lag†from premodern times
but rather the communal basis on which modern social structures rest. Far from constituting a
“social problem,― ethnic bonds represent one of the few sources of emo- tional support and
social solidarity left in the modern urban context: “The ethnic groups . . . came into existence
so that the primordial ties of the peasant commune could somehow or other be salvaged. . . . But
because the primordial ties have been transmitted does not mean that they have been eliminated.
. . . They are every bit as decisive for human relationships as they were in the past.―66
The positive consequences of ethnic resilience and solidarity receive additional support from the
literature on ethnic enclaves and other forms of immigrant entrepreneurship. As we have seen,
this economic path could not exist without the social capital flowing from social net- works and
ethnic solidarity. From this standpoint rapid acculturation and structural assimilation, as
advocated by Gordon, Warner and Srole, and other authors of the same school, is not necessarily
a boon to the mobility chances of immigrants and their offspring because it weak- ens the bonds
that undergird coethnic social capital. Instead, selective acculturation that combines instrumental
learning of the host languages and culture with retention of cultural traditions brought from the
home country offers the most effective path for entrepreneurially oriented immigrants.67
A second current of the ethnic resilience literature generally agrees with these statements but
focuses on the origins of ethnic solidarity for oppressed minorities. It emphasizes the experience
of immigrant groups that, though thoroughly acculturated to dominant values and norms, have
been rebuffed in their attempts to seek entry into the mainstream. As we have seen, assimilation
theories have also noted these experiences but do not draw from them any implications beyond
the “triple segmen- tation― of the melting pot. In this second current of the ethnic resilience
model, this rejection is a necessary consequence of the subordinate posi- tion of certain
immigrant minorities in the labor market and of the ide- ologies employed to legitimize it.
Blacks and Mexicans, like Chinese and Japanese, or Poles and Italians before them, have been
kept “in their place― because they have formed, each in their time, the mainstay of a
segmented labor market.68
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76 | Theoretical Overview
As colonized minorities or fresh labor supplies for the secondary sector, they constituted an
indispensable component of the economic structure. Granting such groups admittance into
mainstream society on the basis of merit would jeopardize their utility to employers and to the
entire ethnically dominant group. Learning the “right― values and behavioral patterns is,
therefore, not enough for these minorities to gain access to the core society.69
The rejection experienced by immigrants and their descendants in their attempts to become fully
assimilated constitutes a central ele- ment in the reconstruction of ethnic culture. As several
authors have noted, this culture is not a mere continuation of that brought by the original
immigrants but is a distinct emergent product. It is forged in the interaction of the group with the
dominant majority, incorporat- ing some aspects of the core culture and privileging those from
the past that appear most suited in the struggle for dignity and economic ascent.
“Nationalities― may thus emerge among immigrants who shared only the most tenuous
linkages to the old country. They are brought together by the imputation of a common ethnicity
by the core society and its use to justify their exploitation.70
The central insight of the ethnic-resilience perspective is that the same racial ideology employed
to justify the subordination of colonized and other groups can be eventually turned around as an
instrument of soli- darity. As they discover assimilation to be a deceptive path, minorities come
to rely on in-group cohesiveness and cultural reassertion as the only effective means to break out
of their situation. The emergence of ethnicity as the central identity among these minorities is
aided by their common fate both inside and outside the workplace. They tend to work in the
same industries and jobs and to live in the same areas. In both spheres they suffer the pervasive
effects of discrimination. This unity of work and life, of production and consumption, greatly
facilitates intra- group interaction. For this reason, when discontent finally turns into political
mobilization, the rallying symbols for these groups are those of race and culture rather than those
of a universal proletarian class.71
The critiques advanced by the various strands of ethnic-resilience theory severely weakened the
assimilationist perspective, confining it to near oblivion. Recently, there has been an attempt to
revive assimila- tion as a “master concept― by grounding it not on the work of Gordon or
Warner and Srole but on the earlier Chicago School. This attempt, led by sociologists Richard
Alba and Victor Nee, asserts that cultural and linguistic assimilation has been the dominant
experience of immi-
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Theoretical Overview | 77
28. grant groups in the United States, leading to their incorporation into the social mainstream that
is, in turn, modified by them. To buttress their case, Alba and Nee revisit the history of European
immigrant groups and their descendants, as they gradually abandoned their language and culture
to join a broadly encompassing American society. For these authors assimilation is
“something that happens― to people as they engage in other pursuits. Following the lead of
Robert Park and other classic authors of the Chicago School, the new assimilationism accepts
that the process can take many different forms and even not take place at all. The thrust of the
argument, however, is that, on the whole, cul- tural and social assimilation to the American
mainstream has been the dominant or “canonical― path.72
On the opposite side other authors have reinforced ethnic-resilience theory by documenting the
experience of groups that, though thor- oughly acculturated, have remained confined to a
subordinate economic and occupational status for generations. Based on a detailed study of
Mexican Americans across generations, Telles and Ortiz advanced a racialization thesis that
reproduces, in all its essentials, the earlier eth- nic-resilience argument: Mexican American
youths are racialized by the dominant white society that associates their phenotypical traits with
an inferior educational potential and a subordinate status in the labor mar- ket. Mexican
