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2. JohnBlackingandthe Developmentof
DanceAnthropologyin the UnitedKingdom
AndreeGrau
The study of dance, let alone "danceanthropology,"is still
barelyacceptedbyacademiaintheschoolsanduniversitiesof
the United Kingdom (1). On the whole, Farnell's 1981
discussion of dance and dance education in Englandis still
relevant. There is, however, a growing awareness among
British anthropologists of the critical relevance of dance
withinthefield of anthropologyandamongdancescholarsof
the relevanceof anthropologyto dance studies.
Inthe lastdecadeor so a numberof studiesthatlook atthe
stateof the artwithinthefield of "dance"anthropologyhave
been published in the United States and in Europe(see, for
example, Giurschescu and Torp [1991], Kaeppler [1991],
Lange [1980], Sklar[1991], andWilliams [1986]). Itwould
be more accurateto talk about the anthropologyof human
movement, as do a numberof the writersmentionedabove,
since the concept "dance,"as known in English and other
cognatelanguages,maynotbe appropriate
crossculturally. I
find theterm"anthropologyof humanmovement,"however,
rather cumbersome, and since it is "dance"-rather than
martialartsor signing systems, for instance-that is usually
lookedatby theauthorsI will be referringto later, Iconsider
the use of the term"danceanthropology"justifiable.
Myintenthereis twofold: I) to give abriefoverviewof the
kindof workthathasbeen, andis being, done inthe UK, and
2) to look in some depthatthe natureof danceanthropology
proposedby JohnBlackingandhis colleagues, showing how
it compareswith the views of otherauthorsin thediscipline.
In the United Kingdomthe term"danceanthropology"is
preferredto "danceethnology," the latteroften used in the
UnitedStates. Thedifferentterminologyreflectsthedifferent
approaches and emphases (cf. Kaeppler's excellent 1991
discussion of theAmericanethnologicalandanthropological
"schools"). Ethnologyandanthropologyareclosely related.
Although both deal with the study of sociocultural facts,
ethnology tendsto specialize in the studyof humancultures
in historical and comparativeperspectiveand anthropology
tends to search for scientific generalizations about human
behaviorandcultures(cf. Keesing 1976:3). Basic questions
of anthropologyare: whatattributesdo humanbeingshavein
common? and what are the basic mental capabilities and
processes thatallow humansto develop differentlanguages,
cultures,andsocial systems?
Whatmakesmovementstudiesanthropologicalratherthan
ethnological, therefore,is the focus on system: the impor-
tanceof intention,meaning,andculturalevaluation. Anthro-
pologists are interested in socially-constructed movement
systems, theactivities thatgeneratethem,how andby whom
they arejudged, and how they can assist in understanding
society. The aim of the anthropologist is not simply to
understanddance in its culturalcontext, but ratherto under-
stand society throughanalyzing movement systems. The
focus of dance ethnology, on the otherhand,is often on the
dancecontent; the studyof the culturalcontext of the dance
aimstohelpilluminatethedance. Inethnologicalstudies,the
social relationshipsof the people dancing, for example, are
backgrounded
whilethedanceitselfanditschangesovertime
are foregrounded(Kaeppler 1991:16-17). Dance ethnolo-
gists, onthewhole, postulatetheview of thedancer'sbodyas
an instrumentmoving in time and space, in some ways
separatedfrom the dancer'smind. This body is subdivided
into distinctive body partsmuch like a machinethatcan be
subdividedintoitscomponents.Thebodyistakenforgranted,
as something objective. A dance anthropologist,however,
wouldarguethatthereis nosuchthingasanaturalbody; there
is not one archetypalbody, but ratherbodies, and all are
culturallyandsocially constructed.
Ascatteredrepertoire
of anthropologicalinsightsintodance
haslongexistedwithinBritishanthropologicalliterature
(see,
forexample,Evans-Pritchard's
nowclassicarticle"TheDance"
[1928] or Radcliffe-Brown's analysis in The AndamanIs-
landers [1922]). Much of the work carriedout on English
traditionaldanceformsbyfolkloristssince thelateeighteenth
century and especially more recently is relevant to dance
anthropology(see Buckland1984foranoverviewof scholar-
ship on traditionaldance in the United Kingdom), but it is
essentially since the 1970s thatdanceandthe social sciences
have startedto cooperate in a more structuredway. For
example, in 1979 an intercollegiate seminar was held at
LondonUniversity's School of OrientalandAfricanStudies.
It was attendedby membersof the various departmentsof
AndreeGrauhasconductedfieldworkinSouthernAfricaamongtheVenda,inNorthernAustraliaamongtheTiwi, andinLondon.
She studiedwith the late ProfessorJohnBlacking at The Queen's Universityof Belfast, where she earnedherMA andPhD in
Social Anthropology. She currentlyteaches the anthropologyof dance at London ContemporaryDance School and in the
ethnomusicology programat Goldsmiths' College, LondonUniversity,andcultural/social'anthropology
at RichmondCollege,
theAmericanInternational
Universityin London. HerpublicationshaveappearedinDance Research,Dance ResearchJoui-nal,
Man, Popular Music,Anthr-opological
Foirum,and VisualAnthropology.
Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993) 21

3. social anthropologyof the university (see Society and the
Dance, edited by Paul Spencer [1985]). In 1982 the First
Conference of British Dance Scholars was held, laying the
foundations
fortheSocietyforDanceResearch,
andsociological/
anthropologicalinterestswere well represented(see the pro-
ceedings published in Dance Research [1983]). In 1984
SurreyUniversity's thirdconference in the Study of Dance
series, entitled Dance-A MulticulturalPerspective, had a
strongsociological/anthropologicalslant(see Adshead1984).
Dance Anthropology Training in the UK
Manyinstitutions,both stateandprivate,which teachdance
in higher education (such as Middlesex University and the
LondonContemporary
DanceSchool),haveDanceinSociety
options as partof theirBA programs. Generallythe aim of
thesecoursesis to broadenthestudents'perspectiveof dance
ratherthanto traindanceanthropologists,andonly aminimal
amountof researchis carriedout.
