02 Hinduism AINTRODUCTION THE MAIN PERIODS OF HINDUISMB.docx

02 Hinduism A
INTRODUCTION: THE MAIN PERIODS OF HINDUISM
Before we commence our study of the five religions in depth,
we need to remind ourselves that the order in which the
religions are being studied in this course in no way implies any
relative inferiority or superiority. There is a logic behind the
order; partially geographical and partially chronological.
Essentially, we will first look at the two reincarnational
religions of the Far East before studying the three Abrahamic
religions of the Middle East. In each of these two families, we
will introduce the members in historical order. Also, in each
case, we will spend some time outlining some basic facts and
features of the religion before focussing specifically on those
issues that pertain to women. This will help to establish a
foundation on which to build and in which to locate the gender-
related material.
So, we begin our adventure with Hinduism. Most current census
statistics claim that there are approximately 1.1 billion Hindus
in the world today. This makes Hinduism the third largest
religion in terms of numbers of followers, behind Christianity
(2.3 billion) and Islam (1.8 billion). However, what is
noteworthy about Hinduism is that most of its followers either
live on the Indian subcontinent or are people of Indian
background who have migrated to other parts of the world.
Unlike faiths such as Christianity, Islam and Buddhism, the
Hindu religion has never been particularly missionary. It does
not see its role as persuading others to join its ranks or
converting the world to its cause. Consequently, Hinduism is
still very much linked to Indian ethnic groups wherever they
may be found. Outsiders have converted to Hinduism over the
centuries, especially Westerners who are attracted to the Hindu

worldview, but these have never been in significantly large
numbers.
The other noteworthy feature of Hinduism, which sets it apart
from other major world religions, is that it does not have a
historical founder. At the start of the Hindu story, there is no
single person whose teachings and actions established Hinduism
as a new religious movement. There is no equivalent to such
figures as Moses, Buddha Gautama, Jesus of Nazareth or
Muhammad in their respective traditions. This makes dating the
beginning of Hinduism very tricky but most books on Hinduism
locate its historical beginning during the 16th Century
BCE[footnoteRef:1], when nomadic Aryan peoples from central
Asia gradually subjugated the Dravidian civilisation of the
Indus Valley (present-day Pakistan). According to this theory,
the resultant mix of the Aryan and Dravidian cultures led to a
social caste system and the composition of a new set of
religious writings – the first Hindu scriptures. [1: We will be
using the more neutral time reference system BCE and CE –
before the Common Era and Common Era – instead of the
Christian system BC and AD (before Christ and Anno Domini or
“Year of the Lord”). However, the year numbers are the same in
both systems.]
The Indus Valley
However, some scholars point out that those early writings
mention the Saraswati River flowing with water and we know
that it dried up around 1900BCE. So, some argue that these
writings, and thus the beginning of Hinduism itself, should be
pushed back 500 years. In either case, it means that Hinduism is
arguably the oldest of the five religions that we are studying,
with only Judaism in a position to challenge for that title.

There are several ways of dividing the great span of time
between Hinduism’s beginnings and today but for the purposes
of this course we will opt for a simple five-period subdivision.
Let us then look at these five major chapters in the Hindu story
and identify the main features of each as well as a quick note
about the status of women in each
1. The Vedic Period (1500-500BCE)
The first period of Hinduism is usually designated as the
“Vedic” period, named after the scriptures that were composed
during this time: the Vedas. The term “Veda” is linked to the
Latin word “video” which means “to see”. Indeed, anyone who
reads the Vedas is presumed to be able to see more, that is to
understand more about the world and themselves. There are
actually four Vedas (hence the plural form): the Rg Veda, the
Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda and the Atharva Veda. Although
there is some variation between them, they are all basically
collections of hymns and formulas that were (and still are) used
by the priests who preside over religious rituals. In many cases,
these rituals are performed around a sacred fire and it is
believed that the chanting of the sacred words of the Vedas adds
to the power and efficacy of the ceremony.
A Vedic fire ceremony
If you read the Vedas, you would notice that the hymns and
prayers are not addressed to a single deity; rather they are
directed at many different gods. Some of the most popular gods
during the Vedic Age were Indra (god of thunder), Varuna (god
of law), Agni (god of fire) but there are dozens of others that
are mentioned in the Vedas. Somewhat surprisingly, the well-
known Hindu gods, Vishnu and Shiva, had not yet made their
appearance. So, most commentators think that Hinduism was

clearly polytheistic at this early stage. Also, they notice that
most of the hymns and prayers are focussed on blessings in this
life, with much less interest in the after-life. The Vedas also
give the general impression that women enjoyed comparative
freedom and reasonable status in society at that time. Many
Hindu feminists today turn to this earliest stratum of Hindu
history to find positive accounts of women and a stronger sense
of gender equality than in later periods.
2. The Upanishads (500-200BCE)
The second major period of Hinduism is also named after the
main type of literature produced in that time: the Upanishads.
These works are usually attached to the end of the Vedas as a
sort of appendix, but they are very different in terms of their
content. Whilst the Vedas were primarily ritual-based hymns
and guides, the Upanishads are essentially philosophical
dialogues. Typically, there are two characters in conversation: a
guru and his pupil. What they discuss is not how to conduct
rituals properly but, rather, deeper existential questions such as
where did we come from, where are we going and why are we
here?
A typical Upanishadic dialogue between a guru and a pupil
Although they are attached to the Vedas suggesting a sort of
continuation of theme, in fact many commentators see the
Upanishads as a protest against the entire thrust of the Vedas.
The point is that diligent ritual practice can easily become
empty ritualism if the believer does not ask deeper questions
about the ultimate meaning of life and death. One should not
just “do” the correct thing; one should also “think” about
existence. The way of the hands should be complemented by the
way of the head.

If the authors of the Vedas were probably the Brahmin priests
who presided over the ancient rituals, then it seems that the
authors of the Upanishads were celibate ascetics who had
abandoned village life for the solitude of the forest. These
forest-dwellers believed that only by giving up material
pleasures, such as food, drink, comfortable beds, sexual activity
and so forth, could one discover true wisdom and peace. It is no
coincidence that Buddhism and Jainism both originated in this
period since their respective founders both came from a Hindu
background and sought a higher truth in the peace and quiet of
the forest.
If the Vedic hymns are dedicated to a multitude of gods,
reflecting an unambiguous polytheistic worldview, the
Upanishads speak more about Brahman – the One. Brahman is
the Absolute, from which all things come, in which all things
subsist, and to which all things will return. It is Ultimate
Reality itself and for this reason the Upanishads are said to
reflect a monistic rather than a polytheistic worldview. The
term monistic is used instead of monotheistic because Brahman
is impersonal Reality rather than a personal God - more an “it”
than a “he” or “she”. The relationship between each individual
person and Brahman is one of the principal themes of the
Upanishads. So too is the theme of reincarnation, which is
discussed for the first time in these works.
In terms of women, the Upanishads don’t say very much. The
characters in the conversations are usually males and it is an
interesting historical question whether women were encouraged
or even allowed to become forest-dwellers in Hinduism.
Moreover, when women are discussed, they tend to be seen
more as a danger and threat to the celibate ascetics who must
avoid the temptation to compromise their vows of sexual
continence. We will discover a similar issue in the monastic
traditions of Buddhism and Christianity.

