This document summarizes research on heterosexual identity formation among undergraduate students. It discusses relevant theories on sexual identity development from Freud, Erikson, and Marcia. Twenty-six heterosexual students wrote essays on how their sexual identities formed and how they affect daily life. Using Marcia's identity statuses, the essays were categorized. Common themes that emerged included never thinking about sexual identity, attributing identity to outside forces like society or family, conflating gender and sexual identity, views on innateness vs choice of sexuality, and influence of religion. The research explores heterosexual identity as a social construct rather than a fixed biological attribute.

1. Sex Roles, Vol. 32, Nos. 11/12, 1995
Accounts of Sexual Identity Formation
Heterosexual Students
Michele J. Eiiason I
in
Very little research has focused on the ways that heterosexual people perceive
their sexual identity. This paper explores heterosexual identity from the
standpoint of an established identity model, that of James Marcia. Twenty-six
heterosexual undergraduate students (14 men: 3 African-American, 1 Latino,
and 10 White, and 12 women: 3 African-American, 1 Latina, and 8 White)
wrote two-three page essays on how their sexual identities formed and how
they influence their daily lives. Students could be categorized into all four of
Marcia's identity statuses. Additionally, six common themes were noted in their
essays: had never thought about sexual identity; society made me heterosexual;
gender determines sexual identity; issues of choice versus innateness of
sexuality; no alternative to heterosexuality; and the influence of religion.
The vast majority of literature on sexual identity has taken one of two
forms: studies of gay or lesbian identity development or studies of hetero-
sexuals' attitudes about lesbian, gay, or bisexual people. These studies often
assume that heterosexuals are a monolithic, stable group with predictable
attitudes about nonheterosexuals and a consistent and clear sense of their
own (hetero)sexual identity. Rarely has research addressed the question of
how heterosexuals achieve a sexual identity, or questioned the stability or
homogeneity of this identity, or indeed, asked whether most heterosexuals
experience themselves as even having a sexual identity.
One of the earliest theoretical models of heterosexuality comes from
Freud. Weeks (1985) described the evolution of Freud's theory of sexuality
as follows. Freud ultimately felt that a sexual identity was a precarious con-
1To whom correspondence should be addressed at 372 NB, College of Nursing, The University
of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa 52242.
821
0360-0025/95/0600-0821507.50/0 © 1995PlenumPublishingCorporation

2. 822 Eliason
struct, always threatened by repressed desires. Sexual identity formation be-
gins shortly after birth, as the child progresses through psychosexual stages.
Freud felt that a key component of sexuality was the early assumption of the
child that all humans are genitally alike, with a penis. When faced with people
without penises, boys could develop castration anxiety and girls could develop
penis envy. These emotions paved the way for the Oedipal complex of the
phallic stage, whereby the child learns to repress sexual desire for the mother
and to identify with the same-sex parent. If the conflict is successfully re-
solved, at maturity the individual will select partners of the other gender.
Freud thought that humans were born "polymorphouslyperverse" or capable
of sexual attractions to anyone (or thing), and only by a complex and trau-
matic psychic family drama, did heterosexual identity emerge. In his three
essays on sexuality in 1905, Freud follows a discussion of homosexuality with
this statement. "Thus, from the point of view of psychoanalysis the exclusive
sexual interest felt by men for women is also a problem that needs elucidating
and is not a self-evident fact based upon an attraction that is ultimately of
a chemical nature" (p. 11). Interestingly, homosexual desire is a key compo-
nent of early sexuality, as the lines of desire and identification blur. de Kuyper
(1993) suggested that "normal" resolution of the Oedipal complex results in
male homophobia (fear of one's own homosexual desires). Freud is one of
the few theorists of this century to point out the constructedness of hetero-
sexuality, but few who followed him pursued this point.
Erik Erikson (1986) was among the first of contemporary theorists to
stress the importance of identity development. He suggested that personal
identity leads to individuality and consists of authentic truths about one's
self. In his developmental stage theory, Erikson proposed that identity is
the major crisis of the adolescent (at least for males; Erikson thought that
identity and intimacy were achieved more or less simultaneously for women,
since he thought that a woman's identity depended on a relationship to a
man). In Erikson's scheme, adolescence or young adulthood would be a
crucial time of achieving identity, unlike Freud, who thought that events
in early childhood most strongly influenced the emergence of an identity
in adolescence. For Erikson, heterosexuality is assumed and no alternative
models of sexual identity are available. Yet, his theory is significant, as he
proposed that the adolescent identity crisis must be resolved before healthy
intimate relationships are possible.
James Marcia (1987) proposed that identity could exist in different
states or statuses, depending on whether exploration and commitment were
present. The four identity statuses that he described were:
1. diffusion--the person has no active sense of identity and there has
been no exploration and no commitment to any identity.