At thepostgraduatelevel, since 1980theLabanCentrehas
offeredanoptioninthe Sociology of Danceas partof its MA
in Dance Studies (now validatedby City University) and a
new option entitledDance Politics, InstitutionsandPolicies
was made available for the first time in the 1992-1993 aca-
demic year (2). In 1990 SurreyUniversity starteda course
entitledDance in PopularCultureas partof its MA in Dance
Studies(3). The LondonContemporary
Dance School offers
acourseinCriticalstudies,withastronganthropologicalbias,
as partof its MA in Choreography,which startedin 1992
(validatedby the Universityof Kent).
It is also worthnoting RoderykLange's Centrefor Dance
Studieson theChannelIslandof Jersey,wheredanceanthro-
pology courses, tailor-made for individual students, have
been offered since the early 1970s. These, however, do not
lead to official certificationor degrees, anddo notbelong to
mainstreameducation.
It is notjust dancedepartments,however, which areopen-
ing upto the social sciences. Thereverseis also beginningto
happen, though much more slowly. In 1991, for example,
JaneCowan,authorofDanceandtheBodyPolitic inNorthern
Greece (1990), was appointedto the School of Culturaland
CommunityStudies at Sussex University. One could argue
thatCowan is not a dance anthropologistin the sense thatin
herbook, for example, the dance itself nevercomes into the
analysis. She does not includeany discussion of the choreo-
graphicstructures
forexample,butratherusesdanceeventsas
a pretextto analyzedominantideals of genderedbehaviorin
alltheircomplexityandcontradictions(see Foster1992foran
excellent review of the book). Nevertheless, Cowan's ap-
pointmentis significant, since the legitimacy of dance as a
centraltopic of studyis acknowledged. Itwill be interesting
to see how muchdance researchcomes out of Sussex in the
future.
Anthropology departmentsthroughoutthe country have
occasionally accepted postgraduatestudents who want to
workprimarilyon dance (one of the most notablecases was
thatof DridWilliams in the late 1970s atOxfordUniversity)
(5). This is, however, ratherexceptionalandis always done
on an individualbasis, dependingmainly on the interestsof
faculty members responding to the demands of potential
students. Very few anthropologydepartmentshave special-
ists in performanceamongtheirstaff. The assumptionsthat
no in-depthknowledge is neededto look atdanceandthatan
interestinthesubjectis sufficientqualificationto supervisea
studentchoosing dance as an areaof specializationare still
predominantamongBritishanthropologists.
The systematic study of dance from an anthropological
perspectiveis thus far from being established in the United
Kingdom (6). No universitycurrentlyprovides a complete
programin dance anthropology. Of the institutions men-
tioned above, SurreyUniversityand the LabanCentreoffer
the most specialized courses, going into some depth and
offeringthepossibilityof doingsomefieldwork,butwithonly
one seminar a week, these options can hardly be called a
"program"(students in these two Dance Studies programs
have to choose three options, including such subjects as
Choreography,DanceinEducation,Reconstruction,Choreo-
logical Studies,andso on, specializing in one topic for their
dissertation).Recently,anumberof booksandarticleswhich
can be put underthe broadumbrellaof the "social sciences"
havebeenpublishedby formerLabanCentregraduates(see,
forexample,ChristyAdair'sWomenandDance: Sylphsand
Sirens[1992],ValeriePreston-Dunlop
andSusanneLahusen's
Schrifttanz:AViewofGermanDance intheWeimar
Republic
[1990], StaceyPrickett's"DanceandtheWorker'sStruggle"
[1990], AnaSanchez-Colberg's"YouPutYourLeft Foot In,
ThenYou ShakeItAll About...: ExcursionsandIncursions
into Feminism and Bausch's Tanztheater"[1993], Lesley-
Anne Sayers' "SheMightPirouetteon a Daisy andItWould
Not Bend: Images of Feminity and Dance Appreciation"
[1993] andValerieRimmer's"TheAnxiety of DancePerfor-
mance"[1993]).
Realcommitmenttothedevelopmentof ananthropologyof
dance was shown by the late JohnBlacking at The Queen's
University of Belfast, where courses in dance anthropology
wereregularlyofferedaspartof theMAinethnomusicology,
and,morerecently,by a close colleague of Blacking's, John
Baily. Bailey held the lectureship in ethnomusicology at
Queen's from 1978 to 1983. At LondonUniversity's Gold-
smiths'College heofferedthefirstcourseintheanthropology
of dance in the Spring term of 1992, as partof the MMus
ethnomusicologyprogram.
Dance Anthropology at
The Queen's University of Belfast and at
London University's Goldsmiths' College
The developmentof danceresearchfroman anthropological
perspective (as a special option relatedto trainingin ethno-
musicology) in the Social AnthropologyDepartmentof The
Queen'sUniversityof Belfast wasdueprimarilyto theenthu-
siasm of ProfessorJohn Blacking, a leading anthropologist
and ethnomusicologist who, with the help first of Roderyk
Langeandthenof AdrienneKaeppler(bothtrainedin dance
as well as anthropology),createda centerfor danceresearch
exceptionalinitsapproachandvariety. Thedanceanthropol-
ogy option was partof the MA ethnomusicology program
(other courses were Anthropology of Music, Theory and
Method in Ethnomusicology,Ethnographyof WorldMusic
andDance, anda special areawhich was eitherAfricasouth
22 Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993)

4. of theSahara[taughtbyJohnBlacking]orWestern/Southern/
Central Asia [taughtby John Baily]). Students were also
requiredto takeundergraduate
anthropologycourses. There
was, however, no permanentdance anthropologiston the
staff; instead, a number of dance specialists visited the
departmentat regularintervalsthroughoutthe year.
Althoughmovementnotationwas seen as a very important
researchtool, andanumberof Belfastthesesanddissertations
included transcriptionsof dances (see, for example, Jones
1980 and Grau 1979 and 1983b, using Benesh Movement
Notation; andChua 1979, using Labanotation),notationwas
not seen as a prerequisitefor an anthropologicalstudy of
dance. There was never a strong emphasis at Belfast on
structuralanalyses of dance based on transcriptionscompa-
rable to, for example, Kaeppler's Tongan work (Kaeppler
1967and 1972),MartinandPesovar'sHungarian
work(Mar-
tinandPesovar1961),orthestudyof Djambidj,anAboriginal
song-series,carriedoutattheAustralianInstituteof Aborigi-
nal Studies and Sydney University by ethnomusicologist
StephenWild,specialistin"'oralliterature"
Margaret
Clunies-
Ross, and myself, a choreologist. The latterstudy used de-
tailed transcriptionsto elucidate the natureof the interrela-
tionship of the different performance elements of music,
poetry,dance,andritualcallscomprisedinDjambidj(Clunies-
Ross andWild 1984) (7).
