Compliance with the American Psychological Association (APA)1 stan.docx

Compliance with the American Psychological Association
(APA)1 standards is required in all your assignment
submissions in this class. I know that APA and writing
compliance is challenging. Please use this checklist to ensure
you comply with APA standards. I will mark but not explain
APA and writing errors in your papers. You will need to refer to
this document to identify the correction to the marked items.
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APA & Writing Checklist
2019.12.14
Page 1
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1 American Psychological Association (2009). Publication
manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.).
Chapter 15 Clubs, Causes, and Reform 3s1
A White Womfrn's F alsehood
Ida B. Wells,1"894
lda B. Wells-Barretf, A Red Record (1894) in August Meier,
ed.,ldaWells-Barneft on
Lynching (Neru York: Arno Press, 1-969), pp. 5841, 65.
]oumalist and publisher Ida B. Wells (1862-1931) shaped a
unique re-
form career. Bom a slave in Mississippi during the Civit
Wariwells
lost her parents to a yellow fever epidemic when she was L6,

inl.g7g,
and supportgd her siblings by teaching. Moving to Memphis,
Tennessee, where she again taught school, Wells invested in a
local
black weekly newspaper, Free Speech, of which she was co-
edito1, and
also became part-owner of a black-owned newspaper in New
york,
the New York Age. Wells began her famous crusade against
lynching in
her articles and books of the 1890s. Later she moved to
Chicago,
where she continued her battle. Active in black women,s clubs,
Wells also supported woman suffrage and helped to organize the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored people
(NAACP) in 1909.
The investigator of more than 700 lynchings Wells announced
her findings tn the Age and other publications. She revealed
many
purported motives for lyrching, among them the allegation of
rape-
in instances of liaisons between black men and white women-
that
were, she claimed, "voluntary, clandestine, and illicit.,, But
those who
perpetrated llmchings, said Wells, ignored evidence about the
con-
sensual nature of these black-white relationships.* White
women, she
contended, were often accusers of lovers and agents of murder:
"White men lynch the offending Afro-American not because he
is a
despoiler of virtue, but because he succumbs to the smiles of a
white
woman." In an 1894 book, the Red Record, Wells revealed

instances of
alleged-rape that she had culled from the press, based on the
reports
of southern white men ("Out of their mouths shall the murderers
be condemned"). In the fust of the following instances, a
minister,s
wife in Ohio offered false testimony and later recanted to her
husband, who divorced her. In a second, a white teenager in
Memphis refused to reveal the name of the father of her
illegitimate
mixed-race child, thus saving the man's lile. In a third instance,
an
Alabama mtu:r was lynched for a sexual relationship with a
young
white woman.
*For a study of such relationships, see Martha Elizabeth Hodes ,
White Women, Black Men: Illicit Sex
in the Nineteenth-Century South (New Haven, Conn.: yale
University press, 1997), ch. g.
352 Part 3 The Late Nineteenth Centuty, 1860-1900
History of Some Cases of Rape
It has been claimed that the Southern white women have been
slandered because,
in defending the Negro race from the charge that all colored
men, who are
lynched, only pay penalty for assaulting women. It is certain
that lynching mobs
have not only refused to give the Negro a chance to defend
himself, but have
killed their victim with a full knowledge that the relationship of

the alleged as-
sailant with the woman who accused him, was voluntary and
clandestine. As a
matter of fact, one of the prime causes of the Lynch Law
agitation has been a ne-
cessity for defending the Negro from this awful charge against
him. This defense
has been necessary because the apologists for outlawry insist
that in no case has
the accusing woman been a willing consort of her paramour,
who is lynched be-
cause overtaken in wrong. It is well known, however, that such
is the case. . . .
These charges so often reiterated, have had the effect of
fastening the odium
upon the race of a peculiar propensity for this foul crime. The
Negro is thus forced
to a defense of his good name, and this chapter will be devoted
to the history of
some of the cases where assault upon white women by Negroes
is charged. He is
not the aggressor in this flght, but the situation demands that
the facts be given,
and they will speak for themselves. Of the 1,115 Negro men,
women and children
hanged, shot and roasted alive from January 1st, 1882, to
January 1st, 1894,
inclusive, only 348 of that number were charged with rape.
Nearly 700 of these
persons were lynched for any other reason which could be
manufactured by a mob
wishing to indulge in a lynching bee.

