Throughout the history of Brazil, the Brazilian people have never been protagonist of political, economic and social changes. This needs to change so that it will be possible to build a bright future for Brazil.The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the moment does not involve the conciliation "by above" as to what is outlined between holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power. It seems that if Dilma Rousseff is not destitute of power through impeachment by crime of fiscal responsibility or electoral crime, social unrest may occur with the confrontation between the vast majority of the Brazilian people that want their deposition of power and government supporters.

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CONCILIATION BETWEEN THOSE IN ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL
POWER PREVENTS THE PROGRESS OF BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
The economic and social development process in Brazil throughout history followed a
"the Prussian" in the form of capitalist modernization in Germany and in contrast to the
US model. According to Vladimir Lenin in "the Prussian", the vast pre-capitalist
ownership of the Germany of the late nineteenth century is transformed gradually in
venture capitalist with labor relations maintaining aspects of extra-economic coercion
that characterize them and the former owners, to ensure the maintenance of economic
forms which support, manage to keep prominent role in the state apparatus and thus
guide the very process of modernization. In contrast, the model of the United States,
democratic character, according to Lenin, is characterized by the destruction of the great
pre-capitalist property, divided into small peasant properties.
The transformations in the history of Brazil did not result from authentic revolutions,
movements from the bottom up, involving the whole population, but they walked
always through a compromise between the representatives of the economically
dominant opposition groups, conciliation that was expressed in the figure policy of
reforms "by above" [See the article Os efeitos da “via prussiana” sobre a
intelectualidade brasileira (The effects of "the Prussian" on the Brazilian intelligentsia)
of Carlos Nelson Coutinho available on the website
<http://laurocampos.org.br/2008/09/os-efeitos-da-via-prussiana-sobre-a-
intelectualidade-brasileira/>, 2008].
According to Carlos Nelson Coutinho, all major concrete alternatives experienced by
Brazil (Independence, Abolition of Slavery, Republic, modification of the power bloc in
1930 and 1937, passage to a new level of capital accumulation in 1964), found an
answer "the Prussian"; a response in which conciliation "by above" never hid the
explicit intention of keeping marginalized or suppressed in any way outside the scope of
the decisions, classes and social strata "by below". The objective trend that has social
transformation in Brazil to carry through "conciliation by above" marks the history of
Brazil. Arise between us explicit manifestations of the "Prussian" ideology, which in the
name of an openly elitist and authoritarian view defend the exclusion of the masses
from any active manifestation in major national decisions.
The conciliation "by above" can take two characteristics: 1) passive revolution; and 2)
counter-reform. Article Revolução passiva ou contra-reforma? (Passive revolution or
counter-reform?) of Carlos Nelson Coutinho available on the website
<http://www.acessa.com/gramsci/?page=visualizar&id=790> states that, unlike a
popular revolution, "Jacobean", for example, as the French Revolution of 1789 and
Russia Revolution of 1917, held from below - and that, therefore, radically breaks with
the old political and social order - a passive revolution always implies the presence of
two phases: the "restoration" (it is always a conservative reaction to the possibility of an
effective and radical transformation from "below") and "renewal" (in which some of the
popular demands are met "by above" through "concessions" of the ruling classes).
In Brazil, the 1930 Revolution, for example, was a passive revolution based on
"renewal" in which some of the popular demands were met "by high", as in the case of
social laws introduced by the Getulio Vargas government representing "concessions"
the dominant social classes. The coup d´état of 1964, in turn, was a passive revolution