There is no doubt that John Blacking's ideas on the arts
greatly influenced the dance researchersin his department,
some of whomarenow workingthroughouttheworldas well
as in the United Kingdom(8).
To Blacking, ethnomusicology and dance anthropology
were branchesof social anthropology,whose chief areasof
studyweretheexpressive, social movementof bodies intime
and space. He arguedthat "the evidence of the forms and
functionsof music anddance indifferentsocieties can throw
considerablelighton relationshipsbetweenman'sbiological
evolutionandculturaldevelopment"(1976:5). Dance,inthis
light, encompasses both:
1. the enormous range of movement styles which
membersof differentsocieties conceptualizeasbeing
significantly differentfromtheireveryday,practical
movements and liable to stimulate transcendental
experiences and,
2. an innate, species-specific set of cognitive and
sensory capacities which humanbeings are predis-
posedto use forcommunicationandmakingsense of
the environment. (Blacking 1984:6)
Blackingarguedthatincollective artisticexperiencesfeel-
ing and intellect may combine to create a unique social
process as well as a new culturalproduct: a created form
greaterthan the sum of its parts, giving the participantsa
feeling of empathy which is unlikely to occur in ordinary
social intercourse. His work in SouthernAfrica led him to
conclude that in many African societies, the artshave been
andareseennotmerelyaspartof thesuperstructure
of human
life, as optional extras that can be added when there is an
economic surplus,for entertainmentandrefreshment,or for
reinforcingthepowerof certainsocialgroups.Theyhavebeen
regardedas integralpartsof societies' processesof reproduc-
tion and materialproduction,as means of defining self and
othersandtheconditionsof sharingthatarenecessaryforthe
welfare and economic success of communities. (Blacking
1986:6)
Dancecanbe seenfromthispointof view asauniquesocial
activity: a metaphorof feeling, a catalyst which transforms
acquiredknowledge into understanding,both reflecting and
generatingspecial kinds of social experience. As such, it
could have profound effects on individual consciousness
which, in turn,could affect people's imaginationsand deci-
sion-makingin othersocial contexts.
Althoughitwasrecognizedthatthereweretoofew detailed
studies of humanmovement and thatany theoreticaldevel-
opment was somewhat hamperedby the lack of empirical
data,the compilationof detailedethnographieswas notcon-
sidered an end in itself in Belfast. Dance researchersthere
have not only been interestedin the study of danceforms as
examplesof the infinitevarietyof humancreativity,buthave
also triedto shed light on dance as a special kindof activity
incontrastwithothersocial activities.Moststudieshavetried
to tackle an issue which can help us towards a better un-
derstandingof dance both as cultural forms and species-
specific modes of thought.
Myown workamongtheTiwi of Melville Islandin North-
ernAustraliabetween 1980and 1984,forexample,suggested
thatdancecouldinfluenceculturalinvention,andthusplayan
importantrole in the formationandtransmissionof the Tiwi
culturalsystem. My dataled me to wonderaboutthe possi-
bility of dancebeing a vital partof the infrastructure
of Tiwi
social life: therewas no doubtthatevents in the performing
artsactuallygeneratedevents inotherareasof life as muchas
they reflectedthem. My datasuggested stronglythatfor the
Tiwi thedanceswhich I labelled(afterGoodale)the"kinship
dances"were importantin shapingsocial relationships,and
thatdance in generalcould generatechange.
Thekinshipdancesseemedtohavehadadialecticalquality
similarto thatwhichLevi-Straussattributedto mythwhenhe
arguedthatpeople use mythto resolve theirtheoreticalprob-
lems (Levi-Strauss 1971:562). Throughthese dances, indi-
vidualshadthe opportunityto experienceall the social roles
of the society, even those inaccessible to them (men being
pregnantforexample)orunacceptable(womenfindingSpirit
Childrenforexample),andthustheywereimaginativeaswell
as reflective. Were the Tiwi thereby working out all the
possible permutationsof relationshipsbetween individuals
and,for good reasons,rejectingthose which werenot appro-
priateintheirsociety? Inaddition,theTiwi dancerepertoire
as a whole, with its emphasison creativity,has allowed the
Tiwitoexperiencechangesthroughthedancebeforeadopting
them socially, and thus has given them, throughouttheir
known history, a great ability to adaptto change (see Grau
1983a, 1983b, 1992a, 1993a, and 1993b for more detailed
discussions of Tiwi dance).
It is importantto realize thatdanceanthropologyis not an
area of human movement studies. Although it has been
repeatedlystatedthatall formsof dancemaybe studiedfrom
ananthropologicalperspective(see, forexample,Sachs 1958,
Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993) 23

5. Kurath 1960, and Keali'inohomoku 1969), there is still a
prevailingbelief thatdanceanthropologydeals only withthe
so-called "ethnic"and"primitive"dances. Dance anthropol-
ogy may have arisen from a discipline whose concern had
originallybeen withthepeoples "discovered"alongthefron-
tiers of Europeanexpansion, but anthropologistshave long
since broadenedtheirhorizons. This is clearly illustratedin
the workthathasbeencarriedout in Belfast: PhDs andMAs
have beenjust as concernedwiththerole of dancein schools
(SheilaCallaghan1982)anddanceandthedevelopingimagi-
nationof children(PatriciaLinton 1984) as with traditional
dancesof Mauritius(Jones 1980),theHebrides(JoanHender-
son 1982),Bali(Sanger1986),orMacedonia(Loutzaki1984).
Unfortunately,most of theses studies have remainedunpub-
lished (see AppendixIfora list of Belfast dancedissertations
andtheses).