A White Woman's Falsehood
The Cleveland, Ohio, Gazelte, January 16, 1892, gives an
account of one of these
cases of "rape."
Mrs. J. C. Underwood, the wife of a minister of Elyria, Ohio,
accused an
Afro-American of rape. She told her husband that during his
absence in 1888,
stumping the state for the Prohibition Party, the man came to
the kitchen door,
forced his way in the house and insulted her. She tried to drive
him out with a
heavy poker, but he overpowered and chloroformed her, and
when she revived her
clothing was torn and she was in a horrible condition. She did
not know the man,
but could identify him. She subsequently pointed out William
Offett, a married
man, who was arrested, and, being in Ohio, was granted a trial.
The prisoner vehemently denied the charge of rape, but
confessed he went to
Mrs. Underwood's residence at her invitation and was criminally
intimate with
her at her request. This availed him nothing against the sworn
testimony of a min-
ister's wife, a lady of the highest respectability. He was found
guilty, and entered
the penitentiary, December 14, 1888, for fifteen years.
Sometime afterwards the
woman's remorse led her to confess to her husband that the man
was innocent.
These are her words: "I met Offett at the postoffice. It was

raining. He was polite
to me, and as I had several bundles in my arms he offered to
carry them home for
me, which he did. He had a strange fascination for me, and I
invited him to call
Chapter 15 Clubs, Causes, and Reform 3s3
on me. He called, bringing chestnuts and candy for the children.
By this means
we got them to leave us alone in the room. Then I sat on his lap.
He made a
proposal to me and I readily consented. Why I did so I do not
know, but that I did
is true. He visited me several times after that and each time I
was indiscreet. I did
not care after the first time. In fact I could not have resisted,
and had no desire to
resist."
When asked by her husband why she told him she had been
outraged, she
said: "I had several reasons for telling you. One was the
neighbors saw the fellow
here, another was, I was afraid I had contracted a loathsome
disease, and still an-
other was that I feared I might give birth to a Negro baby. I
hoped to save my rep-
utation by telling you a deliberate lie." Her husband, horrified
by the confession,
had Offett, who had already served four years, released and
secured a divorce.
There have been many such cases tlroughout the South, with the

difference
that the Southern white men in insensate fury wreak their
vengeance without in-
tervention of law upon the Negro who consorts with their
women.
Tbied to Manufacture an Outrage
The Memphis (Tenn.) Ledger, of June 8,l8g2,has the following:
"If Lillie Bailey,
a rather pretty white girl, seventeen years of age, who is now at
the city hospital,
would be somewhat less reserved about her disgrace there
would be some very
nauseating details in the story of her life. She is the mother of a
little coon. The
truth might reveal fearful depravity or the evidence of a rank
outrage. She will not
divulge the name of the man who has left such black evidence
of her disgrace, and
in fact says it is a matter in which there can be no interest to the
outside world. She
came to Memphis nearly three months ago, and was taken in at
the'Woman's
Refuge in the southern part of the city. She remained there until
a few weeks ago
when the child was born. The ladies in charge of the Refuge
were horrified. The
girl was at once sent to the city hospital, where she has been
since May 30th. She
is a counffy girl. She came to Memphis from her father's farm, a
short distance
from Hernando, Miss. Just when she left there she would not
say. In fact she says
she came to Memphis from Arkansas, and says her home is in
that state. She is

rather good looking, has blue eyes, a low forehead and dark red
hair. The ladies at
the Woman's Refuge do not know anything about the girl further
than what they
learned when she was an inmate of the institution; and she
would not tell much.
When the child was born an attempt was made to get the girl to
reveal the name
of the Negro who had disgraced her, she obstinately refused and
it was impossible
to elicit any information from her on the subject."
Note the wording: "The truth might reveal fearful depravity or
rank outrage."
If it had been a white child or if Lillie Bailey had told a pitiful
story of Negro out-
rage, it would have been a case of woman's weakness or assault
and she could
have remained at the Woman's Refuge. But a Negro child and to
withhold its
father's name and thus prevent the killing of another Negro
"rapist" was a case of
"fearful depravity." Had she revealed the father's name, he
would have been
lynched and his taking off charged to an assault upon a white
woman. . . .
354 Part 3 The Late Nineteenth Century, 1860-1900
Lynched as a Warning
Alabama furnishes a case in point. A colored man named Daniel
Edwards, lived
near Selma, Alabama, and worked for a family of a farmer near