3. Sexual Identity Formation 823
2. foreclosure--the person has accepted an identity imposed by an-
other or by societal expectations. This person accepts the identity
without critique and without exploring options.
3. moratorium--the person is in the active stage of exploring an iden-
tity, but has not yet made a commitment.
4. achievement--the process of moratorium has been completed and
the person had made a conscious commitment to a particular iden-
tity.
Marcia (1987) views identity as "an internal, self-constructed, dynamic
organization of drives, abilities, beliefs, and individual history. The better
developed this structure is, the more aware individuals appear to be of
their own uniqueness and similarity to others and of their own strengths
and weaknesses in making their way in the world. The less developed this
structure is, the more confused individuals seem about their own distinct-
iveness and the more they have to rely on external sources to evaluate
themselves" (p. 159). Marcia's methods has been used to study vocational
choice, religious beliefs, political philosophies, gender role preferences,
family role preferences, moral reasoning, and a variety of personality traits
(Archer, 1989; Marcia, 1987). In regards to sexual identity, since hetero-
sexuality is the normative identity and until recently other options were
not readily available in families, the media, or communities, foreclosure
may be the most common sexual identity status for the heterosexual person.
Feminist scholars have also addressed sexuality, and have linked sexu-
ality to gender politics. For example, Adrienne Rich (1980) demonstrated
quite eloquently how heterosexuality is forced upon women by the major
institutions of society such as law, religion, medicine, and the media. But
in spite of the widespread acknowledgement of Rich's work in feminist writ-
ing, few theorists have really taken her ideas to heart and analyzed het-
erosexuality as a political construct (Wilkinson & Kitzinger, 1993). On the
other hand, there is now a substantial body of research and theory about
lesbian, gay, and bisexual identity (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith, 1981;
Cass, 1984; Eliason, 1995; Troiden, 1988; Weinberg, Williams, & Pryor,
1994).
Penelope (1993) noted that the term heterosexual was not even coined
until 1901 (about 30 years after the term "homosexual" was first used).
The original definition of heterosexual was "an abnormal or perverted sex-
ual appetite toward the opposite sex." (p. 262). Penelope attempted to re-
late heterosexual identity to stage theories proposed by developmental
psychologists such as Erikson, Gould, and Levinson. She pointed out the
fragility of the construct: "heterosexuality qualifies only as a prefabricated

4. 824 Eliason
way of living that one slips into anonymously...Remove the social institu-
tions which support it, and the whole fragile edifice will collapse." (p. 264).
Since heterosexuality is considered the norm or default sexual identity,
some may question why it is necessary to study it. There are a number of
important reasons. In the past, research that did not distinguish among
sexual identities lumped all sorts of people together, possibly obscuring the
distinctiveness of each type. Secondly, there is growing evidence of the con-
structedness of all sexuality (Foucault, 1978; Rich, 1980; Weeks, 1986).
Rather than assume that heterosexuality is biologically determined, current
studies might demonstrate the social meaning of being heterosexual and
the myriad ways by which people are socialized to be heterosexual. Another
reason to study heterosexuality might be to break down the myth of its
monolithic nature and explore the diverse ways of being heterosexual. We
know that heterosexuality can go awry, leading to serious societal problems
such as rape, incest, and a variety of "sexual dysfunctions." Understanding
how heterosexuality develops and is experienced differently by women and
men may shed light on some of these problems. There is also ample evi-
dence that a sexual identity gives very little information about actual sexual
behavior. Some people who label themselves as heterosexual engage in no
sexual activity at all, or have regular same-gender sexual experiences. There
are a multitude of ways of expressing and acting upon sexual desire in het-
erosexuals. The relationships between identity and behavior need to be ex-
plored. Finally, in order to completely understand "deviance" from the
norm (i.e., sexual minorities), the norm must be well understood.
So how do we begin to study a construct that has been taken-for-
granted? The purpose of this study was to explore some of the ways by
which a heterosexual identity develops, and how it is perceived to affect
daily life. Marcia's identity status model will be applied to accounts of het-
erosexual identity development, and the narratives will be analyzed for
common themes that are specific to sexual identity.
METHODS
Respondents
Twenty-six self-identified heterosexual students in a class entitled
"Theorizing Sexual Identities" served as respondents. There were 14 males,
ranging in age from 20 to 25; three were African-American, one was Latino,
and ten were White. The twelve women ranged in age from 19 to 26 and
included three African-Americans, one Latina, and eight White women.