Since John Blacking's death in January1990, the Social
AnthropologyDepartmentat Queen's seems to have chosen
toconsolidateitsethnomusicologycomponentandtorelegate
dance,forthemomentatleast,to theside lines (9). Thisdoes
notmean,however,thatthe"Blackingtradition"
isdead:later
in 1990, John Baily was appointed as Head of the Eth-
nomusicology Centre in the Music Department of Gold-
smiths' College (10). Since then, with the supportof the
College, he has shown his commitmentto the studyof dance
by including, for the first time, a course in dance anthropol-
ogy, which I taught, as the "special topic" for 1991-1992
within the MMus programin ethnomusicology (11), and by
extendingtherulestoallow studentstocarryoutpostgraduate
work concentratingon dance ratherthanmusic. These stu-
dents are offered tutoring dealing specifically with dance
issues inadditionto theircoursesinethnomusicologyandthe
anthropologyof music (12). Inaddition,ayearlyColloquium
inDanceAnthropology,heldinJanuary,hastakenplacesince
1991.
An Anthropological Concept of Dance:
The Views of John Blacking
It is not within the scope of this paper to give a detailed
analysis of what constitutes an anthropologicalapproachto
dance; there have been many excellent discussions on the
subject(see, for example, Kaeppler1978, Novack 1990, and
Williams 1991). Suffice it to say that an anthropologyof
anythingwill neverunderstand
itssubjectoutsidethecultural,
historical,andphysicalcontextsthatmakeitpossible,andthat
thebasicassumptionsunderlyingallof anthropologyarethat:
1. humanbeings bringmeaningto theirexperience;
2. human beings transformthe world aroundthem
throughpracticalaction ratherthanthroughpassive
reaction,and
3. nothingis "natural,"
in the sense thateverythingis
socially constructed.
Because Blacking's ideashavesignificantlyaffecteddance
anthropologydone in the UnitedKingdom,I wantto expand
on two aspects which can be extractedfromhis teachingand
writing which are slightly different from those offered by
other anthropologistsin the field of dance: his notions of
"ethnicperceptions"and"dialecticanthropology."
At Queen's, dance anthropologywas considered to be a
specific way of looking atdance; its mainconcernwas with
understandingthe natureof dance cross-culturallyand with
developing a discipline of dance arisingout of the "thinking
moving body." Blacking,like otheranthropologists,saw the
makingof dancesnotsimplyasanexerciseintheorganization
of movements,butas a symbolicexpressionof culturalorga-
nizationwhichreflects,inpart,thevaluesandthewaysof life
of thehumanbeings who createthem. He stressed,however,
that culturesexist only in performance,being "productsof
humanindividuation... re-interpreted,translated,by every
individualandevery generation"(Blacking 1986:3).
Dance was seen as being madeby peoplefor otherpeople
inthesense thatitdependsuponassociationsbetweenpeople
forits transmissionandmeaning: withoutculturalagreement
amongatleastsomehumanbeingson whatisperceived,there
can be neitherdance nordance communication.
Contextandcultural
labellinginfluencepeople'sinterpretation
of symbols: in addition to expected variations between
interpretations
by individualpersonalities,therearesocially
acceptedconventions or patternsof meaningthatareshared
by most membersof a social group,whetherit be a class, a
community,a profession,a church,or a nation. These regu-
larities in the humaninterpretationsof signs may be called
"ethnicperceptions"of action and meaning. It is not sug-
gested thatpeople are"culturaldopes"incapableof making
uptheirownminds; butitis arguedthatinpeople's conscious
activity of makingsense of the worldof signs and symbols,
social conventions and acquiredhabits of perceptioninflu-
ence theirselection of relevantcues andtheirunderstanding
of whatthey see andhear.
On the other hand, Blacking's anthropologicalapproach
also recognizes thatdanceis symbolic,nonverbal,communi-
cation; thatmuchnonverbalcommunicationis notculturally
labelled; andthatdance,in spiteof thefactthatit, alongwith
theotherperformingarts,is deeplyembeddedinthelanguage
and culture of its makers,can often somehow "transcend"
culturalboundaries.
Danceis certainlynotauniversallanguage. Thiswasnever
moreclearly demonstratedto me thanwhen a groupof Tiwi
menandwomenhadbeeninvitedtoattend,andperformat,the
opening of the new Darwin Museum in 1981, along with
Balinese and Maori dancers. The Tiwi people very much
enjoyedtheperformancesof theMaorimenandwomen. They
appreciatedthe strengthand sharpnessof the movements to
the extent thatthey even "borrowed"some of themfor their
own dances later in the day. However, when the Balinese
dancerperformedtheyall lookedastounded,andone of them
askedme, while watchingthe performance,if she was mad!
None of hermovementswereperceivedby theTiwi asdance;
it was nothingbut the behaviorof an insane person. Maori
dance was "understood"because its vocabulary was suf-
ficiently similarto the Tiwi's to be recognizedas dance,but
the Balinese vocabulary was too alien and could not be
classified underthe same label.
Many people, nevertheless, enjoy and "understand"
fla-
24 Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993)

6. menco orAfricandanceformseven thoughtheydo notshare
a common movement vocabularyand the individualsknow
nothing of Southern Spanish and African languages and
cultures,just as many people enjoy the musics of Mozartor
Ravi Shankarwithoutknowing anythingaboutAustrianand
NorthIndianlanguagesandcultures. Why this shouldbe is
notclearly understood,butit maybe becausetheperforming
arts seem to be primarily concerned with the feelings of
individuals in society. Nonverbal communication, as the
anthropologistGregoryBateson pointed out, is particularly
appropriate
forexpressingthequalityandintensityof feelings
(Bateson 1973:388). However, it is importantto stress that
Blacking's search for universals must not be seen as yet
anotherway in which the West appropriates
the"other." As
ananthropologist,
heisaskingaboutthebasicmentalcapabilities
and processes thatallow humanbeings to develop different
languages,cultures,andsocial systems, andis looking at the
possibilities of danceandmusic illuminatingtheseprocesses.
He is not arguingthattherearenecessarilycommonalitiesof
humanexperiencereflectedinsome universallanguageof art.
Forexample, he disliked tremendouslythe notionof "World
Music,"in the sense that it usually means all musics except
WesternmusicsanditsomehowseparatesWesternculturesas
"reality"from other cultures as "exotic variations"to be
observed. JodyDiamonddiscussedtheissueeloquentlywhen
she wrote:
"We"know who "they"arebuttheydon'tknow who
we are.We understandtheentireworldbuttheyonly
understandpartof it. We decide whatis good forour
worldandfortheirs.Wecanparticipateintheirworld
but should not have too much influence. We study
"them"and don't sharethe results: they don't need
the information.