that place. This re-
sulted in an intimacy between the young man and a daughter of
the householder,
which finally developed in the disgrace of the girl. After the
birth of the child, the
mother disclosed the fact that Edwards was its father. The
relationship had been
sustained for more than a year, and yet this colored man was
apprehended, thrown
into jail from whence he was taken by a mob of one hundred
neighbors and hung
to a tree and his body riddled with bullets. A dispatch which
describes the lynch-
ing, ends as follows. "IJpon his back was found pinned this
morning the follow-
ing: 'Warning to all Negroes that are too intimate with white
gids. This the work
of one hundred best citizens of the South Side."'
There can be no doubt from the announcement made by this
"one hundred
best citizens" that they understood full well the character of the
relationship which
existed between Edwards and the girl, but when the dispatches
were sent out, de-
scribing the affair, it was claimed that Edwards was lynched for
rape.
HIST147 Historical Documents – Jim Crow and Lynching (10
points)
Due: June 4 by 11:59pm (post response to Canvas)

Instructions
This assignment assumes you have read the background
information provided below (pages 2-5 of this document). The
document is an excerpt from Ida B. Wells’ study on lynching.
The document is located in the “Week Nine” module as a PDF
file. Students should read the background information and
excerpt from Ida B. Wells and write a response to the
assignment questions.
The response for each question should be at least 150 words.
Students are welcome to go over the minimum word count
requirement. If you include the question in your response, it
does not count toward the word count requirement. The
response should be written in complete sentences. The response
should be written in your own words. DO NOT use quotes from
the historical documents.
These responses will be evaluated on how well the responses
reflect the information presented in the historical documents.
Students should submit their responses as ONE Word doc or
PDF file to Canvas.
Assignment Questions
1. Explain the differences and similarities between Jim Crow
Laws and Jim Crow Etiquette.
2. Explain what Ida B. Wells meant by “A White Woman’s
Falsehood”.

The background information starts on the next page.
What was Jim Crow (source:
https://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/what.htm)
Jim Crow was the name of the racial caste system which
operated primarily, but not exclusively in southern and border
states, between 1877 and the mid-1960s. Jim Crow was more
than a series of rigid anti-black laws. It was a way of life.
Under Jim Crow, African Americans were relegated to the status
of second class citizens. Jim Crow represented the
legitimization of anti-black racism. Many Christian ministers
and theologians taught that whites were the Chosen people,
blacks were cursed to be servants, and God supported racial
segregation. Craniologists, eugenicists, phrenologists, and
Social Darwinists, at every educational level, buttressed the
belief that blacks were innately intellectually and culturally
inferior to whites. Pro-segregation politicians gave eloquent
speeches on the great danger of integration: the mongrelization
of the white race. Newspaper and magazine writers routinely
referred to blacks as “niggers, coons, and darkies”; and worse,
their articles reinforced anti-black stereotypes. Even children's
games portrayed blacks as inferior beings (see "From Hostility
to Reverence: 100 Years of African-American Imagery in
Games"). All major societal institutions reflected and supported
the oppression of blacks.
The Jim Crow system was undergirded by the following beliefs
or rationalizations: whites were superior to blacks in all
important ways, including but not limited to intelligence,
morality, and civilized behavior; sexual relations between
blacks and whites would produce a mongrel race which would
destroy America; treating blacks as equals would encourage
interracial sexual unions; any activity which suggested social
equality encouraged interracial sexual relations; if necessary,
violence must be used to keep blacks at the bottom of the racial
hierarchy. The following Jim Crow etiquette norms show how

inclusive and pervasive these norms were:
· A black male could not offer his hand (to shake hands) with a
white male because it implied being socially equal. Obviously, a
black male could not offer his hand or any other part of his
body to a white woman, because he risked being accused of
rape.
· Blacks and whites were not supposed to eat together. If they
did eat together, whites were to be served first, and some sort of
partition was to be placed between them.
· Under no circumstance was a black male to offer to light the
cigarette of a white female -- that gesture implied intimacy.
· Blacks were not allowed to show public affection toward one
another in public, especially kissing, because it offended
whites.
· Jim Crow etiquette prescribed that blacks were introduced to
whites, never whites to blacks. For example: "Mr. Peters (the
white person), this is Charlie (the black person), that I spoke to
you about."
· Whites did not use courtesy titles of respect when referring to
blacks, for example, Mr., Mrs., Miss., Sir, or Ma'am. Instead,
blacks were called by their first names. Blacks had to use
courtesy titles when referring to whites, and were not allowed to
call them by their first names.
· If a black person rode in a car driven by a white person, the
black person sat in the back seat, or the back of a truck.
· White motorists had the right-of-way at all intersections.
Stetson Kennedy, the author of Jim Crow Guide (1990), offered
these simple rules that blacks were supposed to observe in
conversing with whites:
1. Never assert or even intimate that a white person is lying.
2. Never impute dishonorable intentions to a white person.
3. Never suggest that a white person is from an inferior class.
4. Never lay claim to, or overly demonstrate, superior
knowledge or intelligence.
5. Never curse a white person.
6. Never laugh derisively at a white person.