5. Sexual Identity Formation 825
The class also included eleven self-identified gay, lesbian, and bisexual stu-
dents. Their responses are not included in this paper.
The Task
At the first class meeting, students were given an assignment to be
completed by the next class. They were to describe how their sexual identity
had formed and how it affected their daily lives. They were provided with
definitions of gender and sexual identity, but given no other guidance. The
last week of class, they were asked to repeat the assignment. The essays
varied in length from two to four pages.
RESULTS
Marcia's Identity Statuses
First, each student's entire essay was read carefully and examined for
statements indicating identity exploration and identity commitment. Evi-
dence of exploration included comments about whether the student had
ever really thought about, read about, talked to someone about sexual iden-
tity. Evidence of commitment included mention of making a conscious de-
cision, indicating they would never change identities, or stating no other
options were possible. Five of the student essays were rated by an inde-
pendent judge who, in each case, arrived at the same identity status cate-
gory as the author.
Using Marcia's definitions (see above), students were then categorized
as identity diffused, foreclosed, moratorium, or achieved. Using this system,
one-half of the men's responses were judged as foreclosed, 29% as diffused,
20% as achieved, and none were in moratorium. Of the women's responses,
one-third were considered foreclosed, one-third in moratorium, one-sixth
diffused and one-sixth identity achieved. The subjects who were rated as
diffused (women and men) were those whose narratives focused on gender
identity rather than sexual identity. The gender versus sexual identity di-
lemma is discussed further below.
Common Themes
To explore how these students regarded their sexual identities, the
author searched for themes in the narratives. Six common themes were
identified in their original narratives about heterosexual sexual identity.
These are described in terms of gender in Table I, and discussed below.

6. 826 Eliason
Table I. Themes About Heterosexual Identity Found in Women's
and Men's Accounts
% Response
Theme Women Men
Never thought about sexual identity 25 36
Outside forces made me heterosexual 83 86
Gender socialization made me heterosexual 42 38
Heterosexuality is inborn, fixed 17 36
versus
Heterosexuality is a choice 8 7
There are no viable alternatives 8 29
Religion was a factor in identity 33 43
Had Never Thought About Sexual Identity. About one-fourth of the
women, and more than one-third of the men stated that their sexual iden-
tity was just not something they ever thought about, at least in regards to
themselves. Many of these comments are consistent with Marcia's status
of identity diffusion, whereas others seem to indicate foreclosure. Respon-
dents comments included:
The question of how my sexual identity formed really left me stumped
I have never really thought about it until today
I know I have developed a sexual identity. The problem is I just didn't notice
I never gave consideration to my sexual identity, it just came naturally
I just automatically became a lover of the opposite sex
My sexual identity developed long before I can remember. I have always been
heterosexual
It may be that even higher number of heterosexuals in the general
population would endorse such statements. These students, after all, had
enrolled in a class about sexual identity. However, it was clear from their
other comments that sexual identity to them meant "other", such as lesbian,
gay, or bisexual. Few identified heterosexual as a sexual identity per se.
There were a few exceptions. Three of the women reported that they had
questioned their sexual identity at some point.
I was raised heterosexual, but at about puberty, I questioned that at times, but not
too seriously
My sexual experiences have been with both men and women, but with women, I
think I was just experimenting. I don't remember any great passion with women
I have only experienced sexual relationships with men, but no longer rule out the
possibility of having a relationship with a woman (this student continued to struggle

