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THE ADVANCEMENT OF EXTREME RIGHT AND THE EXTREME LEFT IN
THE EUROPEAN UNION
Fernando Alcoforado *
The economic crisis of the world capitalist system that broke out in 2008 in the United
States led the European Union to economic stagnation with serious political and social
consequences. This crisis led to the strengthening of political parties of the extreme
right and extreme left in several countries. The rise of extreme right parties happens in
much countries of Europe. The outcome of the elections to the European Parliament in
2014, which took place in May and whose new term began in July, confirmed this trend
and issued a warning: the significant growth of the extreme right and eurosceptics
(which are against the existence of the European Union) on the continent.
The extreme right parties in Europe differ in few positions. With Nazi-fascist or
nationalist leanings, most parties advocates the end of the European Union, the end of
the euro, strengthening the unity and identity of the countries, more radical policies
against immigrants, criticized the bailout of financial crisis of the countries, are against
gay rights, abortion, liberalism and globalization, and fight against what they call the
Islamization. Its main subtitles: National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), the True
Finns party (Finland), Golden Dawn (Greece), Party of the United Kingdom
Independence (UKIP), National Front (France), the Freedom Party of Austria (Austria),
Jobbik (Hungary), People's Party of Denmark [See Article Extrema direita: Eleições no
Parlamento Europeu refletem avanço do conservadorismo (Far right: Elections in the European
Parliament reflect advancement of conservatism) published on the website
<http://vestibular.uol.com.br/resumo-das-disciplinas/atualidades/extrema-direita-na-
europa-resultado-das-eleicoes-no-parlamento-europeu-reflete-avanco-do-
conservadorismo.htm>].
An important detail is that some of these new parties make up what experts call the new
extreme right that not seek to join the fascist extreme right. With the elections this year,
the center-right parties will make up the largest bloc in the European parliament. The
main reasons for the rise of extreme right parties would be the decline of the state of
social welfare, which was a kind of common European identity after the 2nd World
War, the current financial crisis, the existence of more than 25 million unemployed in
continent, resentment and disbelief of the population in political, as well as the will of
changes. What draws attention is the growing participation of young Europeans to
nationalist movements, especially over the internet. Young people turn out to be
increasingly critical of their government and the European Union, worried about the
future (employment and education), cultural identity and Islamic influence in Europe.
In addition to the rise of extreme right parties, there are also the extreme left parties. An
early parliamentary election coming up in Greece, and the party of the radical left
Syriza, which promises to cancel the austerity program and to cancel the public debt, is
very close to power. In Spain, the extreme left party Podemos (We can) are preparing
for the 2015 parliamentary elections, with a chance of winning. In Portugal, Cyprus and
Ireland, the extreme leftist movements have also attracted voters tired of economic rigor
imposed "from above" by the European Union and nostalgic of a generous welfare state.
It would be the beginning of a revolution? It would be a reaction of fury, embodied in a
radical critique of the capitalist system that is part of this populist rise that has been
growing in the Old World?
2
In Greece, the election program of Syriza is focused on economic recovery and the end
of economic austerity program. The Syriza program provides a cut of most of the public
debt which is considered impossible to pay recommending the adoption of measures not
impairing the peoples of Europe, in addition proposing a European conference on the
debt. After four years of austerity, Greece is devastated not only economically but
socially with the existence of people homeless and without social security, high level of
unemployment, unheated homes, etc. Even if Syriza wins the elections, is unlikely to
have a majority in the parliament of Greece. Anyway, Syriza has no allies. It will be
difficult to overcome the crisis in Greece.
In Spain, a new form of democratic organization is shaking up the Spanish political
map. The platform Podemos directly threatens the traditional bipartisanship PP (Popular
Party) and PSOE (Socialist Party) that take turns in power in Spain for several years.