7. Never comment upon the appearance of a white female.
Jim Crow etiquette operated in conjunction with Jim Crow laws
(black codes). When most people think of Jim Crow they think
of laws (not the Jim Crow etiquette) which excluded blacks
from public transport and facilities, juries, jobs, and
neighborhoods. The passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th
Amendments to the Constitution had granted blacks the same
legal protections as whites. However, after 1877, and the
election of Republican Rutherford B. Hayes, southern and
border states began restricting the liberties of blacks.
Unfortunately for blacks, the Supreme Court helped undermine
the Constitutional protections of blacks with the infamous
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) case, which legitimized Jim Crow
laws and the Jim Crow way of life.
In 1890, Louisiana passed the "Separate Car Law," which
purported to aid passenger comfort by creating "equal but
separate" cars for blacks and whites. This was a ruse. No public
accommodations, including railway travel, provided blacks with
equal facilities. The Louisiana law made it illegal for blacks to
sit in coach seats reserved for whites, and whites could not sit
in seats reserved for blacks. In 1891, a group of blacks decided
to test the Jim Crow law. They had Homer A. Plessy, who was
seven-eighths white and one-eighth black (therefore, black), sit
in the white-only railroad coach. He was arrested. Plessy's
lawyer argued that Louisiana did not have the right to label one
citizen as white and another black for the purposes of restricting
their rights and privileges. In Plessy, the Supreme Court stated
that so long as state governments provided legal process and
legal freedoms for blacks, equal to those of whites, they could
maintain separate institutions to facilitate these rights. The
Court, by a 7-2 vote, upheld the Louisiana law, declaring that
racial separation did not necessarily mean an abrogation of
equality. In practice, Plessy represented the legitimization of
two societies: one white, and advantaged; the other, black,
disadvantaged and despised.
Blacks were denied the right to vote by grandfather clauses

(laws that restricted the right to vote to people whose ancestors
had voted before the Civil War), poll taxes (fees charged to
poor blacks), white primaries (only Democrats could vote, only
whites could be Democrats), and literacy tests ("Name all the
Vice Presidents and Supreme Court Justices throughout
America's history"). Plessy sent this message to southern and
border states: Discrimination against blacks is acceptable.
Jim Crow states passed statutes severely regulating social
interactions between the races. Jim Crow signs were placed
above water fountains, door entrances and exits, and in front of
public facilities. There were separate hospitals for blacks and
whites, separate prisons, separate public and private schools,
separate churches, separate cemeteries, separate public
restrooms, and separate public accommodations. In most
instances, the black facilities were grossly inferior -- generally,
older, less-well-kept. In other cases, there were no black
facilities -- no Colored public restroom, no public beach, no
place to sit or eat. Plessy gave Jim Crow states a legal way to
ignore their constitutional obligations to their black citizens.
Jim Crow laws touched every aspect of everyday life. For
example, in 1935, Oklahoma prohibited blacks and whites from
boating together. Boating implied social equality. In 1905,
Georgia established separate parks for blacks and whites. In
1930, Birmingham, Alabama, made it illegal for blacks and
whites to play checkers or dominoes together. Here are some of
the typical Jim Crow laws, as compiled by the Martin Luther
King, Jr., National Historic Site Interpretive Staff:
· Barbers. No colored barber shall serve as a barber (to) white
girls or women (Georgia).
· Blind Wards. The board of trustees shall...maintain a separate
building...on separate ground for the admission, care,
instruction, and support of all blind persons of the colored or
black race (Louisiana).
· Burial. The officer in charge shall not bury, or allow to be
buried, any colored persons upon ground set apart or used for