American youths react by rejecting the conventional path of social mobility through education
and rallying around the symbols of an injured common ethnicity.73
Ultimately, the controversy between these opposite perspectives revolves around a differential
emphasis on cultural versus structural indicators of assimilation. The basic emphasis of Alba and
Nee’s neoas- similationism revolves around the overwhelming evidence of accultura- tion,
linguistic and otherwise, among descendants of immigrant groups. They are less mindful that this
process may not necessarily translate into structural mobility in the hierarchies of wealth and
power. Thus, despite being thoroughly acculturated, minorities— such as descendants of ear-
lier Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Caribbean migrants— are still confined to an inferior
socioeconomic position and continue to be racialized by a predominantly white mainstream.74
The experiences of successful immigrant groups, including those that have developed economic
enclaves, also weaken the neoassimila- tionist model because they show the importance of ethnic
resilience for structural mobility. For these successful groups, coethnic solidarity has not been so
much a reaction to outside discrimination as a proactive
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78 | Theoretical Overview
means to carve a viable economic niche. For Alba and Nee the American “mainstream―
can encompass all these options, both positive and neg- ative, but from the immigrants’ point
of view it makes a great deal of difference what paths of assimilation they and their offspring
follow. Those able to move upward educationally and occupationally readily join the middle
class, while racialized minorities are confined to an infe- rior socioeconomic status for
29. generations. The contrasting experiences of children of professional and entrepreneurial groups
in the past and present and of descendants of colonized minorities provide additional support for
this critical perspective.75
Conclusion: Transnationalism and Assimilation
The transnational model, described previously as the latest approach to the directionality of
migrant movements, also bears on immigrant adap- tation. To the extent that immigrants adopt a
pattern of back-and-forth movement across international borders, the question of assimilation
versus ethnic resilience is cast in a new light. In principle transnation- alism may be seen as
retarding assimilation, to the extent that it keeps alive contacts and memories of the old country.
Interestingly, however, the reality is more complex: research on the topic has shown that active
participants in transnational activities and organizations are usually the more established and
better educated immigrants.76 These are precisely the candidates for a more rapid and more
successful integration into the host society.
The process at play seems to be one in which newly arrived migrants concentrate on carving a
niche for themselves, without taking much time to look back at events in their places of origin. It
is only when they have become relatively secure and have reached a measure of occupa- tional
success that they can consider engaging in regular transnational activities or joining transnational
organizations. These findings rede- fine, among other things, the meaning of citizenship
acquisition. From the assimilation perspective, acquiring the citizenship of the host nation
represents a decisive step in the process of acculturation and integration. From the transnational
model, however, the greater legal security stem- ming from citizenship acquisition functions to
facilitate further cross- border travel and contacts abroad.77
Transnationalism highlights the possibility that preserving ties to the home culture and language
may be compatible with acculturation.
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Theoretical Overview | 79
Indeed, economically successful immigrants have commonly practiced this mix of the old and
new. The practice of selective acculturation has not been inimical to their structural economic
advancement but has generally supported it. For first-generation immigrants regular contact with
their places of origin often translates into the possibility of access- ing unique economic
resources. As recent studies have shown, most suc- cessful businesses established by immigrants
include a transnational component.78
This novel perspective suggests that the opposition between assimi- lation and ethnic resilience
that has dominated scholarly debates in the past may be overdone. Under certain conditions
ethnic resilience in the first and second generations can lead to successful assimilation. When
30. this happens, the likely consequence is the loss of salience of ethnic markers in future
generations, precisely the opposite outcome of reac- tive ethnicity among permanently
subordinate minorities. It will be clear, then, that transnationalism and its conceptual cousin,
selective accultur- ation, are not the same as multiculturalism if the latter is understood as the
preservation of culturally distinct and institutionally complete com- munities across generations.
On the contrary, transnationalism offers a viable bridge and platform for successful integration.
The fate of immi- grant groups that have been unable to make use of the resources offered by this
path stands in stark contrast, showing the dangers of premature assimilation without the means
for educational and economic advance- ment. In the following chapters we elaborate on these
theoretical con- siderations by showing how they apply to the condition of different immigrant
minorities and their descendants in today’s America.
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Instruction for assignment
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You MUST include a bibliography/works cited. You MUST insert in-text citations after a
direct quote(s) or after any summarized/paraphrased section. Please review the sample paper and
rubrics carefully. Do NOT include a header on the first page of your paper (it takes up space).
3 Page Minimum
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This criterion is linked to a Learning Outcome Proper Format
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Grammar/Syntax
students will be expected to write a 3-page paper summarizing the content of the assigned
sources. Your summary should take up approximately 2.5 pages. Your reflection should take up
at least half a page.
Summary (2.5-page minimum)
· What is the article about (summarize)
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someone who can? (Family, friend, peer, etc.)