7. Sexual Identity Formation 827
with issues of her own sexuality throughout the semester and is one of the women
who was in moratorium, or in the active stage of questioning her sexual identity).
I Was Made Into a Heterosexual. A finding that was rather surprising
(at least to me), was that the majority of respondents, and about equal
numbers of women and men, felt that some outside force had made them
heterosexual. These comments generally indicated identity foreclosure--ac-
cepting an identity thrust upon one from the outside.
My parents instilled morals and values upon me
I guess from birth my parents have shaped me with heterosexual thoughts
I assumed my identity through my parents. I had the privilege of growing up in a
household with loving parents
I grew up in a heterosexual environment and believe I was socialized to be
heterosexual
Thru school, church, literature, friends, and family, I have learned to be who I am
Society has molded the idea of what I should act like, who I should associate myself
with, and who I should have sex with
I was raised in a conservative family where religion played a major role
I am heterosexual because that was what was expected of me
My sexual identity developed not only because of my personal beliefs and
preferences, but also because of the pressure my family put on me
I can say my culture, Latino, was a driving force in the development of my sexual
identity
As the semester progressed, these students were often surprised by
information provided by lesbian, gay, and bisexual students about their own
upbringings; that they had also grown up in homes with loving heterosexual
parents, in conservative religions, in small towns, and so on.
Gender = Sexuality. Many respondents thought that their gender so-
cialization was a major determining factor in their sexual identity. Some,
despite the lecture on the differences between gender and sexual identity,
conflated the terms. These comments may also fit under the category of
foreclosure, suggesting the gender pre-determines sexual identity.
My sexual identity is as a male. My father stressed the fact that as a member of
the male population, I should behave as a man should. That is, to be attracted to
members of the female population
I'm not sure if I was brought up in a heterosexual manner, but my gender identity
was what made me turn to the opposite sex. Maybe others make the choice, but I
think being female, I had it chosen for me
My life as a woman really comes natural--women want men
I prefer the sports of men--football, baseball, hockey. I won't cook or clean or the
like unless I have to. They aren't male type things

8. 828 Eliason
Whatever I'm doing be it going to class, doing laundry, going drinking, etc., I am
always looking at women and acting every way possible as masculine as possible.
This does not mean I act the tough guy, but not feminine in any way
My grandfather . . . would always tell me very sternly that I looked like a 'damn
little girl' . . . there were many more of these 'pro-manly' experiences in my
upbringing
Many other students recognized the artificiality, or constructedness of
gender. For example,
[after describing being a tomboy as a child] I realized that I had to become softer
to hang out with the popular girls so I played my roles
A question I asked myself, 'do you want to be a man like your father and work
with tools or like your mom and serve the family.' I chose to act the man
By dating, I began to see what boys wanted from me. I started wearing tight dresses
and wiggling
I very much feel like I must be aggressive and assertive in all situations. And that
tears and emotional pain are for women. Though I have these feelings, I often feel
guilty for displaying them
Many rate your masculinity or femininity according to your sexual identity
Is Sexuality Innate or a Choice? Men were more likely than women to
view their sexuality as an innate, unchanging force:
God made men to reproduce with women
I don't ever see my sexuality as changing
I was born to like women
It's something I was born with and will always be
My sexuality has not, nor ever will change
A minority of men used the language of choice in describing their sexu-
ality, but often mixed words denoting the innateness of sexuality with choice.
My choice of identity has opened the door for a lot of opportunities (but also, "I
was born to like women")
I have found an identity I can live with for the rest of my life
Women had a wider range of ideas about the "cause" of their sexual
identity:
I can honestly say that the rest of my life I will remain heterosexual (author's note:
by the end of the semester, this student had decided that she was bisexual.)
For now, I am happily heterosexual, but who is to say what could happen?
It's easier in this society to be heterosexual. I don't think I would have the courage
to be otherwise
I don't think mine [sexual identity] will ever stay constant. I really like the notion
of fluidity