the burial of white persons (Georgia).
· Buses. All passenger stations in this state operated by any
motor transportation company shall have separate waiting rooms
or space and separate ticket windows for the white and colored
races (Alabama).
· Child Custody. It shall be unlawful for any parent, relative, or
other white person in this State, having the control or custody
of any white child, by right of guardianship, natural or
acquired, or otherwise, to dispose of, give or surrender such
white child permanently into the custody, control, maintenance,
or support, of a negro (South Carolina).
· Education.The schools for white children and the schools for
negro children shall be conducted separately (Florida).
· Libraries. The state librarian is directed to fit up and maintain
a separate place for the use of the colored people who may come
to the library for the purpose of reading books or periodicals
(North Carolina).
· Mental Hospitals. The Board of Control shall see that proper
and distinct apartments are arranged for said patients, so that in
no case shall Negroes and white persons be together (Georgia).
· Militia. The white and colored militia shall be separately
enrolled, and shall never be compelled to serve in the same
organization. No organization of colored troops shall be
permitted where white troops are available and where whites are
permitted to be organized, colored troops shall be under the
command of white officers (North Carolina).
· Nurses. No person or corporation shall require any White
female nurse to nurse in wards or rooms in hospitals, either
public or private, in which negro men are placed (Alabama).
· Prisons. The warden shall see that the white convicts shall
have separate apartments for both eating and sleeping from the
negro convicts (Mississippi).
· Reform Schools. The children of white and colored races
committed to the houses of reform shall be kept entirely
separate from each other (Kentucky).
· Teaching. Any instructor who shall teach in any school,

college or institution where members of the white and colored
race are received and enrolled as pupils for instruction shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof,
shall be fined... (Oklahoma).
· Wine and Beer. All persons licensed to conduct the business
of selling beer or wine...shall serve either white people
exclusively or colored people exclusively and shall not sell to
the two races within the same room at any time (Georgia).1
The Jim Crow laws and system of etiquette were undergirded by
violence, real and threatened. Blacks who violated Jim Crow
norms, for example, drinking from the white water fountain or
trying to vote, risked their homes, their jobs, even their lives.
Whites could physically beat blacks with impunity. Blacks had
little legal recourse against these assaults because the Jim Crow
criminal justice system was all-white: police, prosecutors,
judges, juries, and prison officials. Violence was instrumental
for Jim Crow. It was a method of social control. The most
extreme forms of Jim Crow violence were lynchings.
Lynchings were public, often sadistic, murders carried out by
mobs. Between 1882, when the first reliable data were
collected, and 1968, when lynchings had become rare, there
were 4,730 known lynchings, including 3,440 black men and
women. Most of the victims of Lynch Law were hanged or shot,
but some were burned at the stake, castrated, beaten with clubs,
or dismembered. In the mid-1800s, whites constituted the
majority of victims (and perpetrators); however, by the period
of Radical Reconstruction, blacks became the most frequent
lynching victims. This is an early indication that lynching was
used as an intimidation tool to keep blacks, in this case the
newly freed people, "in their places." The great majority of
lynchings occurred in southern and border states, where the
resentment against blacks ran deepest. According to the social
economist Gunnar Myrdal (1944): "The southern states account
for nine-tenths of the lynchings. More than two thirds of the
remaining one-tenth occurred in the six states which
immediately border the South" (pp. 560-561).

Many whites claimed that although lynchings were distasteful,
they were necessary supplements to the criminal justice system
because blacks were prone to violent crimes, especially the
rapes of white women. Arthur Raper investigated nearly a
century of lynchings and concluded that approximately one-
third of all the victims were falsely accused (Myrdal, 1944, p.
561).
Under Jim Crow any and all sexual interactions between black
men and white women was illegal, illicit, socially repugnant,
and within the Jim Crow definition of rape. Although only 19.2
percent of the lynching victims between 1882 to 1951 were even
accused of rape, lynch law was often supported on the popular
belief that lynchings were necessary to protect white women
from black rapists. Myrdal (1944) refutes this belief in this
way: "There is much reason to believe that this figure (19.2) has
been inflated by the fact that a mob which makes the accusation
of rape is secure from any further investigation; by the broad
Southern definition of rape to include all sexual relations
between Negro men and white women; and by the psychopathic
fears of white women in their contacts with Negro men" (pp.
561-562). Most blacks were lynched for demanding civil rights,
violating Jim Crow etiquette or laws, or in the aftermath of race
riots.
Lynchings were most common in small and middle-sized towns
where blacks often were economic competitors to the local
whites. These whites resented any economic and political gains
made by blacks. Lynchers were seldomly arrested, and if
arrested, rarely convicted. Raper (1933) estimated that "at least
one-half of the lynchings are carried out with police officers
participating, and that in nine-tenths of the others the officers
either condone or wink at the mob action" (pp. 13-14).
Lynching served many purposes: it was cheap entertainment; it
served as a rallying, uniting point for whites; it functioned as an
ego-massage for low-income, low-status whites; it was a method
of defending white domination and helped stop or retard the
fledgling social equality movement.