The platform Podemos advocated the exemption of the Lisbon Treaty 2007, the euro
exit, the suspension of public debt payment (default), the nationalization of banks and
almost all strategic sectors of the economy, wants the vote of humble people who
historically placed their confidence in the PSOE and feels very disappointed because
there is a huge gap between what the PSOE proposes and what then does. The success
of Podemos founded on action of what remains of the movement of the "indignant" and,
above all, the penetration in the socialist electorate. It is proposed to transform the
indignation in political change.
The extreme left parties as Podemos in Spain were formed focusing on the fight against
oppression imposed by the EU (European Union) and the IMF (International Monetary
Fund) against the welfare state and the defense of the welfare of workers. In Spain,
Podemos also feeds on an opposition to one super-powerful Germany that would be
tempted to "colonize" Madrid. The Podemos political program propose a unified
strategy with other countries of southern Europe, which are in a similar situation,
believes that the Euro does not serve the country and what matters is debt restructuring.
These extreme left parties have thrived following a rhetorical abandoned by the
moderate left to fight for a collective economic emancipation project rejecting a simple
adaptation to the neoliberal system. In many countries hovers the feeling that the
Socialists were sold to neoliberalism as occurred in France of François Hollande and
Brazil with the governments of PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and PT
(Workers Party) and failed in carrying out economic and social changes promised. To
address the problems generated by neoliberalism, the Left parties have formed a kind of
sacred union with the Right parties to approve unpopular measures whose effectiveness
has not been proven.
Note that the Left is, in principle, parties and movements identified with the interests of
the lower classes. Facing the failure in building socialism in the world and the
impossibility of its realization at the present time, several leftist parties, especially those
that gained political power in several countries, joined to what is referred to as social
liberalism. Michel Lowy, Brazilian Marxist thinker settled in France, where he works as
research director of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, said that the spirit
of social liberalism - and the governments of the PT (Worker Party) in Brazil represent
the very well - is the following: "we will do everything we can for the poor with the
condition will not change the privileges of the rich". This is the social liberalism
formula, with variants. Each country has a different form of social liberalism, but the
basic operation is this [See Article 2014: o fim das ilusões desenvolvimentistas (2014:
3
the end of the developmental illusions) posted on the website
<http://www.correiocidadania.com.br/index>].
In Greece, Portugal and Spain, for example, their social democratic rulers not even
joined the social-liberalism embracing instead, entirely neoliberal theses, on behalf of
pragmatism, based on which signed the austerity agreements with the EU and the IMF
that contributed to economic stagnation and rising of unemployment in these countries.
In addition, there were the corruption scandals that by harming the governing parties,
are making disappointed voters to vote for movements "anti-system". The left parties
radical Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain aim to break the devastating neoliberal
theories of economic and social situation in these countries and non-adherence to social-
liberalism which, ultimately, means the neoliberal maintenance with granting "crumbs"
to the poor, as in Brazil. Unlike the extreme right which calls to destroy the European
Union, the extreme left parties seek to transform it. They are not against the European
Union, but rather are in favor of a different European Union. The extreme left parties
describe themselves as anti-liberal and pro-social [See Article Partidosradicaisdeesquerda
preocupam Bruxelas (Radical left parties concerned Brussels) published on the website
<http://noticias.uol.com.br/midiaglobal/lemonde/2014/12/27/partidos-radicais-de-
esquerda-preocupam-bruxelas.htm>].
The historical roots of the radical left is internationalism as opposed to the radical right
that has a more structural root associated with nationalism. On a European scale, the
right has more acceptances because his speech is simpler, or more simplistic. According
to political analysts, adherence to internationalism could order the extreme left to have
an ephemeral success. Some admit that to survive, the radical left parties will be able
sooner or later, be tempted to flirt with nationalist ideas. What fuels the advance of the
extreme left is the trend that the empire of ideas glorifying the free market seems to be
finishing with the failure of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism further enrich the rich and
condemn workers to poverty worldwide. The advance of the extreme right and extreme
left parties in Europe puts on the agenda the need for the European Union to reshape its
economic policy that only benefits Germany and compromises the economy of other
countries with the austerity policy without which take the end of the economic bloc.