3. The Classical Period (200BCE – 600CE)
The third period in Hindu history is a time when Hindu
literature began to flourish and many forms of religious writings
were produced. It is also the period when more recognisable
Hindu gods, such as Vishnu and Shiva, began to occupy centre-
stage in belief and practice. Three examples of literature from
this period are: the Puranas, the Epics and the Laws of Manu.
The Puranas are extensive poems that narrate the creation of the
universe and the activities of principal deities such as Brahma,
Vishnu and Shiva. Usually a purana is dedicated to one of these
three main gods. Indeed, these three are often depicted in art as
a trinity and assigned the roles of creator, preserver and
terminator (misleadingly called “destroyer”) of the cycles of
existence.
The Hindu ‘trinity’
Today, most Hindus worship either Vishnu or Shiva as the
supreme god among many others. For historical reasons Brahma
never attracted large numbers of followers. The Puranas also
tell the stories of Vishnu’s incarnations (avatars). The term
avatar literally means “descent” – the descent into our world in
order to save it from some threat or calamity. Traditionally
Vishnu becomes incarnate on ten occasions - sometimes in
animal form; sometimes in human form. Two of his avatars are
well-known: Rama and Krishna. Rama and Krishna are also key
characters in the two great epics from about the same time: the
Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Like Homer’s Iliad and
Odyssey in the Western tradition, these two marathon tales have
had enormous impact on Asian art and literature.
The ten avatars of Vishnu

Finally, the same period produced many Hindu legal codes, the
most famous and influential of which is called the Laws of
Manu. Manu is depicted as a quasi-divine king at the dawn of
history, who provides guidelines for humankind. The code
contains thousands of rules and regulations based on one’s
caste, sex and age. The mention of sex here – different rules for
men and women - is a hint that the Laws of Manu are often
quoted in feminist critiques of Hinduism as a prime example of
androcentrism and patriarchy. We will be looking at pertinent
verses later on, but the general picture of women painted there
is one of subordination.
An English translation of the Laws of Manu
4. The Bhakti Movement (600-1800CE)
The fourth major phase of Hindu history is entitled the “Bhakti
Movement”. The term “bhakti” can be translated as “heartfelt
devotion”. Indeed, it is often seen as a reaction against the
ritual orthopraxy of the Vedas (the way of the hands) and the
cerebral orthodoxy of the Upanishads (the way of the head).
Bhakti is the way of the heart – turning with loving trust to the
divine and allowing your god to console and save you. It is akin
to the Christian doctrine of God’s “loving grace”. The main
form of literature from this period is a love-poem addressed to
god, expressing the devotee’s complete surrender to the divine.
A popular analogy of human’s soul’s attraction to the divine is
the powerful love affair between a young Krishna (the divine
prince in hiding) and Radha (the lowly cowgirl).
Krishna and Radha Andal Mirabai

The Bhakti movement was very popular among low caste
Hindus and women, since both groups were often excluded from
many mainstream, Brahminic rituals and literature.
Consequently, many Hindu women found new avenues to
express their faith and opportunities to compose popular songs
and poems such as those of Andal and Mirabai.
5. The Modern Period (1800CE on)
Finally, the Modern Period is typified by the Indian struggle to
obtain independence from British colonial rule and the reform
of Hinduism from within by a new generation of thinkers and
leaders. India finally obtained political independence in 1947
and enshrined sexual equality in its new constitution:
The Indian Constitution Article 15 (Section 3)
(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on
grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any
of them.
(2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste,
sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability,
liability, restriction or condition with regard to
(a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of
public entertainment; or
(b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of
public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or
dedicated to the use of the general public.
(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making
any special provision for women and children.
Although Victorian England was hardly a bastion of women’s
rights, British commentators criticised many Hindu traditions as
blatantly sexist and some even used this as a justification for
ongoing colonial rule. In response, many Hindu thinkers began
to re-examine their traditions in the light of growing concerns

about women’s rights and a number of key reforms were
initiated (we will look at some of these in due course).
However, such changes to long-standing traditions were not
universally accepted and many conservative Hindu men and
women offered significant resistance.
In the material to follow, we will constantly refer to these key
periods and the relevant texts that are frequently cited and
analysed in discussions about women’s issues in Hinduism. The
issues under consideration will be:
1. Divinity and Femininity
2. Reincarnation and Gender
3. Marriage (Women as wives)
a. Obedience
b. Child Marriage
c. Dowry
4. Motherhood (Women as mothers)
a. Fertility
b. Preference for sons
c. Menstruation
d. Birth
5. Students and Teachers
6. Ritual Roles
7. Ascetics & Saints
DIVINITY & FEMININITY
The first key issue to be dealt with for each religion is whether
femininity is acknowledged to be a valid aspect of divinity. In
other words, to what extent does each religion believe that God
or the gods are feminine as well as masculine? In the case of
Hinduism, we actually find one of the most explicit expressions
of the divine feminine across the five religions under scrutiny.

Although most of the Vedic hymns are addressed to male gods,
there are a small number that are directed at female deities such
as the goddesses of dawn (Ushas), speech (Vak), power (Sri),
wealth (Lakshmi) and wisdom (Saraswati). Moreover, the male
gods that are the subject of the majority of the Vedas usually
have female partners. For example, the most popular Vedic god,
Indra (god of thunder) is accompanied by the feminine Indrani.
Similarly, the new gods that became prominent in the classical
period - Shiva and Vishnu – are not without a feminine side. In
fact, Hindu art has sometimes depicted each of them in
hermaphroditic form. As indicated by the two images below, the
right side of the image is typically male (passivity) whereas the
left side is female (activity). This is somewhat counter-intuitive
to Western thinking which tends to equate masculinity with
activity and the rational left-side of the brain, whilst the
femininity is usually linked to passivity and the intuitive right-
side of brain.
Hermaphroditic forms of Shiva and Vishnu respectively
Even when the classical gods are depicted in masculine form
(and this is the norm), they are understood to have feminine
partners. Thus, Brahma’s consort is Saraswati (goddess of art
and literature), Vishnu’s consort is Lakshmi (goddess of
wealth), and Shiva’s consort is Parvati (goddess of power). Just
as the three male gods often appear together as a trio, so too are
their three female partners, as in the image below. On the left,
Lakshmi drops coins; in the middle, Parvati holds a sword and
bow; and on the right Saraswati carries a musical instrument.
The three principal goddesses of classical Hinduism
The classical period also speaks of the avatars (incarnations) of
Vishnu, when the god takes animal or human form to save the

world. Vishnu’s avatar is always in male form with one
exception when he descended in female form as Mohini, who
fooled the demons and returned the elixir of mortality to the
gods (nb. Mohini is not listed among the traditional ten
avatars). However, his two most famous avatars both have
female companions. Sita is the faithful wife of Rama and Radha
is the passionate lover of Krishna, and both of them are
considered to be incarnations of Lakshmi. So, both genders are
represented not only by the divine couples in the heavens but
also by the incarnate human couples on earth.
Rama and his wife, Sita Krishna and his lover, Radha
Apart from the main Hindu schools dedicated to the male gods
Vishnu and Shiva, there are two other important Hindu
denominations that we should note. First there is the Shakti
school, which recognises the Mother Goddess as principal deity.
The term ‘shakti’ can be translated as ‘energy’ or ‘life force’
and it is said to pervade all things. Sometimes the Mother
Goddess is identified with this energy and the term “Shakti” is
actually used as one of her names. In one tradition, she is the
creator of the universe but at a later stage, Shiva takes her place
as chief god, in a similar way to the story of Gaia and Zeus. The
Mother Goddess is also manifest as Durga – a powerful goddess
who was fashioned by the gods to battle a buffalo demon (see
video later). Images of Durga depict her riding a lion, carrying
weapons in her ten arms and striking down the buffalo king. The
legends also tell of how Durga herself gives rise to another even
more fearsome form of the Mother Goddess, known as Kali.
Durga and Kali
According to the story, a new demon king rose to threaten the
world but every time Durga struck him, the drops of his blood