9. Sexual Identity Formation 829
I have chosen heterosexuality because it fits me at this time in my life
I view my sexuality as a continuum that cannot be labeled
There Are No Viable Options to Heterosexuality. This response was more
common in men, and is compatible with discussions of the construction of
masculinity in our society as a certain variety of heterosexuality (see Herek,
1993, for example). That is, masculinity and heterosexuality are entwined
in the socialization process in a much more direct and powerful way than
femininity is tied to sexual identity. According to Herek (1993) to be a
man or to be masculine is defined as being homophobic.
I knew I was heterosexual mainly because being gay was never an option
It was at school where I developed my early notions on who should be the aggressor
and who should be timid and shy. Real men were heterosexual, period
Growing up, whenever boys wanted to tease or hurt another boy, they would refer
to him as "faggot" or "queer boy." No way did I want to be labeled this way
As a child I wasn't exposed to anything but heterosexual relationships
I guess I just assumed that one day I would have a wife and kids--there were no
other options
Women were less likely to discuss sexual identity in terms of homo-
phobia or gender socialization, but several mentioned the invisibility of al-
ternatives to heterosexuality:
I was raised in a family that doesn't recognize any other form of sexual identity
If you hear something enough times [heterosexuality] you start to believe it
The idea of heterosexuality is so placed in our heads that we don't see how
something could be anything else
Religion as an Influence. A significant number of women and men
noted that religious beliefs in their childhood were a major source of in-
formation about sexual identity. Many especially noted the influence of Ca-
tholicism. Some of these comments provide further evidence of identity
foreclosure.
I come from a Catholic background . . . my religious background has had a large
impact on me and I have had to battle the 'good girl-bad girl' notion all my life
I was raised in a conservative family atmosphere where religion played a major role
in our lives
I was brought up in a Catholic family with very strong morals and
values.., homosexuals were not 'normal' people
If God wanted men to be able to reproduce with men, he would have created
Adam and Steve, not Adam and Eve
How Heterosexuality Affects my Life. The second part of the assignment
was to describe the ways that heterosexual identity affected the student in

10. 830 Eliason
every day life. In general, the White men in the class had difficulty iden-
tifying ways that heterosexuality affected their lives:
As for what impact my identity has on my everyday life, I think first of all people
are just people. We all want basically the same things
I see my life as being pretty average and therefore, assume people don't prejudge
me
I don't always have to think about who I am--life is easy
It doesn't affect my life all that much
I don't think my sexual identity affects me any different than anyone else. I lead
a normal heterosexual life
I believe my perceptions on sexual identity have no big impact on my life, other
than when I see a "hot" girl it reassures my heterosexuality
My sexual identity affects the clothes I wear and the friends that I have
My sexual preference allows me to walk through life usually without a care
How my sexuality affects my daily life? Well, for starters, I've only had sex with
white girls my age. I am attracted to different races and want to experiment but I
think it's not right to have a relationship with anybody except Caucasians. I enjoy
viewing lesbian acts but don't think they should be able to start families
Women and men of color were often able to point out how sexuality
intersects with other human characteristics such as race, gender, class, and
so on.
I can say that because I am a Latino in a white society, I have experienced biases
of others toward me... because of my heterosexual bias, it's hard to know how
it [sexual identity and attitudes] developed
If I talk about how my sexuality affects my life, I have to include being female,
being white, being working class
I believe my sexual identity affects my life in many ways. I am a black heterosexual
male living in America . . . I grew up with the macho image of guys in
sports.., being heterosexual has taught me to be very close-minded in my views
When I was young... I hadn't come across any societal boundaries except racial.
Being a black woman in this society, you have to deal with society, politics, and
especially men. Society labels you if you are not feminine enough
Heterosexuality has influenced my life in many ways. It has kept me naive of the
world
The three women who had questioned their sexual identity appeared
to have a stronger sense of what it means to be heterosexual women in
this society:
Well, I'm heterosexual and I guess that affects my life in good and bad ways. As
far as the good goes, when I want to be invisible or inconspicuous with my
relationships, I can. Nobody is going to think of me as different. I'm not going to
have my love relationship mentally sexualized by my friends, family, acquaintances
or store clerks. When I watch movies, read books, or listen to music, the