Lynch mobs directed their hatred against one (sometimes
several) victims. The victim was an example of what happened
to a black man who tried to vote, or who looked at a white
woman, or who tried to get a white man's job. Unfortunately for
blacks, sometimes the mob was not satisfied to murder a single
or several victims. Instead, in the spirit of pogroms, the mobs
went into black communities and destroyed additional lives and
property. Their immediate goal was to drive out -- through
death or expulsion -- all blacks; the larger goal was to maintain,
at all costs, white supremacy. These pogrom-like actions are
often referred to as riots; however, Gunnar Myrdal (1944) was
right when he described these "riots" as "a terrorization or
massacre...a mass lynching" (p. 566). Interestingly, these mass
lynchings were primarily urban phenomena, whereas the
lynching of single victims was primarily a rural phenomena.
Mini CAse
Building Shared Services at RR Communications4
Vince Patton had been waiting years for this day. He pulled the
papers together in front of him and scanned the small
conference room. “You’re fired,” he said to the four divisional
CIOs sitting at the table. They looked nervously at him,
grinning weakly. Vince wasn’t known to make practical jokes,
but this had been a pretty good meeting, at least relative to
some they’d had over the past five years. “You’re kidding,” said
Matt Dawes, one of the more outspoken members of the
divisional CIO team. “Nope,” said Vince. “I’ve got the boss’s
OK on this. We don’t need any of you anymore. I’m creating
one enterprise IT organization, and there’s no room for any of
you. The HR people are waiting outside.” With that, he picked
up his papers and headed to the door, leaving the four of them
in shock.
“That felt good,” he admitted as he strode back to his office. A
big man, not known to tolerate fools gladly (or corporate
politics), he was not a cruel one. But those guys had been thorns

in his side ever since he had taken the new executive VP of IT
job at the faltering RR Communications five years ago. The
company’s stock had been in the dumpster, and with the
dramatically increased competition in the telecommunications
industry as a result of deregulation, his friends and family had
all thought he was nuts. But Ross Roman, RR’s eccentric but
brilliant founder, had made him an offer he couldn’t refuse.
“We need you to transform IT so that we can introduce new
products more quickly,” he’d said. “You’ll have my full backing
for whatever you want to do.”
Typically for an entrepreneur, Roman had sketched the vision
swiftly, leaving some- one else to actually implement it. “We’ve
got to have a more flexible and responsive IT organization.
Every time I want to do something, they tell me ‘the systems
won’t allow it.’ I’m tired of having customers complaining
about getting multiple bills for each of our products. It’s not
acceptable that RR can’t create one simple little bill for each
customer.” Roman punctuated his remarks by stabbing with his
finger at a file full of letters to the president, which he insisted
on reading personally each week. “You’ve got a reputation as a
‘can do’ kind of guy; I checked. Don’t bother me with details;
just get the job done.”
Vince knew he was a good, proactive IT leader, but he hadn’t
been prepared for the mess he inherited—or the politics. There
was no central IT, just separate divisional units for the four
key lines of business—Internet, mobile, landline, and cable TV
service—each doing its own thing. Every business unit had
bought its own hardware and software, so introducing the
common systems that would be needed to accomplish Roman’s
vision would be hugely difficult—that is, assuming they wanted
them, which they didn’t. There were multiple sales systems,
databases, and customer service centers, all of which led to
customer and business frustration. The company was in trouble
not only with its customers but also with the
telecommunications regulators and with its
4 Smith, H. A., and J. D. McKeen. “Shared Services at RR