An ad for a TV special evokes "ourmodernworld"
andthe "ancienttimeless cultureof Bali." But there
is no ancient time for the Balinese to live in while
"we"partakeof themodernera.Thecameracrewjust
came backa few weeks ago. The performanceswere
filmed while the Berlin wall was coming down. The
touristsareas realas the rituals.(1990:1)
Theprocessof makingsense of aperformance(be itartistic
or otherwise), is an integral part of its meaning, and the
different "ethnic perceptions"of the actors and spectators
havethesamestatusasthoseof theanalyst,whoseview is but
one of a numberof "ethnicperceptions"(13). A dialectic
between informantsandanalystsmust be established.
"Dialectic ethnomusicology"and"dialecticdance anthro-
pology" are concepts that John Blacking advocated for a
numberof yearsbeforehedied(Blacking 1984:16). (In-depth
discussionof adialecticalperspectiveinanthropologycanbe
found,forexample,inMurphy[1971] andBarrett[1984].) In
Blacking's terms, a dialectical approachis a process which
attemptsto create an exchange between analysts and infor-
mantsso thattwo kinds of technical knowledge andexperi-
ence areconfronted,andinformantscan shareinthe intellec-
tualprocessof analysis. Thisprocessshouldbe ratherdiffer-
ent from that usually associated with "interviews": there
should not be the two separatephases of datacollection and
"laboratory"
analysis. Participantobservation,collection of
data,discussion,andprimaryanalysisshouldallbefusedinto
an ongoing analyticalprocess in orderthatthe majortaskof
analysiscan be shiftedto the "field,"whereexperimentscan
be combined with dialogue, so as to test each conclusion.
At a second stageof analysisa dialecticalrelationbetween
the ideas andactivities of performerswith those of differing
socialgroupsshouldbeestablished.Howdoes anindividual's
acquisitionof artisticskills andcorrespondingbodily experi-
ences relate to other social activities and experiences? Do
artisticexperiencesassist orconflict withothersocial activi-
ties? To whatextentis artisticpracticeableto, orintendedto,
enhanceconsciousness? Howdopeoplemaketheconnection
betweenartisticactivityandotherexperienceswhichgive the
artstheiraestheticforce? Thesearethekindsof questionsthat
should be asked so that artisticpracticecan be placed in a
social context, an issue discussed by anthropologistClifford
Geertz in his article "Artas a CulturalSystem" (1976). In
addition, the process should also be inverted: a crucial
analyticalprocedurenot merely attemptsto fit the arts into
social systems, but startswith the artisticsystems and their
symbols, with styles andartisticcommunities,andthen sees
how andwhere society fits into the arts.
The possibility of a dialectical approachas advocatedby
Blacking was put to the test in the InterCultural
Performing
Arts ResearchProject(ICPAP),undertakenat LondonUni-
versity's Goldsmiths'College betweenthe summersof 1986
and 1989. It involved the workingtogetherof an academic
team,led by Blacking,anda multiracialperformancegroup,
PanProject,involved in inter-culturalperformance
Pan Project is part of a contemporarytrend in which a
numberof performerscan be seen to be strivingtowardsthe
creationof a "complete"theatre,one in which dance,music,
drama,visualarts,andsoonareintegrated.Suchgroupsoften
choose tostudyandbe inspiredbynon-Westernformssuchas
Kathakali, Peking Opera, Noh, and/or different forms of
African dance/drama,because they see these performance
techniquesas embodyingtheirideal.
ICPAPhasbeendiscussedinotherpublications(Blacking,
Cresswell, Grau,and Martin 1989; Grau 1990 and 1992b).
Whatisrelevanthereistolookatsomeof thepracticalitiesand
problems involved with the idea of transculturalcommu-
nication in the artsand with a dialectical approachto field-
work,whichreflectBlacking's influenceondanceanthropol-
ogy.
Transcultural Communication in the Arts
Transculturalcommunicationof ideas and symbol systems
was at the heartof ICPAP's researchproposal. Pan Project
seemedaparticularly
appropriate
"laboratory."
Itsfieldbeing
expressive culture, it offered a clear frameworkto explore
symboliccommunicationandtheconstructionof meaning: it
combined"spontaneous"/"natural"
monitoringof unfamiliar
codes, throughits work with masterteachers,with the self-
conscious, "artificial"invention of new codes, throughits
Dance Research Journal 25/2 (Fall 1993) 25

7. performanceandteaching work.
Ourresearchhasshownthatartisticunderstanding
is notthe
same as cultural understanding: aesthetic expression can
indeed transcendculture,but such transculturalexperiences
do not necessarily produce interculturalunderstandingso
much as degrees of personalenlightenment.
Forexample,duringthetourof Indianvillages andcities in
thestatesof MadhyaPradeshandKarnataka
carriedoutbythe
companyduringthewinterof 1986-1987, itwasinterestingto
note thatworkingwithIndianartistsandIndianartformsdid
not seem to help membersof thegroupadjustto thedifferent
tempo and style of Indiansocial life; buton the otherhand,
abetterunderstanding
of Indiansocial andculturallife didnot
seem necessaryforthesuccess of theirartisticworkwiththeir
Indianshosts. The Indiangroups' artisticpracticesseem to
have been subject to as many autonomous conventions as
those of PanProject. Besides, patternsof social andcultural
life are so varied from one partof Indiato anotherand one
section of the populationto anotherthatprecise correspon-
dence betweenartisticpracticeandsocial life areunlikely.If
thisis so, thereareconsequenceswhicharenotonlyforpeople
fromotherculturalbackgroundsseeking mutualunderstand-
ing throughthe arts. It follows thatIndiansthemselves may
well view theirartsasconventions"setapart"
fromdaily life,
though when they are separatedfrom that daily life, as in
Leeds, Bradford, Leicester, and Southall, they may then
reinterpretthe forms as characteristicof ordinarylife.