*Fernando Alcoforado , member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011)
and Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012),
among others.

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The advancement of the extreme right and of the extreme left in the european union

  • 1. 1 THE ADVANCEMENT OF EXTREME RIGHT AND THE EXTREME LEFT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION Fernando Alcoforado * The economic crisis of the world capitalist system that broke out in 2008 in the United States led the European Union to economic stagnation with serious political and social consequences. This crisis led to the strengthening of political parties of the extreme right and extreme left in several countries. The rise of extreme right parties happens in much countries of Europe. The outcome of the elections to the European Parliament in 2014, which took place in May and whose new term began in July, confirmed this trend and issued a warning: the significant growth of the extreme right and eurosceptics (which are against the existence of the European Union) on the continent. The extreme right parties in Europe differ in few positions. With Nazi-fascist or nationalist leanings, most parties advocates the end of the European Union, the end of the euro, strengthening the unity and identity of the countries, more radical policies against immigrants, criticized the bailout of financial crisis of the countries, are against gay rights, abortion, liberalism and globalization, and fight against what they call the Islamization. Its main subtitles: National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), the True Finns party (Finland), Golden Dawn (Greece), Party of the United Kingdom Independence (UKIP), National Front (France), the Freedom Party of Austria (Austria), Jobbik (Hungary), People's Party of Denmark [See Article Extrema direita: Eleições no Parlamento Europeu refletem avanço do conservadorismo (Far right: Elections in the European Parliament reflect advancement of conservatism) published on the website <http://vestibular.uol.com.br/resumo-das-disciplinas/atualidades/extrema-direita-na- europa-resultado-das-eleicoes-no-parlamento-europeu-reflete-avanco-do- conservadorismo.htm>]. An important detail is that some of these new parties make up what experts call the new extreme right that not seek to join the fascist extreme right. With the elections this year, the center-right parties will make up the largest bloc in the European parliament. The main reasons for the rise of extreme right parties would be the decline of the state of social welfare, which was a kind of common European identity after the 2nd World War, the current financial crisis, the existence of more than 25 million unemployed in continent, resentment and disbelief of the population in political, as well as the will of changes. What draws attention is the growing participation of young Europeans to nationalist movements, especially over the internet. Young people turn out to be increasingly critical of their government and the European Union, worried about the future (employment and education), cultural identity and Islamic influence in Europe. In addition to the rise of extreme right parties, there are also the extreme left parties. An early parliamentary election coming up in Greece, and the party of the radical left Syriza, which promises to cancel the austerity program and to cancel the public debt, is very close to power. In Spain, the extreme left party Podemos (We can) are preparing for the 2015 parliamentary elections, with a chance of winning. In Portugal, Cyprus and Ireland, the extreme leftist movements have also attracted voters tired of economic rigor imposed "from above" by the European Union and nostalgic of a generous welfare state. It would be the beginning of a revolution? It would be a reaction of fury, embodied in a radical critique of the capitalist system that is part of this populist rise that has been growing in the Old World?