Communications.” #1-L07-1-002, Queen’s School of Business,
September 2007. Reproduced by permission of Queen’s
University, School of Business, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
156
Building Shared Services at RR Communications 157
software vendors, who each wanted information about the
company’s activities, which they were legally entitled to have
but which the company couldn’t provide.
Where should he start to untangle this mess? Clearly, it wasn’t
going to be possible to provide bundled billing, responsiveness,
unified customer care, and rapid time to market all at once, let
alone keep up with the new products and services that were
flooding into the telecommunications arena. And he hadn’t
exactly been welcomed with open arms by the divisional CIOs
(DIOs), who were suspicious of him in the extreme. “Getting IT
to operate as a single enterprise unit, regardless of the product
involved, is going to be tough,” he admitted to himself. “This
corporate culture is not going to take easily to centralized
direction.”
And so it was. The DIOs had fought him tooth and nail,
resisting any form of integration of their systems. So had the
business unit leaders, themselves presidents, who were
rewarded on the basis of the performance of their divisions and,
therefore, didn’t give a hoot about “the enterprise” or about
anything other than their quarterly results. To them, central-
ized IT meant increased bureaucracy and much less freedom to
pick up the phone and call their buddy Matt or Larry or Helen,
or Dave and get that person to drop everything to deal with their
latest money-making initiative. The fact that it cost the
enterprise more and more every time they did this didn’t
concern them—they didn’t care that costs racked up: testing to
make sure changes didn’t affect anything else that was
operational; creation of duplicate data and files, which often
perpetuated bad data; and loss of integrated information with
which to run the enterprise. And the fact that the company

needed an army of “data cleans- ers” to prepare the reports
needed for the government to meet its regulatory and Sarbanes–
Oxley requirements wasn’t their concern. Everyone believed his
or her needs were unique.
Unfortunately, although he had Roman’s backing in theory, in
practice Vince’s position was a bit unusual because he himself
didn’t have an enterprise IT organization as yet and the DIOs’
first allegiance was clearly to their division presidents, despite
having a “dotted line” reporting relationship to Vince. The
result was that he had to choose his battles very, very carefully
in order to lay the foundation for the future. First up was rede-
signing the company’s internal computer infrastructure to use
one set of standard tech- nologies. Simplification and
standardization involved a radical reduction of the number of
suppliers and centralized procurement. The politics were fierce
and painful with the various suppliers the company was using,
simultaneously courting the DIOs and business unit leaders
while trying to sell Vince on the merits of their brand of
technology for the whole company. Matt Dawes had done
everything he could to undermine this vision, making sure that
the users caused the maximum fuss right up to Roman’s office.
Finally, they’d had a showdown with Roman. “As far as I’m
concerned, moving to standardized hardware and software is
nondiscussable,” Vince stated bluntly. “We can’t even begin to
tackle the issues facing this company without it. And
furthermore, we are in serious noncompliance with our
software licensing agreements. We can’t even tell how many
users we have!” This was a potentially serious legal issue that
had to be dealt with. “I prom- ised our suppliers that we would
get this problem under control within eighteen months, and
they’ve agreed to give us time to improve. We won’t have this
opportunity again.”
Roman nodded, effectively shutting down the argument. “I don’t
really understand how more standardization is going to improve
our business flexibility,” he’d growled, “but if you say so, let’s
do it!” From that point on, Vince had moved steadily to consoli-

date his position, centralizing the purchasing budget; creating
an enterprise architecture; establishing a standardized desktop
and infrastructure; and putting tools, metrics, and policies in
place to manage them and ensure the plan was respected by the
divisions.
158 Section II • IT Governance
Dawes and Larry Hughes, another DIO, had tried to sabotage
him on this matter yet again by adopting another manufacturer’s
customer relationship management (CRM) system (and yet
another database), hoping that it could be up and running before
Vince noticed. But Vince had moved swiftly to pull the plug on
that one by refusing the project access to company hardware and
giving the divisional structure yet another black mark.
That episode had highlighted the need for a steering committee,
one with teeth to make sure that no other rogue projects got
implemented with “back door funding.” But the company’s
entrepreneurial culture wasn’t ready for it, so again
foundational work had to be done. “I’d have had a riot on my
hands if I’d tried to do this in my first few years here,” Vince
reflected as he walked back to his office, stopping to chat with
some of the other executives on his way. Vince now knew
everyone and was widely respected at this level because he
understood their concerns and interests. Mainly, these were
finan- cial—delivering more IT for less cost. But as Vince
moved around the organization, he stressed that IT decisions
were first and foremost business decisions. He spoke to his col-
leagues in business terms. “The company wants one consistent
brand for its organization so it can cross-sell services. So why
do we need different customer service organizations or back-end
systems?” he would ask them. One by one he had brought the
“C”-level executives around to at least thinking about the need
for an enterprise IT organization.
Vince had also taken advantage of his weekly meetings with
Roman to demonstrate the critical linkage between IT and
Roman’s vision for the enterprise. Vince’s motto was “IT must
be very visible in this organization.” When he felt the political