ResearchonPanProjecthaspromptedmanyquestions: for
example, can any performance venture be self-conscious
about other styles in an objective way? When individual
performersand audiences make sense of culturalforms, to
whatextent can they reallypenetratethe mindsandfeelings
of theiroriginators,whetherornottheyhavebeenbroughtup
in the same culturaltradition? Can we really understand"a
culture"throughartisticpracticealone?
Members of Pan Project appropriatedand perceived as
partlytheirown certain"principles"whichthey"discovered"
throughworkingwiththeirown bodies andvoices. Thework
withmasterteacherscansomehowbe seenasconfirmationof
theseprinciplesaswell asasearchfor"new"waysof express-
ing them so thatthey can be perceived and passed on more
"efficiently." Such principles are, for example, breathing
energy and,directly linkedto it, the centeringof the body as
one source of expressive behavior. Working with different
forms, Pan memberswere able to experience them through
differenttypesof exercises whichall sharedacalmnessinthe
axis of the spine, coming out of the pelvis and rooting the
breathingin the abdomen,so thatone became awareof the
centralaxis, of wheretheenergycamefromatthebaseof the
spine.
Whetheror not these arelocal artisticconventions or uni-
versals that can be rediscovered from one generation to
anotherthroughartisticpractice,they cannotbe transmitted
except throughtheexperienceof performance.Perhapsartis-
tic practice,by its very nature,is influenced more by these
professional conventions than by the cultural style of the
society in which it thrives?
Dialectic Approach to Fieldwork
Blacking saw dialectical anthropologyas a way to enable a
new kind of knowledge to emerge. A number of ideas
underpinthe process: the fluid and dynamic characterof
human actions, as well as human beings' innovative and
manipulativenature,arestressed; andthe notionsof choice,
contradiction,andpower areemphasized.
There is no doubt,for example, thatthe relationshipsbe-
tween researchersand those researchedhave always been
lopsided in favorof the former. Moreandmoreanthropolo-
gists have been awareof this and have triedto explore new
ways of presenting their work, such as co-authoringtheir
books andarticleswith theirinformants.
As a studentof BlackingI hadtakenwithme intothefield
the ideal of dialectic dance anthropology: I tried to, in
Murphy's terms, "question everything [I saw and heard],
examine phenomenafully and from every angle, seek and
evaluate the contradictionof any proposition,and consider
every categoryfromtheviewpointof its noncontentsas well
as its positive attributes"(Murphy 1971:17). Dealing with
powerrelationships,I triedto sharemy fieldnotes, diagrams,
films, photographs,or whatever with anyone interested in
seeing them. The process was always rewarding,often initi-
atingdiscussions which enhancedmy understanding;butas
a colleague pointed out to me, this does not constitute a
dialecticalanthropologyandis no differentfromparticipant-
observation(14).
With ICPAPI thoughtthe process could be takenfurther:
we shareda common languageand we all came from back-
groundswhich have much in common in the sense thatthey
were cosmopolitan, artistic, middle class; in addition, we
were all willing to share in the researchprocess (though it
mustbe notedthat"researchprocess"meantdifferentthings
to differentindividuals). We thushada veryfirmgrounding
for exploring a dialectical approach. I had forgotten the
importanceof power games played by everyone involved in
anysocial process. Itwas interesting,forexample,thatwhen
I wrotethefinal researchreport,performersreactedinvaried
ways to the chapter dealing with the membership of the
company. I had interviewedeveryone at length abouttheir
background,interests,approachto intercultural
work,roleas
companymember,and so on. Priorto circulatingthe docu-
mentamong the group,I wrote to everyone, asking if in the
publicversionthey wantedme to use theirnames,initials,or
pseudonyms,andif theyhadanycommentsaboutmy text. If
they disagreed with individual portionsor the whole thing,
they were asked to elaborate so that I could include their
commentswithinthetext, thoughI didnotguaranteethatmy
own views would necessarily change. If they felt thatsome
of the informationhadbeen given in confidence and should
notbe included,theywereaskedto sayso, andIwouldfollow
theirwishes.
Some performersaccepted the text as it was, others re-
questedthatIdeleteparts,whichIdid,even thoughoccasion-
ally theinformationwas significantandimportantforabroad
understandingof what had taken place, and two chose to
communicatewith me via theirunion's lawyer!
26 Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993)

8. The question of "censorship"is interesting,as all reports
wentthroughmanystages, usuallygoing throughthefollow-
ing journey: I would be very careful when writingthe first
draft, in order not to upset or offend individuals; the text
wouldthengo inturnto JohnBlacking,theresearchdirector,
PeterCresswell, theresearchmanager,andJohnMartin,Pan
Project's director,who all would add/delete items. Then it
would go to the actors,andfinally to the managementcom-
mittee. At the end of the process the text would often be
significantly different from the original. Although on the
whole the main thrustof the argumentwas rarelyrejected,
ethnographicdetails supportingit were often deleted, some-
whatweakeningthecase: thechaptersdealingwiththeactors'
biographiesandinvolvementwiththecompany,forexample,
did not appearin the final report.
It is importantto stress that, although the relationship
between "researchers"and "researched"was occasionally
strained,it was also fun andeasy going, and in the long run
fruitful. Althoughattheendof thethreeyearswe wereasking
morequestions thanwe hadanswered,the reflexive process
has remainedwithin everyone involved. The researchhas
been continuing both formally and informally since 1989,
continuing in its process of elucidatingcertainfundamental
aspects of "artistic"knowledge (15).
Conclusion
There is no doubt that any researchertrying to apply John
Blacking's ideas will be faced with processes fraughtwith
difficulties. It was interesting,for example, to see how stu-
dentswho hadbeenattractedto Belfastby Blacking'scharis-
maticpersonalityandideashadtoreadjusttheirthinkingonce
theyweredealingwiththepracticalitiesof gatheringinforma-
tion andanalyzingdata: to probethepossibilities of thebio-
grammarof dance,oranalyzeits roleas a primarymodelling
system is no sinecure, indeed! Difficulties, however, do not
negate the validity of ideas. Even if the original premises
prove to be unworkable,the process of explorationitself is
significant.
Althoughitis difficultto saywhattheimpactof Blacking's
ideaswillbeinthelongrun,itisquiteclearthattheyhavebeen
significantfor the developmentof an anthropologyof dance
in the United Kingdom,giving it a distinctive flavor which
contrastswith whatis done in othercountries.