grew into a new demon and she found herself surrounded by
hundreds of clones. Her anger and desperation combine to
produce Kali whose untamed fury obliterates the many demons
and saves the world. Kali is often depicted as a bloody warrior,
with wild eyes and extended tongue, holding the decapitated
head of the vanquished enemy. It is said that her fury was only
calmed when she stood on Shiva, as seen in the icon above.
The other major Hindu school is known as the Advaita. Founded
by the philosopher saint Shankara in the 9th Century CE, it
recovers the Upanishadic idea that there is only one Absolute
Reality – Brahman – and in that reality all gender distinctions
are dissolved and are no longer relevant. Even the gods and
goddesses are but temporary manifestations of the One. We
shall return to this idea when we investigate the monotheistic
religions’ ideas of a single, transcendent personal God beyond
gender.
So, it is fair to say that Hinduism explicitly acknowledges the
presence of both the masculine and the feminine in its concepts
of divinity. This is important because it implies that women as
well as men are reflections of the divine. However, many
commentators have noted how this inclusive idea of divinity has
often not been translated into egalitarian practice in human
society. Sadly, much of Hindu history is characterised by
androcentrism and patriarchy. As one commentator states: “A
woman’s appreciation of her husband as god was more central
to her daily religious life than her husband seeing her as
goddess”(Katherine Young in Sharma A., Women in World
Religions).
Video When God was a Girl: Durga and Kali
Watch this video and keep an ear and eye open for the following

elements:
1. Kamakhya Temple
2. The Buffalo King story
3. The sacrificial ritual
4. Dr Nilima’s comments re Brahmins
5. Shakti
6. The temple’s secret chamber
7. Kali’s origin
8. Professor Madhu Khanna’s comments
9. The Durga Puja festival
10. The comments of the hostess in the taxi
11. Actions involving the statue
12. Bettany Hughes’ final comments
REINCARNATION AND GENDER
One of the distinctive features of the Hindu worldview is its
cyclic nature. In this model of human existence, first discussed
in the Upanishads, the current life that you and I are living now
is not our only life. Hinduism believes that we have had earlier
lives before this one and that we will probably have other lives
after this one. All beings undergo this process of birth, death
and rebirth many hundreds or even thousands of times. The term
for this is ‘samsara’, which is usually translated as
reincarnation. We are literally “re-enfleshed” in new form after
each physical death. Usually there is no memory of our previous
lives although it is said that those very advanced in meditation
practices are able to recollect several of their earlier
reincarnations.
Things can also vary considerably from reincarnation to
reincarnation. In some of our lives we will be human; in others
we may be an animal or spirit or god-like being. In some lives
we will be high caste and in other lives we will be low caste. In
some lives we will be male and in other lives we may be female.
Each time, what determines the species, caste and gender -

indeed all of our physical, psychological and social traits - is
the law of karma. This is not some decree from an external
creator God but, rather, it is an innate law of nature. Our
thoughts and actions in each life generate good or bad karma
which results in a better or worse situation in the next
reincarnation.
Although it may seem like good news that we will have many
opportunities to live in this world over and over again, the
deeper Hindu hope is to stop the reincarnational process.
Hindus want to get off the samsaric wheel and achieve a state of
ultimate liberation called moksha. It means that the individual
will no longer be reincarnated and, in some models, one is
absorbed back into Brahman.
A dying person and possible reincarnated states
How is this related to issues concerning sex and gender? Well,
first, we should note that in moksha there is no longer any
sexual differentiation. Whatever moksha is, it is believed to
transcend the temporary state of being male or female. These
categories are no longer relevant. However, sex is a very
relevant factor along the way. It is the law of karma that
determines one’s species, caste and sex each time and, indeed,
there is a presumption in the tradition that being male is
“better” or “more advanced” than being female, just as being a
human is better than being an animal or belonging to a high
caste is better than being in a low caste. These are the ways in
which karma promotes or demotes spirits on their epic journey
to moksha. So, it looks as if the samsaric model is prejudiced
towards the male over the female, although some commentators
have noted that the model itself dilutes the sexism implied in it.
This is because it teaches that most if not all beings will be
male and female at different times on their journey, just as we
will all be human or animal, high or low caste at certain points

as well. So, you might say that the samsaric model is prejudiced
against womanhood or femininity as a temporary state of being,
rather than against actual women. The typical Hindu response to
accusations of sexism would be: Essentially you are neither
male nor female but simply a being on the way to moksha. Your
previous life has led you to be a woman in this life. Now just
focus on being a dutiful woman, build up good karma, and
hopefully you will be reincarnated in male form next time. What
do you think?
MARRIAGE
We now turn our attention to one of the major practical issues
for women across all five religions: marriage. In other words,
how does each religion view the institution of marriage and, in
particular, how does it envisage the role and duties of a wife.
(We will look at the role and duties of a mother later).
In general, Hinduism puts a lot of emphasis on marriage.
According to the mainstream schools, there are four stages
(ashramas) in a human life:
1. Student (youth)
2. Householder (young adulthood)
3. Forest-dweller (senior years)
4. Ascetic (senior years)
In each stage there are duties to be fulfilled that will result in
good karma and an improved state in the next reincarnated life.
In the later stages, the ideal is to leave home for the forest and
dedicate one’s time to prayer, fasting, sexual abstinence and
meditation, at least for men. In the householder stage, however,
men and women are strongly encouraged to marry and have
children. The wedding ceremony itself is a special life-cycle
ritual (samskara), potentially bringing an abundance of good
karma. For women in particular it is usually the most important
religious event in her life. Even today, Hindu weddings are
lavish affairs in which the bride and groom are dressed and

adorned like gods.
So how has Hinduism understood the role of a wife and what are
some of the main areas of concern for feminists? In this lecture
we will look at three key issues often discussed in this context:
1. Spousal obedience
2. Child Marriage
3. Dowry Problems
1. Spousal Obedience
The Vedas do not contain much information about married life
but there are some hints that women were considered to be
auspicious and there may even have been a degree of equality
between spouses. One often quoted verse from the Rg Veda
(8.31) says:
O Gods, with constant draught of milk, husband and wife with
one accord Press out and wash the Soma juice. They gain
sufficient food: they come united to the sacred grass, and never
do they fail in strength.
The references are to offerings of milk, sacred juice and grass,
and the implication is that a husband and wife probably
worshipped together as equals in this ceremony.
There are also tantalizing hints in a famous Vedic hymn (Rg
Veda 10.85) that a wife had a reasonable amount of authority in
her home. She is described as the mistress of the house who
addresses a gathering:
Go to the house to be the household's mistress and speak as lady
to thy gathered people.
Happy be thou and prosper with thy children here: be vigilant to
rule thy household in this home.
She has authority over her in-laws (not something that was
common in later times):
Over thy husband's father and thy husband's mother bear full

sway; over the sister of thy lord, over his brothers rule supreme.
Yet the same hymn still refers to her husband as her “lord”:
Closely unite thy body with this man, thy lord. So, shall ye, full
of years, address your company.
When we turn to the Laws of Manu, the situation is much more
explicit. There are some positive verses that call upon men to
honour the women in their lives:
Women must be honoured and adorned by their fathers,
brothers, husbands, and brothers-in-law, who desire (their own)
welfare. Where women are honoured, there the gods are
pleased; but where they are not honoured, no sacred rite yields
rewards. (Laws of Manu 3.55-56)
However, chapters 5 and 9 of the Laws of Manu contain some of
the most controversial and explosive statements regarding the
status of women in all of Hinduism:
By a girl, by a young woman, or even by an aged one, nothing
must be done independently, even in her own house. In
childhood a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her
husband, when her lord is dead to her sons; a woman must never
be independent. (Laws of Manu 5.147-148)
Day and night women must be kept in dependence by the males,
and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must
be kept under one's control. Her father protects (her) in
childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons
protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence
(Laws of Manu 9.2-3).
The insistence of Manu on a wife’s unquestioning obedience to
her husband is repeated many times such as in these verses:
5.151. Him to whom her father may give her, or her brother
with the father's permission, she shall obey as long as he lives,

and when he is dead, she must not insult (his memory).
Moreover, Manu explains that this obedience must be offered to
the husband even when he is morally flawed:
5.154. Though destitute of virtue, or seeking pleasure
(elsewhere), or devoid of good qualities, (yet) a husband must
be constantly worshipped as a god by a faithful wife.
The extent of her obedience and subordination to a husband,
irrespective of his moral character, is spelled out in more detail
in chapter 9 when Manu states:
9.78. She who shows disrespect to (a husband) who is addicted
to (some evil) passion, is a drunkard, or diseased, shall be
deserted for three months (and be) deprived of her ornaments
and furniture.
Manu goes on to admit that there are some grounds for a wife
legitimately disobeying her husband but these are rare:
9.79. But she who shows aversion towards a mad or outcast
(husband), a eunuch, one destitute of manly strength, or one
afflicted with such diseases as punish crimes, shall neither be
cast off nor be deprived of her property.
In order to reinforce the authority of the husband over the wife,
Manu insists that a woman could only marry a man from the
same caste or higher. Conversely a man must marry a woman
from the same caste or lower. In other words, the husband
should not be from an inferior caste:
15
3.13. It is declared that a Shudra woman alone be the wife of a
Shudra; she and one of his own caste as the wives of a Vaishya:
those two and one of his own caste as the wives of a Kshatria;
those three and one of his own caste as the wives of a Brahmin