  • 2. 2 In Greece, the election program of Syriza is focused on economic recovery and the end of economic austerity program. The Syriza program provides a cut of most of the public debt which is considered impossible to pay recommending the adoption of measures not impairing the peoples of Europe, in addition proposing a European conference on the debt. After four years of austerity, Greece is devastated not only economically but socially with the existence of people homeless and without social security, high level of unemployment, unheated homes, etc. Even if Syriza wins the elections, is unlikely to have a majority in the parliament of Greece. Anyway, Syriza has no allies. It will be difficult to overcome the crisis in Greece. In Spain, a new form of democratic organization is shaking up the Spanish political map. The platform Podemos directly threatens the traditional bipartisanship PP (Popular Party) and PSOE (Socialist Party) that take turns in power in Spain for several years. The platform Podemos advocated the exemption of the Lisbon Treaty 2007, the euro exit, the suspension of public debt payment (default), the nationalization of banks and almost all strategic sectors of the economy, wants the vote of humble people who historically placed their confidence in the PSOE and feels very disappointed because there is a huge gap between what the PSOE proposes and what then does. The success of Podemos founded on action of what remains of the movement of the "indignant" and, above all, the penetration in the socialist electorate. It is proposed to transform the indignation in political change. The extreme left parties as Podemos in Spain were formed focusing on the fight against oppression imposed by the EU (European Union) and the IMF (International Monetary Fund) against the welfare state and the defense of the welfare of workers. In Spain, Podemos also feeds on an opposition to one super-powerful Germany that would be tempted to "colonize" Madrid. The Podemos political program propose a unified strategy with other countries of southern Europe, which are in a similar situation, believes that the Euro does not serve the country and what matters is debt restructuring. These extreme left parties have thrived following a rhetorical abandoned by the moderate left to fight for a collective economic emancipation project rejecting a simple adaptation to the neoliberal system. In many countries hovers the feeling that the Socialists were sold to neoliberalism as occurred in France of François Hollande and Brazil with the governments of PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and PT (Workers Party) and failed in carrying out economic and social changes promised. To address the problems generated by neoliberalism, the Left parties have formed a kind of sacred union with the Right parties to approve unpopular measures whose effectiveness has not been proven. Note that the Left is, in principle, parties and movements identified with the interests of the lower classes. Facing the failure in building socialism in the world and the impossibility of its realization at the present time, several leftist parties, especially those that gained political power in several countries, joined to what is referred to as social liberalism. Michel Lowy, Brazilian Marxist thinker settled in France, where he works as research director of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, said that the spirit of social liberalism - and the governments of the PT (Worker Party) in Brazil represent the very well - is the following: "we will do everything we can for the poor with the condition will not change the privileges of the rich". This is the social liberalism formula, with variants. Each country has a different form of social liberalism, but the basic operation is this [See Article 2014: o fim das ilusões desenvolvimentistas (2014:
  • 3. 3 the end of the developmental illusions) posted on the website <http://www.correiocidadania.com.br/index>]. In Greece, Portugal and Spain, for example, their social democratic rulers not even joined the social-liberalism embracing instead, entirely neoliberal theses, on behalf of pragmatism, based on which signed the austerity agreements with the EU and the IMF that contributed to economic stagnation and rising of unemployment in these countries. In addition, there were the corruption scandals that by harming the governing parties, are making disappointed voters to vote for movements "anti-system". The left parties radical Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain aim to break the devastating neoliberal theories of economic and social situation in these countries and non-adherence to social- liberalism which, ultimately, means the neoliberal maintenance with granting "crumbs" to the poor, as in Brazil. Unlike the extreme right which calls to destroy the European Union, the extreme left parties seek to transform it. They are not against the European Union, but rather are in favor of a different European Union. The extreme left parties describe themselves as anti-liberal and pro-social [See Article Partidosradicaisdeesquerda preocupam Bruxelas (Radical left parties concerned Brussels) published on the website <http://noticias.uol.com.br/midiaglobal/lemonde/2014/12/27/partidos-radicais-de- esquerda-preocupam-bruxelas.htm>]. The historical roots of the radical left is internationalism as opposed to the radical right that has a more structural root associated with nationalism. On a European scale, the right has more acceptances because his speech is simpler, or more simplistic. According to political analysts, adherence to internationalism could order the extreme left to have an ephemeral success. Some admit that to survive, the radical left parties will be able sooner or later, be tempted to flirt with nationalist ideas. What fuels the advance of the extreme left is the trend that the empire of ideas glorifying the free market seems to be finishing with the failure of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism further enrich the rich and condemn workers to poverty worldwide. The advance of the extreme right and extreme left parties in Europe puts on the agenda the need for the European Union to reshape its economic policy that only benefits Germany and compromises the economy of other countries with the austerity policy without which take the end of the economic bloc. *Fernando Alcoforado , member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011) and Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), among others.