Those of us who have been involved closely in research
withJohnBlackingfeel thathis ideashaveopenednewdoors,
andthatanewkindof knowledgemayverywell emergeinthe
future from the kinds of research projects he advocated.
Although we know thatit is unlikely thatwe will find neat
answers to our questions, we feel that a step in the right
directionhasbeentaken,andthatnewwaysof working,more
in line with ourtimes, arebeing explored.
NOTES
1.Thefirstpartof thispapergrewoutof apresentationentitled
"Ethnochorelogieen Grande-Bretagne"given at the Uni-
versity of Paris, Sorbonne, in September 1986. That same
year I was asked to contribute to a volume entitled New
Directions in Dance Research which was to be publishedby
Ethnographica
thefollowing year. Whenthispublicationhad
still not appearedin 1992, the originalpaperwas updatedto
the form presentedhere.
2. A list of dissertationsandtheses by studentsof the Laban
Centrecan be obtainedby writingto: The Librarian,Laban
Centrefor MovementandDance, LaurieGrove,New Cross,
LondonSE14 6NH, United Kingdom. (The British use the
terms "dissertation"and "thesis"opposite from the Ameri-
cans; a dissertationis producedat the master's level and a
thesis at the doctorallevel.)
3. The Dance Studies departmentof SurreyUniversitydoes
not currentlycompile a list of dissertationsandtheses by its
students,but enquiriescan be madeby writingto: Depart-
ment of Dance Studies, University of Surrey, Guildford,
SurreyGU2 5XH, United Kingdom.
4. 1wastoldthatthenameofthiscoursewill changeinautumn
1993andbecome "Danceanthropology."Itwill be taughtby
TheresaBuckland,whose backgroundis in FolkLife Studies
(see Buckland 1986, 1990, 1991, 1992 for representative
worksof Buckland,significantforananthropologyof dance).
5. Similarly, sociology departmentsmay accept dance stu-
dents.Sociologist HelenThomas,whosebookDance,Moder-
nity,andCulturewill be publishedby Routledgein 1994,for
example, teaches at London University's Goldsmiths' Col-
lege, andoffers a course on the sociology of dance.
6. This comparesto the situationin the UnitedStateswhere,
even thoughsuch scholarsas JudithLynneHanna,Adrienne
Kaeppler,JoannKeali'inohomoku,AnyaRoyce Peterson,or
Drid Williams have promoted a strong traditionof dance
scholarship from an anthropological perspective, through
1991 no university had yet offered a PhD programwith a
specialityindanceethnology/anthropology
(Kaeppler1991:14).
This,however,is notasnegativeas itmaysound;manyof the
anthropologistsmentionedhavebeentrainingquiteanumber
of dance specialists. Forexample, Royce alone, I was told,
currentlyhas nine PhD studentsspecializing in dance (per-
sonal communication, Joann Keali'inohomoku, September
14, 1992).
7. AfterI left Australiain 1984, MargotMcCallum,another
Beneshchoreologist,continuedtheworkI started.However,
to my knowledge, no publicationcontainingthe dancecom-
ponentshas been produced.
8. Blacking's studentsin the United Kingdomusually work
withina generaldanceeducationsystem ratherthanwithina
more specialized, social science structure:as far as I know,
Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993) 27

9. I amcurrentlytheonly Belfast dancegraduateconcentrating
on dance anthropologyin this country.
9. At the time of writing three students were working on
dance: Helen Brennan Corcoranon Irish dancing (MA),
Lesley Rhodes on monastic dance in Ladakh (MA), and
KimikoOhtanion RukminiDevi andher(Kalakshetra)style
of BharataNatyam(PhD),buttherewereno dancespecialists
teaching in the department.
10. After leaving Belfast in 1983, John Baily trainedat the
National Film and Television School and then taught at
ColumbiaUniversity in the United States.
11. For the academic year 1992-1993 the topic was Eastern
EuropeanMusics. The Dance Anthropologyoption will be
offered again in Spring 1994.
12. At the time of writing,threePhD studentswereenrolled:
MariaKoutsouba,workingonGreekdance,startedinJanuary
1992; JanElliott, looking atMorrisdance,startedinJanuary
1993; andMoeDodsonlookingattheworkof JohnBlacking,
MarjorieHowell, andBelinda Quireyhadbeen acceptedand
was dueto startin Autumn1993. A numberof studentswere
considering the possibility of doing the MA "danceoption"
and were being interviewed.
13.Thisis notto saythateverybodyhasthesameinformation
aboutthedance. Theknowledge of a child andthatof anold
dancerare different, for example. This, however, does not
maketheformer"untrue"
andvalueless andthe latter"true."
As Firth has argued when discussing levels of symbolic
knowledge,becausesomepeopleareabletogive amuchmore
coherent and sophisticated interpretationof symbols than
others, ". . . it is tempting to identify such more esoteric
meaningasthe 'true'meaningof thesymbols. Buteachlevel
is valid, andmustbe aligned with the othersfor a developed
analysisoftheplaceof symbolisminsocialprocess"(1973:82).
14. Roderyk Lange, personal communication February4,
1993,commentingon thediscussionof dialecticalanthropol-
ogy in my 1992barticle.
15. InJanuary1993, I coordinated,in collaborationwith the
InstitutFranqais,a study day entitled Choreographingthe
Other:AnExplorationof AlterityandEthnicityinDance,for
the Society for DanceResearch(SDR, inadditionto publish-
ing itsjournalDance Research,organizes4-5 "events"deal-
ingwithdifferentaspectsof danceresearch).Itinvolvedsome
of theoriginalmembersof ICPAPas well asmanyothers(see
Christoudia1993forareporton theday). InJune 1993,John
Martinandmyself wereinvitedtotakepartinadayorganized
bytheChisenhaleDanceSpace(aleadingLondonvenuevery
muchintheforefrontof "new"explorationsindance)entitled
CulturalFusions,wheremany"fusing"artistsandacademics
discussed their work. In addition, a collaboration with
ISTAR-France (InternationalSociety for Traditional Arts
Research) and ARRC (Atelier de Recherche Rythmiqueet
Choreographique),a Marseille based performance/research
group,has grown out of ICPAP(see Bel andBel 1992a and
1992b for the kind of work carried out by ISTAR and
ARRC).