(Note: Brahmin = priestly; Kshatriya = warrior; Vaishya =
merchant; Shudra = servant)
Such verses eventually led to the idea of ‘pativrata’ (“husband
vow”). This meant that a Hindu wife should treat her husband
with the same sort of unquestioning, faithful devotion that she
would offer to her god. But there is nothing about the converse,
ie a husband adoring his wife like a goddess. Indeed, the living
out of pativrata was considered a form of worship on her part
and one that would earn her much good karma. It was even seen
as the equivalent of an older man going to the forest for the last
of the life stages. The literary example usually held up as the
model for such spousal loyalty was Sita, the wife of Rama, who
stood by her man in every circumstance, even when he wrongly
accused her of infidelity and had her banished.
2. Child Marriage
The second key issue concerning the status of wives in
Hinduism touches on the age at which girls have been
traditionally married. Historically, most Hindu marriages were
arranged by the two families, and not always with the consent
of the couple themselves. Indeed, the Laws of Manu gives its
opinion concerning 8 different types of marriage (nb. note
where it places marriage where two people have fallen in love):
1. Brahma: when the bride’s family pays a dowry (gift) to the
groom - highly recommended.
2. Daiva: when a groom cannot be found and a daughter is given
in marriage to a priest -recommended in the circumstances.
3. Arsha: when the groom pays a bride-price to the girl’s father
– allowed.
4. Prajapatya: when no dowry or bride-price is involved –

allowed.
5. Asura: when the groom is from a lower caste than the girl –
disfavoured.
6. Gandharva: when the couple have fallen in love and the
families do not consent – highly disfavoured.
7. Rakshasha: when a girl is abducted and forced into marriage
– forbidden.
8. Paishacha: when a girl is seduced whilst sleeping or drugged
or because she is disabled – forbidden.
Given the heavy traditional involvement of families in
arranging marriages and selecting suitable partners, the question
of the couple’s age, in particular the bride’s age, is a source of
much concern. Today, according to UNICEF, a child marriage is
a union in which one or more of the spouses are less than 18
years old. Such marriages are common in many cultures across
the globe but the statistics indicate a conspicuously high rate in
India, where, as recent as 2006, 47% of girls were married
before they turn 18 and 18% before they turn 15. Given these
figures, many think that Hinduism itself has had an influence
here and indeed there is evidence that the Hindu tradition has
condoned if not encouraged early marriage for girls.
The Vedas mention the term ‘kanya-vivaha’ - the marriage of a
young, possibly pre-pubescent maiden, suggesting that it was
probably a practice at that time. The Laws of Manu are even
more explicit in the recommended ages for groom and bride:
A man, aged thirty years, shall marry a maiden of twelve who
pleases him, or a man of twenty-four a girl eight years of age;
(Laws of Manu 9.94)
Some commentators think that the explicit age reference of “8
years” parallels Manu’s stipulation elsewhere that a high caste
Brahmin boy receive his adult initiation, involving the gift of a
sacred thread, when he turns eight years of age.

Apart from this text, there are other factors behind the tradition
that have encouraged families to marry off their daughters at
very young ages. For one thing, the younger the girl, the less
dowry required and so there is financial pressure to plan early
weddings if you have daughters. Given the Hindu religious duty
to have children, there is also considerable pressure to
maximize a girl’s fertility years by starting as early as possible.
Another factor is the traditional concern to ensure that one’s
daughter is a virgin when she marries - a concern that does not
apply necessarily to the groom. Thus, the younger the girl
marries, the less opportunity there will be to lose her virginity
before her wedding day.
UNICEF and other child-welfare organizations have repeatedly
pointed out the problems associated with underage marriage.
Typically, the girl’s education ceases since she becomes a full-
time wife and mother, primarily responsible for care of the
home and the children. There are also considerable health risks
to mother and children when girls fall pregnant and give birth at
very young ages. Finally, there is statistical evidence that a
young girl will be more likely to suffer from domestic violence.
Consequently, the Indian government has attempted to address
the issue on a number of occasions. In fact, there have been two
important legislative initiatives in modern times. The first was
the 1929 Child Marriage Restraint Act, which set the minimum
legal age for marriage as 21 years for a boy and 18 years for a
girl. However, the practice continued, especially in rural areas
where more conservative world views prevailed. So, in 2006 the
government passed the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act.
Whilst the minimum ages were maintained, the change of title
from “restraint” to “prohibition” indicated a greater intention to
eradicate rather than just control the practice and stronger
punishments were introduced. The Act specifies up to two years
imprisonment for offenders, including anyone performing the

wedding, any groom over 21 years of age and any parent or
family member who had responsibility for the child or children
at the time. The Act allows the couple to dissolve the marriage
if they wish but it also protects the legal status of any children
born. In addition, it provides medical and legal aid as well as
counselling to those involved.
Alongside the legislative strategy, the government has also
introduced a deterrence program based on financial incentives,
known as Apni Beti, Apna Dhan (ABAD) (“Our Daughter, Our
Wealth”). In essence, the government establishes a long-term
savings fund in the daughter’s name for those who register with
the scheme.
The fund is kept in trust and can be cashed in on the girl’s 18th
birthday provided she is not married. The scheme began in the
late 1990s and early evidence indicates that it is having an
effect. Indeed, in March 2018, UNICEF announced that the
under-18 marriage rate had dramatically fallen to 27%:
http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-03-06/child-marriage-in-
india-nearly-halves-in-decade/9519504
3. Dowry
The third women’s issue associated with Hindu wives is the
practice of dowry and the problems that this is generating.
Technically a dowry is a gift given by the family of the bride to
the groom (or his family) at the time of the wedding. The
converse is usually designated as a “bride price” in which the
groom provides some sort of gift to the bride (or her family) at
the time of the wedding. So, both involve a gift but the
difference is the direction in which it is given. In Hindu society,
there are in fact both forms. Bride-price is reasonably common

among low caste groups, because the wife is usually expected to
work after her wedding. In contrast, dowry is the normal
practice among middle and high caste Hindus.
The dowry can consist of anything of value: from cash to
furniture; from jewellery to appliances and so on. Traditionally
the value was negotiated between the families, and often it has
been linked to the groom’s status, caste or income. A recent
report stated that “90% of government employees actively seek
and get a dowry from their bride's family, matching the market
rates of their job”
The practice seems to have ancient roots. If you recall, the
favoured form of marriage according to the Laws of Manu was
an arranged marriage with a dowry payment (the first on the list
of eight types mentioned earlier). Indeed, many cultures
encourage the prospective bride to prepare a ‘glory box’ or
collection of valuables to take to her new home and often her
family contributes a significant amount of this. In traditional
Hindu society this was called ‘stridhan’. However, some say
that problems began when the British colonial rulers banned
women from owning any property in their own right. This meant
that any gift given to the couple by the bride’s family
necessarily became the property of the husband. Sadly, in recent
decades, abuse of the dowry tradition has increased
dramatically.
Often the dowry becomes a means of extortion by which
unscrupulous grooms or their families demand exorbitant dowry
payments not only at the time of the wedding but on an ongoing
basis afterwards. When such payments are not forthcoming,
often the bride becomes victim of harassment and even physical
abuse. In extreme circumstances, it has actually led to her
suicide or her murder (sometimes disguised as an accident or
suicide). This is the curse of the “dowry deaths” in India. In