climate was right, he called all the “Cs” to a meeting. With
Roman in the room for psychological support, he made his
pitch. “We need to make all major IT decisions together as a
business,” he said. “If we met monthly, we could determine
what projects we need to launch in order to support the business
and then allocate resources and budgets accordingly.”
Phil Cooper, president of Internet Services, spoke up. “But what
about our specific projects? Won’t they get lost when they’re all
mixed up with everyone else’s? How do we get funding for what
we need to do?”
Vince had a ready answer. “With a steering committee, we will
do what’s best for the organization as a whole, not for one
division at the expense of the others. The first thing we’re going
to do is undertake a visioning exercise for what you all want our
business to look like in three years, and then we’ll build the
systems and IT infrastructure to support that vision.”
Talking the language of business had been the right approach
because no one wanted to get bogged down in techno-jargon.
And this meeting had effectively turned the tide from a
divisional focus to an enterprise one—at least as far as
establishing a steering committee went. Slowly, Vince had
built up his enterprise IT organization, putting those senior IT
managers reporting to him into each of the business divisions.
“Your job is to participate in all business decisions, not just IT
ones,” he stated. “There is nothing that happens in this company
that doesn’t affect IT.” He and his staff had also “walked the
talk” over the past two years, working with the business to
identify opportunities for short-term improvements that really
mattered a lot to the divisions. These types of quick wins
demonstrated that he and his organization really cared about the
business and made IT’s value much more visible. He also
stressed accountability. “Centralized units are always seen to be
overhead by the business,” he explained to his staff. “That’s
why we must be accountable for everything we spend and our
costs must be transparent. We also need to give the business
some choices in what they spend. Although I won’t

Building Shared Services at RR Communications 159
compromise on legal, safety, or health issues, we need to let
them know where they can save money if they want. For
example, even though they can’t choose not to back up their
files, they can choose the amount of time it will take them to
recover them.”
But the problem of the DIOs had remained. Used to being kings
of their own king- doms, everything they did appeared to be in
direct opposition to Vince’s vision. And it was apparent that
Roman was preaching “one company” but IT itself was not
unified. Things had come to a head last year when Vince had
started looking at outsourcing. Again the DIOs had resisted,
seeing the move as one designed to take yet more power away
from them. Vince had offered Helen a position as sourcing
director, but she’d turned it down, seeing it as a demotion rather
than a lateral move. The more the DIOs stonewalled Vince, the
more determined he became to deal with them once and for all.
“They’re undermining my credibility with the business and with
our suppliers,” Vince had complained to himself. “There’s still
so much more to do, and this divisional structure isn’t working
for us.” That’s when he’d realized he had to act or RR wouldn’t
be able to move ahead on its next project: a single customer
service center shared by the four divisions instead of the
multiple divisional and regional ones they had now.
So Vince had called a meeting, ostensibly to sort out what
would be outsourced and what wouldn’t. Then he’d dropped the
bombshell. “They’ll get a good package,” he reassured himself.
“And they’ll be happier somewhere else than always fighting
with me.” The new IT organizational charts, creating a central
IT function, had been drawn up, and the memo appointing his
management team had been signed. Vince sighed. That had been
a piece of cake compared to what he was going to be facing
now. Was he ready for the next round in the “IT wars”? He was
going to have to go head to head with the business, and it
wouldn’t be pretty. Roman had supported him in getting the IT
house in order, but would he be there for the next step?

Vince looked gloomily at the reports the DIOs had prepared for
their final meeting. They documented a complete data mess—
even within the divisions. The next goal was to implement the
single customer service center for all divisions, so a customer
could call one place and get service for all RR products. This
would be a major step forward in enabling the company to
implement new products and services. If he could pull it off, all
of the company’s support systems would, for the first time, talk
to each other and share data. “We can’t have shared services
without common data, and we can’t have good business
intelligence either,” he muttered. Everything he needed to do
next relied on this, but the business had seen it differently when
he’d last tried to broach the subject with them. “These are our
data, and these are our customers,” they’d said. “Don’t mess
with them.” And he hadn’t . . . . but that was then. Now it was
essential to get their information in order. But what would he
have to do to convince them and to make it happen?

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