11. Sexual Identity Formation 831
relationships illustrated are similar to mine (girl-boy) . . . I can show affection to
my partner in public. Nobody will hate him or our relationship without getting to
know him
Because I am attracted to men, I am forced to deal with the male dominated society
more closely. I must deal with men and the power struggle and also what I've found
to be their reluctance to open up for emotional intimacy
I have not had to fear being faced with the violence and hatred when in public
with a [same-sex] partner. Regardless of that, I still have faced many homophobic
reactions.., because I do not fit the stereotypical feminine role
The process of moratorium, or identity exploration, appears to make
students much more aware of how their sexual identity affects their life.
They are aware of the privilege and taken-for-grantedness of heterosexuality.
Comments at the End of the Semester
The final essays were reviewed to determine whether students had
changed their attitudes. Generally, two common themes were identified.
First, many students wrote about their changes in attitudes about people
with different sexual identities than their own. Second, some reported
greater personal awareness of their sexual identity.
I think my sexual identity will always be 'black heterosexual male' which is a step
up from 'black heterosexual homophobic male'
I guess I can say I have changed . . . I have an open mind to all sexual identities
that I should of always had but didn't. It's a shame that it took me 20 years to
figure this out
Before this class, I saw the gay, bi, lesbian community as different and unique. But
now I see them as friends with warm hearted open feelings that have a lot to offer
to others
I have become a speaker of the cause. I have made a point to talk to many people
about the problems and misconceptions of the lesbian, gay, and bisexual community
Regarding their own sexual identity, students commented:
Before [in the first essay] I said 'born to like women' but I really mean 'taught to
like women'. Television, movies, brothers, parents are just some of the things that
could have an impact on sexual identity. I think that I was so blind that I did not
even realize that this was being taught to me
I learned a lot about other people's sexuality and I think I learned that I take my
own sexuality for granted
To be quite honest, before I took this class, I was ignorant not only to other
sexualities, but to my own
This class obviously hasn't changed me, but it has awakened me
Before this class, sexuality (any type) was 'other'. I just couldn't put sexuality and
myself together ... unlike my upbringing, I want my children to know that there
are different sexualities, classes, races, cultures, etc.

12. 832 Eliason
Since I started this class, I have had many questions about my own sexuality. Even
though I am engaged, I had to stop and wonder about being with women--not
only sexually but romantically and mentally
An interesting remark shared by four of the White men in the class,
was that they felt in the minority. One response typifies their concerns:
I did, however, feel separate. The class turned out to be mostly homosexual, a
situation that I had never been in... this type of separated feeling is what I believe
this society needs to get rid of in order to desegregate our two communities
In actuality, there were 26 heterosexual and 11 gay, lesbian, or bisexual
students in the class. This perception by some of the White men may mirror
White heterosexual men's discomfort in this changing society--a society in
which they used to have the advantage. As women, people of color, and
people of diverse sexual identities clamor for a place, the White men feel
the most threatened because they have the most to lose.
CONCLUSIONS
These students' comments demonstrate wide diversity in the ways they
defined their sexual identity, theorized the origins of sexual identity, and
felt the effects of sexuality on their everyday lives. Most expressed some
notion of identity foreclosure. They had accepted an identity imposed
upon them by society, religion, their gender, or their parents' expectations.
Others expressed bewilderment--they were identity diffused in regard to
sexual identity and had not really thought about it until this class. Three
women seemed to be in the process of moratorium, or actively questioning
their identity. Their essays all semester were long and full of soul-search-
ing questions. No men appeared to be in moratorium. Of the few students
who were identity achieved, there appeared to be a gender difference in
their accounts. The men who had carefully considered their sexual identity
and committed to heterosexuality had largely done so on the basis of re-
jecting a gay identity. The women, on the other hand, had considered what
it would mean to be a lesbian or bisexual, and had decided that, although
it was an option they might choose later, heterosexuality suited their lives
at this time. In other words, they did not reject a same-sex orientation
altogether.
This sample was small, not allowing for detailed analysis of issues such
as race, class, ethnicity, and other human factors that may intersect with
sexuality. There is some suggestion in the student narratives that hetero-
sexual sexual identity may differ by race. The students of color in this class
generally had more awareness of sexual identity, but often pointed out that
race was a more salient identity for them than sexuality. Thus, heterosexual

13. Sexual Identity Formation 833
students of color may be different from heterosexual White students in
much the same ways that gay, lesbian, or bisexual people of color differ
from gay, lesbian, bisexual White people (Chan, 1993; Hemphill, 1991;
Loiacano, 1993; Lorde, 1982).
In conclusion, the study of heterosexual sexual identity may potentially
have great impact. First, many heterosexual students were unaware of what
it means to be heterosexual in this society, and had experienced much un-
certainty about themselves. Self-awareness and understanding is necessau,
before a person can really understand about sexual difference. Many of
these students had unknowingly perpetuated stereotypes about lesbian, gay,
and bisexual people until they examined their own sexual identity devel-
opment. Finally, understanding of the processes of heterosexual sexual
identity development will be helpful in understanding all forms of sexual
diversity.
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