1988, approximately 2200 deaths were due to dowry extortion
or harassment. By 2015 the figure had ballooned to
approximately 8000 deaths per annum (Indian Express
312/7/16), and the practice had spread beyond Hindu families
into Christian, Sikh and Muslim groups. As in the case of child
marriage, the Indian government has had to intervene and in
1961 the Dowry Prohibition Act was passed, forbidding anyone
requesting or demanding a dowry payment as a pre-condition
for marriage. The punishment was 6 months in prison or a
modest fine but as the statistics above indicate, the 1961
legislation and subsequent revisions in 1976 and 1985 have not
solved the problem.
Moreover, in August 2017, in response to an increasing number
of false accusations by wives against husbands, the Indian
Supreme Court ruled that any accusation must be substantiated
by a state-based welfare committee before it can proceed
further.
(to be continued in Hinduism B)
05 Buddhism B
Last time we looked at Buddhist ideas about higher beings
(buddhas and bodhisattvas) and enlightenment (becoming an
arhat). On one hand, there were traces of gender bias, mainly
concerning the figure of a buddha. In particular, there was the
traditional presumption that a buddha would always be in male
form, not only in his final reincarnation but even in the later,
more advanced stages of his reincarnational history. On the
other hand, there were traces of gender equality in the notions
of the arhat and the bodhisattva. The tradition accepted that
women were capable of becoming an arhat: one who has

achieved enlightenment and thus would pass into nirvana after
death with no further reincarnations. Moreover, there were
plenty of examples of female arhats including Mahapajapati
(Gautama’s aunt, stepmother and the first nun), as well as
Gautama’s two chief female disciples (Khema and
Uppalavanna), who parallel the chief male disciples Sariputra
and Mogallana. Also, there were examples of female
bodhisattvas, including the very popular figures of Kwan Yin in
China and Tara in Tibet. This week we look more closely at the
actual historical experience of women in Buddhism, both as
married women (wives and mothers) and as celibate followers
(nuns).
Marriage and Celibacy
The life of a founder invariably has a crucial impact on the
beliefs and practices of the religion and Buddhism is no
exception. What Siddhartha Gautama did in terms of lifestyle
choices has had an enormous influence on the way his followers
have perceived and lived out their faith. So, let us now retrace
some of those key biographical facts. First, the tradition claims
that, at his birth, a number of priestly advisors predicted that,
based on the mysterious marks on his body, the boy would grow
up to become either a great ruler or a great spiritual leader.
Whilst the former pleased his father, the latter worried him
greatly. The king hoped that his son would follow him as leader
of the Sakya people – smooth succession is a cherished hope of
every monarch. So, the thought that Siddhartha might become a
religious figure disturbed him and, to that end, the king was
determined to ensure that the prince had the best possible life
within the palace walls. There would be the finest food and
clothing; comfortable living quarters; education, sport,
entertainment and so on. It was to be an utterly pleasant,
sheltered existence and the plan seemed to work. Siddhartha
grew into an intelligent, healthy young man and, at some stage

during his teens, he married a princess from a neighbouring
kingdom. Her traditional name is Yasodhara and the accounts of
their courtship and wedding suggest that the young couple
genuinely loved each other. There are stories that Siddhartha
won an athletic contest for Yasodhara’s hand. There are other
stories that relate how Siddhartha chose Yasodhara from a line
of hopeful candidates.
Prince Siddhartha marries Yasodhara
At any rate, the point is that Siddhartha married, thus fulfilling
the Hindu duty to enter the ‘Householder’ phase of life, and
also fulfilling his father’s hopes for a smooth succession to the
throne. The next step was to have children, preferably a son,
and we are told that this took some time – ten years in fact. But
eventually Yasodhara fell pregnant and gave birth to a boy,
pleasing Siddhartha’s father even more. According to the
tradition, the boy’s name was “Rahula” but, given that the word
means “chain” or “shackle”, scholars are suspicious that this is
a later invention by the monks who authored the biographies
and who would have seen Siddhartha’s family as an obstacle to
his true destiny.
If things had continued along this path there would be no
Buddhism today, so something happened to change the course of
history and tradition calls the episode in question “the Four
Sights”. Apparently, Siddhartha’s curiosity got the better of him
one day and he went outside the palace to see what the world
was like. What he discovered would change his life forever. We
are told that he saw, for the first time, a sick person, an old
person, a dead person and a forestdweller (hence the “four
sights”). He suddenly realised that the material pleasures of the
palace and the power that goes with being king were transient
and could not provide lasting peace and happiness. Even rich,

powerful people get sick, age and die. However, the poor,
detached forestdweller seemed to be happy and at peace. So, for
several weeks he wrestled within his troubled soul and, one
fateful night, took the momentous decision to leave his family,
his father and his entire career. It is called the night of his
Renunciation when he quietly bid farewell to his sleeping wife
and child, crept out of the palace and rode all night to the
border of the kingdom. There he sent his assistant and horse
back to the capital, while he cut his long princely hair and
donned the yellow robes of the forestdweller.
Siddhartha leaves the palace Siddhartha cuts his hair
Siddhartha had joined the ranks of the Hindu renouncers.
Inspired by the Upanishadic literature of the time, these men
adopted a celibate, itinerant and mendicant lifestyle. In other
words, they voluntarily gave up marriage and sexual activity
(religious celibacy); they gave up fixed abode and travelled
from village to village (itinerant); and they gave up most of
their personal possessions, relying on the generosity of donors
to provide food, clothing and accommodation (mendicancy). In
Hindu theology, celibacy means channelling one’s sexual
energy up the spine and into the brain where it enhances the
capacity to meditate.
It is said that several years after he became Buddha, Gautama
returned to his home town in Sakya and met his father, his wife
and his son again. Somewhat mischievously, Yasodhara told
Rahula to ask his father for his inheritance. The story goes that
Gautama quietly agreed and began to teach him the Four Noble
Truths - this now being his true wealth. So, the first important
point to note from the story is that the founder experienced both
married and celibate life. He was a husband and a father; but he
was also a renouncer. Moreover, it is clear from the story that it
is the second lifestyle – that of the celibate ascetic – that is

more advanced. Although marriage is not evil in itself, the
celibate way brought Siddhartha closer to nirvana and
buddhahood.
Today, the Buddhist religious family consists of two basic sub-
groups: the married laity and the celibate monks. Statistically
there are many more of the former, but it is the latter that is
considered to be the kernel of Buddhism. Not every lay person
is married of course, but it is also true that not every Buddhist
monk is celibate, and the best-known example is the Japanese
Jodoshin school. However, they are a very small minority and
the exception that proves the rule: namely, that becoming a
monk usually involves renouncing married life and embracing
celibacy like the founder. Although being married and having a
family is not a bad thing, it is considered inferior to the higher
way of the monk, who has, in theory, detached himself from the
clinging involved in the marital relationship. They are closer to
nirvana and the best that the lay person usually hopes for is to
be reincarnated in their next life as a monk. Lay people can join
a monastery for a short period in this life in order to gain good
karma and this is often done during the wet season when monks
traditionally make their “rains retreat”. In many Buddhist
societies, young and old men shave their heads, don the saffron
robes and become a “rain monk”.
Ideally the two communities complement each other and work
together in a symbiotic relationship. The lay persons support the
monks with practical donations such as food, clothing, money,
property and so forth. In return the monks are expected to
provide spiritual gifts to the lay persons: wisdom, knowledge
and good karma.
A monk on his alms round
Weddings and Marriage