28 Dance ResearchJournal 25/2 (Fall 1993)

10. APPENDIX I
DissertationsandTheses on Dance at the Departmentof Social Anthropology,
The Queen's Universityof Belfast (Belfast BT7 INN, NorthernIreland,United Kingdom. See note 2.)
compiled by Kimiko Ohtani
MA Dissertations
Grau,Andree
1979 Some Problems in the Analysis of Dance Style with
Special Referenceto the Vendaof SouthAfrica.
Jones, Julie
1980 The Sega of Mauritius.
Gordon,Diane
1981 The JamaicanBuruMasqueradein the Socio-cultural
Contextof Bowens.
Callaghan,Sheila Patricia
1982 Dance in the SecondarySchools in NorthernIreland.
Henderson,Joan
1982 TheTraditionalDancesof Lewis andof SouthUistand
Barrain the OuterHebridesof Scotland.
Heale, PhilippaLewis
1983 Dance and the Cafe Cantantes: A Social Historyof
PerformancesandPerformersas GleanedfromLitera-
tureand Ilustrations.
Loutzaki,Irene
1984 Dance andSociety in a ComplexGreekPeasantCom-
munity.
PhD Theses
Chua,Soo Pong
1979 A Studyof Chinese TheatreDance in Singaporewith
Special Reference to the Period between 1947 and
1977.
Grau,Andree
1983 Dreaming,Dancing, Kinship: The Study of Yoi, the
Dance of the Tiwi of Melville and BathurstIslands,
NorthAustralia.
Sanger,Annette
1986 TheRoleof MusicandDanceintheSocialandCultural
Life of two Balinese Villages.
Loutzaki,Irene
1989 Dance as a CulturalMessage, a Studyof Dance Style
among the Greek Refugees from NorthernThracein
MicroMonastiri,Neo MonastiriandAeginon.
Kopytko,TanyaOlive
1991 DanceinPalmerstonNorth:A StudyinHumanMove-
ment Systems and Social Identity in a New Zealand
Community.
O'Neill, Rosemary
1984 A Historyof IrishDance.
REFERENCESCITED
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1992 Womenand Dance: Sylphs and Sirens. London:
Macmillan.
Adshead,Janeted.
1984 Dance-A MulticulturalPerspective. Guildford:Na-
tional ResourceCentrefor Dance.
Barrett,Stanley
1984 The Rebirth of Anthropological Theory. Toronto:
TorontoUniversity Press.
Bateson, Gregory
1973 Steps to an Ecology of Mind. London: Paladin.
Bel, Bernard,andBel Andreine
1992a "Non-westernand 'fusion' PerformingArts: A Plea
for Diversity,"Interface21(3-4):263-280.
1992b Polychronie: Une Approache Nouvelle du Travail
Choregraphiqueet des InteractionsDanse-Musique.
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Contemporaine
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Blacking, John
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1986 Cultureand theArts. London: NationalAssociation
for Educationin the Arts,Take-upseries No 4.
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11. Blacking,JohnwithPeterCresswell, AndreeGrau,andJohn
Martin
1989 InterculturalPerformingArtsResearchProject. Lon-
don: Goldsmith's College.
Buckland,Theresa
1984 "TraditionalDance Scholarshipin the United King-
dom,"inAdshead,ed.(1984)Dance-A Multicultural
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1986 "TheTunstead
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versity.
Callaghan,Sheila
1982 Dance in theSecondarySchools inNorthernIieland.
MAdissertationinSocialAnthropology.TheQueen's
Universityof Belfast.
Christoudia,Melanie
1993 "Reporton 'Choreographingthe other'," Societyfor
Dance ResearchNewsletter 19, Summer,pp. 1-2
Chua,Soo Pong
1979 A Studyof Chinese TheatreDance in Singaporewith
Special Reference to the Period between 1947 and
1977. PhDthesisinSocialAnthropology.TheQueen's
Universityof Belfast.
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andDancein ArnhemLandClanSongs,"Ethnomusi-
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1-10.
Grau,Andree
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Special Referenceto the Vendaof SouthAfrica. MA
dissertation in Social Anthropology. The Queen's
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1983a "Sing a Dance-Dance a Song. The Relationship
Between Two Types of FormalisedMovement and
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lands,NorthAustralia,"Dance Research 1(2):32-44.
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Dance of the Tiwi of Melville and BathurstIslands,
NorthAustralia. PhDthesis in Social Anthropology.
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1990 "Interculturalisme
dansles ArtsduSpectacle: R6con-
cilier la Theorieet la Pratique,"inJean-YvesPidoux
ed., La Danse ArtduXXesiecle? Lausanne: Payot.
1992a "DansesRituellesTiwi,"Cahiersde MusiquesTradi-
tionelles 5:205-216.
1992b "Intercultural
ResearchinthePerformingArts"Dance
Research 10(2):3-29.
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Macmillans.
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the Social Orderamong the Tiwi of NorthernAus-
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Henderson,Joan
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Anthropology. The Queen's Universityof Belfast.
Kaeppler,Adrienne
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1972 "Methodand Theory in Analyzing Dance Structure
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16(2):173-217.
1978 "Dancein AnthropologicalPerspective,"AnnualRe-
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EthnicDance,"Impulse:24-33. (ReprintedinJolurnal
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search,"Dance Studies4:1-23.
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e nu. Paris: Plon.
Linton,Patricia
1984 TheEjfectsof DanceExperienceonChildren'sInagi-
nation and General Developmentin PrimarySchool
inLiverpool. PhDthesis inSocial Anthropology.The
Queen's Universityof Belfast.
Loutzaki,Irene
1984 Dance andSocietyina ComplexGreekPeasantCom-
munity.MAdissertationinSocial Anthropology.The
Queen's Universityof Belfast.
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Analysisof theHungarian
FolkDance,"
Acta Ethnographica 10:1-40.
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Books.
Preston-Dunlop,Valerie and SusanneLahusen
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8(1):47-61
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Belfast.
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1993 "'She MightPirouetteon a Daisy and It WouldNot
Bend': Imagesof FeminityandDanceAppreciation,"
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