So, it is clear that marriage is inferior to celibacy in Buddhist
theology and it is no surprise to find that Buddha Gautama had
very little to say about marriage as such. Consequently, there is
no developed theology of marriage in Buddhism, compared to
other religions where matrimony is seen as a sacred union,
reflecting higher, supernatural values. When Buddhist couples
seek advice, they are directed to the example of Siddhartha
Gautama who, while he was married, was a kind and considerate
husband to his wife. But his decision to abandon her and their
son in favour of the forest always reminds the Buddhist couple
that there is an alternative, higher way. Similarly, there is no
Buddhist wedding ceremony as such. In fact, in many
communities, Buddhist couples are married by a celebrant from
another religious tradition. For example, many Japanese
Buddhists are often married in Shinto temples; many Chinese
Buddhists are married in Daoist or Confucian venues; and many
Thai Buddhists are married in civil ceremonies.
Traditionally, lay persons were not keen to have monks
involved in their wedding since they were usually associated
with funerals and it was thought that their vows of celibacy
might affect the couple’s ability to have children. Indeed, it is
only very recently that Buddhist monks are beginning to act as
marriage celebrants, mainly in the Mahayana world. Conversely,
the monks themselves were advised not to be involved with
couples in romantic relationships. A famous passage from the
Basket of Discipline (the Vinaya Pitaka) states:
Should a monk engage in conveying a man’s intention to a
woman or a woman’s intention to a man, proposing marriage –
even if only for a momentary liaison – it entails initial and
subsequent meetings of the community.
A “meeting of the community” means that something
inappropriate has taken place and a gathering of monks is

needed to hear the confession, purge the bad karma and impose
a penalty on the offender. In other words, the celibate monks
were traditionally kept well away from matchmaking and
weddings ceremonies altogether.
As a result, Buddhism contrasts strongly with Hinduism on
these matters. On one hand, we have noted that Hinduism has a
lot to say about the duty to marry and have children, the wife’s
obedience toward her husband, the traditional endorsement of
child marriages, the preference for sons, the restrictions and
pressures placed on widows and the taboos regarding
menstruation and birth. On the other hand, Buddhism takes little
interest in any of these things and, consequently, the focus of
feminist concern lies elsewhere: the depiction of women as
sexual temptresses and the inferior treatment of nuns vis-à-vis
monks.
Women as Sexual Temptresses
Given the importance placed on the monastic life, it is little
wonder that a lot of Buddhist literature is aimed at helping the
monks remain faithful to their lifestyle, in particular their vow
of celibacy. In this context, women are often depicted as a
dangerous source of sexual temptation. Of course, most monks
live in single sex monasteries and on the few occasions that
women (nuns or laity) might also live or at least stay in the
complex, they are given separate quarters. Nevertheless, in the
course of their daily routine, monks will encounter both men
and women: in their dealings with the laity outside the
monastery (for example during the alms rounds or in visits to
homes) or hosting male and female visitors inside the monastery
for the purpose of meditation, prayer, sermons, talks and so on.
Female nuns are considered less of a threat since they also are
committed to celibacy and they deliberately downplay physical
beauty by shaving their hair, avoiding makeup and wearing

traditional monastic robes. In some ways this minimising or
concealing physical attractiveness in favour of spiritual beauty
is reminiscent of the Muslim veil (see later in the course).
Buddhist nuns with shaved heads and robes
On the other hand, lay women are not bound by such customs
and thus may constitute more of a threat. Indeed, the dilemma
of a Buddhist monk who has been smitten by the beauty of a
young girl is a reasonably common theme in theatre and
literature across Asia.
This theme appears on a number of occasions in the traditional
story of the Buddha’s life. On the very night of his
Enlightenment, as he sat preparing himself under the bodhi tree,
the tempter spirit Mara appeared, intent on distracting Gautama
from his cause. In fact, Mara features on many occasions during
his life, always with the aim of obstructing Gautama from
making progress or thwarting his plans. Mara roughly parallels
the character of Satan in the Abrahamic tradition and it is
interesting to compare the temptations of Gautama and the
temptations of Jesus (none of which are sexual in nature
according to the gospel account). In Gautama’s case, Mara first
used the weapon of fear, calling forth the terrifying forces of
nature but to no avail: Gautama remained unmoved and calm.
So, his next ploy was to bring his three daughters, who danced
seductively before the seated prince. Again, Gautama was
unmoved, and Mara retreated in resignation. Some
commentators think that the figures of Mara and Satan should
not be taken literally but, rather, represent deep psychological
fears and desires in the men concerned, reflecting the personal
struggle with their own ‘demons’. It is not the last time that
sexual desire emerges in the story of the Buddha. Later on,
there are episodes where enemies falsely accuse Gautama of

having an affair with various women, some of whom are
complicit in the plot. In each case the Buddha is able to
demonstrate his innocence, but again it is feminine beauty that
is seen as the potential stumbling block.
Mara’s daughters tempt Siddhartha
The basic tactic used by Gautama and his monks to deal with
sexual desire is to distance themselves from women as much as
possible. There is a famous dialogue between the Buddha and
his personal assistant Ananda which goes like this:
Ananda: How are we to conduct ourselves Lord, with regard to
womankind?
Buddha: As not seeing them Ananda
Ananda: But if we should see them, what are we to do?
Buddha : No talking Ananda
Ananda: But if they should speak to us Lord, what are we to do?
Buddha : Keep awake Ananda. [Mahaparinirvana Sutra]
Similar sentiments are expressed in a well-known monastic
proverb that considers even a simple conversation with a woman
to be more dangerous than a range of extremely perilous
situations:
Go parley with a man with sword in hand;
Use question with a goblin; sit ye close
Beside the venomed snake whose bite is death;
But never alone with a female talk [Anguttara Nikaya.III.67-
68]
A common practice among the monks, even to this day, is to
meditate on the shallowness of physical beauty and the ultimate
emptiness of sexual desire. This often takes the form of
“cultivating a loathing” for the physical. Thus, instead of

thinking about how beautiful and attractive a woman’s body can
be, the monk is taught to think more profoundly about how
unattractive the human body actually is: a messy mixture of
tissue, muscle, bones, joints, organs and bodily fluids such as
blood, sweat, tears and saliva. This deliberate focusing on the
more repulsive aspects of human physiology is aimed at
reversing sexual desire and reinforcing the commitent to
celibacy. Commenatators also note that it was a similar
experience that convinced prince Siddhartha to leave home and
head for the forest. It is said that on the night of his
Renunciation, he walked into one of the main rooms of the
palace and saw the royal dancing girls asleep, sprawled over the
furniture in unflattering positions, with dishevelled hair and
clothing, snoring and dribbling. The shock of seeing this
“other” side of what were usually beautiful maidens, left no
doubt that he had to seek truth, beauty and happiness beyond
the physical.
Siddhartha sees the dancing girls sleeping
Another strategy is for the monk to conjure up the image of a
beautiful young woman and then imagine her ageing rapidly
before his eyes. Thus the monk sees the young nubile figure
gradually become older and frailer and eventually turn into a
decaying corpse. Again it is a graphic technique to drive home
the transience of physical beauty and enable the monk to remain
detached from sexual desire. The same technique was used by
Buddha Gautama to convince Khema, the beautiful young wife
of King Bimbisara, to abandon her lifestyle and become a nun.
Khema and the vision of the beautiful maid
Feminists criticise these texts for fostering gynophobia and for

always taking the viewpoint of the troubled male monk without
ever discussing the problem from the perspective of the women
who are seen as sexual traps. As a result, the critics argue that
such stories and practices can easily degrade the female body
and place the blame on women when, in most cases, it is the
monk’s own sexual desires that are the true source of the
problem. This point is illustrated by the story of two monks who
were on a journey when they came across a young maiden by
the river bank. She needed to cross but was unable since the
water was too deep and the current too strong. One monk was
reluctant to get involved but the other kindly offered to carry
her on his back. When they reached the other side, the monk let
the maiden down and she went on her way. The two monks also
continued their walk. After a few hours, the first monk spoke up
and criticised his fellow monk. “As a celibate monk, you
shouldn’t have carried that young girl across the river” he
complained. His colleague replied “Friend, I put that girl down
hours ago; it seems that you have not”.
As we discussed earlier, the Basket of Discipline (Vinaya
Pitaka) is a collection of hundreds of rules concerning monks
and nuns. What is interesting is that a large proportion of those
rules concern actions and situations that could undermine a
monk’s vow of celibacy and the range of punishments
associated with these. For example, there are four grave
offences (parajikas) that result in automatic and instant
expulsion from a monastery: sexual intercourse; theft; murder;
and lying about one’s spiritual advancement. Not only is sexual
impropriety included among the four, but it heads the list. Apart
from such a serious breach of celibacy, the Vinaya also lists
many occasions that a monk should diligently avoid such as
travelling alone with a woman or allowing a woman to make
special robes for him. In fact, it is a general rule that a Buddhist
monk should never come into physical contact with a woman,

including shaking hands.
Lay Women
It is now time to consider outstanding examples of women
disciples from both ordinary lay life and the order of nuns. In
terms of lay women, one such case is Visakha. She was the
daughter of a rich man and a contemporary of Buddha Gautama,
meeting him when she was only seven years old. According to
the tradition, she was not only a devout follower, but she was a
very effective teacher, successfully converting her entire
household. Recognising her wisdom, Buddha Gautama
appointed her as mediator in disputes between nuns, even
though she was not a nun herself. She is also remembered as the
donor of the Pubbarama monastery, where Gautama spent a
number of his rain retreats. Her significant material support to
the founder echoes the figures of Mary Magdalene and Khadijah
in Christianity and Islam respectively (see later). There are
many similar tales of outstanding lay women, especially from
the Mahayana school since the incentive to leave the lay state
and become a nun was not as strong as in the Theravada. That is
because the Mahayana school speaks of bodhisattvas who can
help ordinary folk on their journey to nirvana. It is not entirely
up to oneself, and thus there is less pressure to follow a radical
lifestyle such as monk or nun.
The Tibetan tradition has also promoted lay life for women,
inspired by the example of Machig Labdron, who was an
outstanding practitioner of Buddhism during the 12th century
CE.
Machig Labdron
Today, more and more educated Western women are emerging
as scholars, writers and teachers within the Buddhist world.

Some examples include:
Nancy Wilson Ross Elsie Mitchell Sharon Salzburg
Emila Heller
This “mushrooming” of lay women teachers has become a major
feminist issue within Buddhism, which traditionally saw the
male monk as the main source of doctrinal authority.
Understandably this new generation of lay female thinkers
expect to be acknowledged and respected for their contribution,
but there are also signs of traditional opposition and patriarchal
resistance to the idea that a lay woman could teach at all, let
alone teach men. Commentators speculate that a new style of
Buddhism may be in genesis, possibly blurring the traditional
boundaries between lay and monastic, male and female.
Nuns
Beginnings
There has been a traditional difference between the lay state and
the monastic state from the very earliest days of Buddhism and
we now need to investigate how quickly the issue of female
monks (or nuns) arose and how it played out. As you may recall,
Buddha Gautama delivered his first sermon to his five former
companions, all of whom were male and all of whom accepted
his teaching and became the first monks. In the years that
followed, Gautama and his monks travelled around northern
India attracting other followers. Many of these were men and
women who chose to remain in the lay state as married persons
with families. But there were also many men who chose to
shave their head and don the yellow robes of the bhikkhu
(monk). These men were of different ages and came from
different castes within society, yet Gautama adopted an
inclusive attitude. In contrast to the Hindu background,

Gautama did not think that caste was a criterion of admission,
nor was it a criterion of rank. In his thinking, seniority was
based on years in the monastery and not one’s caste, and indeed
he once famously made a low caste monk, named Upali, senior
to a group of Brahmin candidates who had just joined – much to
their initial chagrin. Similarly, age was not a major barrier and
Gautama accepted novices as young as 20 years old. In fact, this
minimum age was set soon after objections arose concerning the
admission into the monastery of his own son Rahula when he
was still a young boy. So, caste and age were largely irrelevant,
but what about gender?
Mahapajapati asks Buddha Gautama to establish the order of
nuns
The gender issue arose a few years after his Enlightenment,
when Gautama returned to his home town. Whilst there, his aunt
and stepmother, Mahapajapati, approached him with a request to
become a bhikkhuni (nun) along with “five hundred other
women”. The numbers may not be historical, but the suggestion
is that, after some years, there was a considerable group of
women who wished to enter the monastic life alongside their
male counterparts. [Note: Gautama’s natural mother had died at
childbirth and her sister (his aunt), Mahapajapati, married his
father and became his stepmother].
What is surprising to many is that Gautama’s first reaction to
her request was negative. In fact, he not only denied her once
but three times, and when Ananda, his assistant, intervened,
Gautama commanded: “Do not speak of this Ananda”. The
original texts do not give a reason for Gautama’s decision, but
Buddhist writers today speculate as to his motive. Some think
that he declined because he was concerned about the welfare of
the women themselves. In other words, he was worried that an
itinerant, ascetical lifestyle would be too demanding for women.

Others think that he was concerned about the existing monks. In
other words, admitting women alongside them would create a
sexual distraction and thus weaken or disrupt monastic life – the
very core of his new movement. Others again ponder whether he
was concerned about the impact on lay donors and supporters.
In other words, nuns could create scandal in the wider
community causing regular donors to withhold their material
sponsorship.
In fact, we just do not know, but the response did not dishearten
a persistent Mahapajapati. She and her fellow applicants shaved
their heads, donned the yellow monastic robes and followed
Gautama on a long, arduous journey to his next stop. As they
waited outside the monastery, Ananda once again inquired about
Gautama’s refusal to admit them. Ananda then asked the
pertinent question: “Is it because a woman cannot attain
enlightenment (arhat)? To this, Gautama answered that a woman
could achieve enlightenment and become an arhat. After stating
that, Gautama relented and admitted his aunt and her friends to
the monastic life. It was a momentous decision, even though
there had been reluctance and opposition at first. Indeed, it is
very rare that a disciple of the Buddha gets the upper hand in a
dialogue, let alone reveals something that, apparently, the
Buddha did not see before. For historians, the very
awkwardness of the story (that the master is “shown up” by
Ananda) suggests that it probably was an historical event rather
than a later creation.
Buddha Gautama relents and admits women to the monastic life
What happens next according to the sources is also unexpected
and suggests residual sexism in the attitude of Buddha Gautama.
Despite his eventual egalitarian stance on gender (matching his
position on caste and age), Gautama then predicted that,
because he had relented and allowed women to become nuns, his

teaching would now only last for 500 years and not the usual
1000 years. The context of this concept is that the teaching of a
Buddha gradually fades away over time and this is why a new
Buddha in the series is needed. So, when Buddha Gautama’s
teaching is forgotten, the next Buddha, Maitreya, will come and
remind us of it. The implication is clear: the admission of
women will undermine the longevity of the teaching itself and
accelerate the coming of the next Buddha. Moreover, the
sources go on to describe how Gautama then imposed 8 “heavy
rules” (garudhammas) on nuns (but not on monks).
The Eight Garudhammas:
1. A nun must salute a monk even if she has been in the order
for 100 years and he has only been in the order for one day.
2. A nun must reside within 6 hours travelling distance from a
monastery of monks for advice.
3. A nun must consult with monks on fortnightly observance
days.
4. A nun must spend the rains retreat under the orders of both
monks and nuns.
5. A nun’s offences must be dealt with by both monks and nuns.
6. A nun can only obtain ordination by both monks and nuns.
7. A nun cannot rebuke a monk.
8. A nun cannot advise a monk but the converse should be the
case.
These 8 rules are found in the Vinaya and they are very clear
regarding the relative status of monks and nuns (bhikkhus and
bhikkhunis). For one thing, the first garudhamma indicates that
the principle of seniority being based on the time spent in the
monastery (rather than caste) seems to have been overturned in
the case of gender. In each of the garudhammas, priority is
given to the male over the female irrespective of age or
experience. Moreover, we will see how rule 6 became a serious
problem in terms of the ensuring that the order of nuns
continued and did not die out in certain parts of the Buddhist

world.
Some scholars are doubtful that the 8 garudhammas were
imposed by Gautama upon his newly ordained nuns, arguing
that the literary style of this passage differs from those around
it, thus suggesting that the heavy rules were added to the text by
a later hand (see Karma Lekse in the second video below).
Another issue that is often raised in the context of gender
equality is the disparity between the number of rules for monks
and nuns found in the First Basket (Vinaya Pitaka). There are
227 rules for monks and 311 for nuns. At first glance it would
seem that there is a far greater restriction placed on female
followers than male followers of the Buddha. But commentators
often note that many of the extra rules for nuns were established
precisely to protect them from misinterpretation and abuse. For
example, some of them prohibit nuns from performing chores
for monks such as sewing and washing – chores that were
generally carried out by women in homes and lay society.
Otherwise, the daily life of a monk and a nun followed the same
basic routine: practical chores, meditation, lessons, receiving
visitors, alms round and so forth. Similarly, nuns also shaved
their heads and wore standard coloured robes in the same way
as their male counterparts – a sartorial sign of equality.
How radical was the (eventual) decision by Buddha Gautama to
allow women to join the inner circle of his movement alongside
the monks? Many think that it was just as radical as his decision
to ignore caste and age when admitting candidates for the
monastic life. Indeed, traditional Hinduism (the Four Life
Stages theory) encouraged men to leave family to become a
forest-dweller and an ascetic, but it was not so enthusiastic that
women do so. We noted some exceptions when we looked at
Hinduism (remember Maitreyi?) but they were exceptional. So,
the Buddhist movement did open up for women a whole new
career possibility, which was not previously available. It is

worth noting here that the other religious “renouncer”
movement that commenced at about the same time in northern
India – Jainism – also admitted nuns into its ranks at a very
early stage.
This new lifestyle proved to be very popular, as is evidenced by
the claim that “500 women” accompanied Mahapajapati in her
initial bid to gain Buddha’s permission to become nuns. In fact,
some think that the Buddha imposed the 8 heavy rules to stop a
“flood” of women joining (see Dhammananda in the second
video below). Texts describe how the first generation of
Buddhist nuns felt “liberated” from (most of) the traditional
“five woes” of a woman:
The five woes of a woman:
1. parting from their family at time of marriage
2. serving their husbands
3. menstruation
4. pregnancy
5. childbirth
(Clearly it didn’t liberate a nun from number 3.)
The same sentiments of freedom and opportunity are reflected
in some of the poems that were composed by the earliest nuns
and collected in a section of the Three Baskets known as the
Therigatha (“Songs of the Elder Sisters”). This is an anthology
of 73 poems, which parallels a similar collection of poems
written by the earliest monks, known as the Theragatha (“Songs
of the Elder Brothers”). Rita Gross has described the Therigatha
as “the most under-utilized resource in Buddhism”, and Nancy
Schuster Barnes declares that it provides “images of women as
fully enlightened beings, quick-witted teachers, compassionate
friends, self-sacrificing saints and courageous heroines”.
For supporters of nuns, the large numbers that entered and the

joyful satisfaction that they found in their new religious life
was ample justification for Buddha Gautama’s decision to admit
women into the monastic life.
Some excerpts from the Therigatha
Decline
Despite such a promising start, the history of Buddhist nuns is a
sad one in many ways – a “checkered career” as Denise
Carmody puts it. In many parts of the Buddhist world,
especially in the southern (Theravadan) tradition, the order of
nuns faded into obscurity. The main reason was the lack of
support from the laity (men and women) who preferred male
monks to assist at funerals and other life-cycle moments. There
seems to have been an endemic prejudice among ordinary folk
that women should stay at home as wives and mothers, and not
be running off to the convent. That vocation was for men. As a
result, outstanding lay women were often more respected and
accepted than nuns, who were often poorly educated as a result
of the lack of support. The other major factor was the 6th
garudhamma (remember the “heavy rules” above?), which
stipulated that a nun must be ordained by both monks and nuns.
As the numbers of nuns dwindled in some places, it became
more and more difficult to gather enough nuns to hold a valid
ordination ceremony.
As a result, the Theravadan order of nuns completely died out in
places such as Sri Lanka and Myanmar (Burma); and the
tradition never even got going in Thailand. In all three places,
there have been small numbers of women who have lived a
lifestyle similar to that of the fully ordained nun (bhikkhuni).
These women are often called the “ten precept mothers” - based
on the idea that all Buddhists follow five basic moral precepts

known as the Pancasila, but monks and nuns undertake an extra
five as a result of their ascetical lifestyle. In Myanmar such
women are called “thila sin” and dress in pink robes; in
Thailand they are known as the “mae jis” and dress in white
robes with shaved heads. Importantly, the ordination of nuns
was revived in Sri Lanka in the 1990s.
Thila Shin in Myanmar (Burma) Mae jis in
Thailand
The case of Thailand is particularly interesting because the
main Buddhist leader (the Supreme Patriarch) issued an edict in
1928 banning monks from ordaining any woman as nun or
novice, declaring that the monastic life was “a man’s calling
alone”. The Thai Senate later revoked his decree as
unconstitutional and allowed foreign nuns to work in Thailand
but, as elsewhere in the Theravadan world, they are not widely
accepted. A key figure in this struggle for greater recognition is
Bhikkhuni Dhammananda. Born in Thailand, she worked as a
university professor for many years until she gained ordination
as a Theravadan nun in Sri Lanka in 2003. She returned to
Thailand and is at the forefront of efforts to gain greater
acceptance for nuns in her native land.
Sri Lankan nuns – ordination was revived in the 1990s
Bhikkhuni Dhammananda
The situation is very different in the northern (Mahayana)
school where the order of nuns has survived, and even thrived,
in the main. Chinese nuns (and their monastic brothers)
experienced persecution under Communism but have maintained
an unbroken lineage. Similarly, there are many nuns in Taiwan

and South Korea.
Taiwanese nuns Korean nuns
The exception has been Tibet where it seems that full ordination
was never established possibly because, as in the Theravadan
world, there was more support for male monks and lay women
(in the tradition of Machig Labdron mentioned earlier).
However, the current Dalai Lama supports the Tibetan Nuns
Project (TNP) and many Western women are also being
ordained in this tradition.
In Australia, a Taiwanese order of nuns runs the Nan Tien
temple that was established near Wollongong in 1990. In the
Perth hills, a group of Theravadan nuns runs a community at
Dhammasara, with an Australian nun as abbot.
Nan Tien Temple (Wollongong)
Dhammasara (Perth)
Videos
Dalai Lama on Women 10 mins
Listen for
· the Dalai Lama’s initial and final comments

· the comments of the first nun about “subtle prejudice”
· the comments of the second nun about being in the “female
form”
Issues concerning ordination 8 mins
Global Buddhist Conference Perth 2006
Listen for
· Why the 8 garudhammas were given (Bhikkhuni
Dhammananda)
· Why women have “no institutional voice” (Karma Lekse)
· Whether the 8 rules were from Buddha Gautama (Karma
Lekse)
· What DNA suggests about species and gender boundaries
(Yifa)
14

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