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based on "restoration" because it was conducted as a conservative reaction to the
possibility of an effective and radical transformation from "below" during the
government of João Goulart.
As for counter-reform, Gramsci characterizes as an pure and simple "restoration"
differently than it does in the case of passive revolution, when he talks about a
"revolution-restoration". Despite that, however, he admits that even in this case takes
place a "combination between the old and the new”. The essential difference between a
passive revolution and counter-reform lies in the fact that while the first are
"restorations" that aim to stop the demands coming from "below", the second is
predominant not the time of the new, but precisely of the old [See Article Revolução
passiva ou contra-reforma? (Passive revolution or counter-reform?) of Carlos Nelson
Coutinho available on the website
<http://www.acessa.com/gramsci/?page=visualizar&id=790>].
The Welfare State, for example, introduced in Western Europe after the Second World
War, was a passive revolution with the introduction of social democracy that had the
time of restoration to stop the socialist revolution chances of success and the time of
renewal by adopting interventionist economic policies suggested by Keynes and host
many of the demands of the working classes. In turn, the counter-reform has as example
the neoliberalism that was introduced into the world economy, including Brazil, from
the 1990s to stop the decline of the capitalist system.
In the neoliberal era in which we live there is no space for the advancement of social
rights. On the contrary, there is the elimination of those rights and the deconstruction
and denial of reforms already conquered by the lower classes carried on the welfare
state. So-called "reform" of social security, the protection laws to work, privatization of
public enterprises, etc. - "reforms" that are currently present on the political agenda both
within the core capitalist countries as peripheral (now elegantly renamed as "emerging")
- are aimed at the simple restoration of the very conditions of a "wild"capitalism, in
which shall be maintained unbridled market laws.
After the passive revolution based on "restoration" carried out by the military regime
1964-1985, the economic policy adopted by governments Fernando Henrique Cardoso,
Lula and Dilma Rousseff represented a mix of passive revolution based on "renewal"
and counter-reform. With passive revolution based on "renewal" some popular demands
were met "by above", for example, the income transfer programs such as “Bolsa
Escola” and “Bolsa Familia”. The counter-reform was characterized by the introduction
of neoliberalism which resulted in the elimination of some social rights, deconstruction
and denial of reforms already conquered by the lower classes, the privatization of public
enterprises, etc.
The conciliation “by above” is underway at the present time, in Brazil with collusion of
Dilma Rousseff government with conservative sectors to prevent his removal from
power through impeachment and also the collusion between Dilma Rousseff
government and President of House of Representatives, Deputy Eduardo Cunha, to
avoid impeachment of the president for having practiced crime of fiscal responsibility
and have used resources of corruption from Petrobras in her re-election campaign in
2014 and the cassation of Deputy Eduardo Cunha for the crime of corruption in blatant
disregard the laws and the will of the vast majority of the population. Meanwhile, the
country walks swiftly to the economic and political collapse. Of the ongoing collusion
in time result in a mix of passive revolution based on "restoration" because it is a

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conservative reaction to the possibility of an effective and radical transformation of
Brazil that corresponds to the will of the vast majority of the Brazilian population and
counter-reform because it aims to maintenance of the neoliberal model in Brazil.
It can be said that in Brazil, there was never, in fact, a social revolution. Brazil, more
than any other country in Latin America, can be characterized as the place par
excellence of passive revolution and counter-reform. The Independence of Brazil
differed from the experience of other Latin American countries because they did not
present the characteristics of a typical national-liberating revolutionary process because
it was aborted in the Brazilian case by the episode of the transmigration of the
Portuguese royal family to Brazil, when the Cologne hosts the structure and staff of the
metropolitan State.
The revolutionary nativism, under the influence of the ideals of liberalism and the great
revolutions of the late eighteenth century gave way to the logic of conserve-changing
prevailing today, while the initiative of Pedro I, Crown Prince of the Portuguese Royal
House, and not the Brazilian people the political act that led to independence. The
Independence of Brazil was therefore a "revolution without revolution" because there
were no changes in the economic base and the political and legal superstructure of the
nation. The state that born of Independence holds the execrable landlordism and
intensifies no less despicable slavery making this the support of the restoration that
performs as the inherited economic structures of Cologne.
Brazil was the last country of the world to end slavery in the nineteenth century, land
reform is yet to be realized because the ill-fated agrarian structure based on large
property still exists in Brazil, modernized today with agribusiness, and the
industrialization process was introduced late in Brazil, 200 years after the Industrial
Revolution in England. This reflects Brazil's economic gap with the more developed
countries. The economic crisis faced by Brazil throughout its history were not able to
generate political crises that took the Brazilian people to the social revolution and put
them at question the economic system and those in power for the promotion of their
economic and social development.
Despite numerous popular uprisings recorded throughout the history of Brazil, a true
political, economic and social revolution able to carry out deep structural change and
promote development for the benefit of the Brazilian population never actually
happened in the country. All revolutionary attempts made in Brazil were aborted with
harsh repression by those in power. It is known that in the world, countries that have
advanced politically are those whose people were the protagonists, through social
revolutions, of the changes made in the economic and social plans.
Throughout the history of Brazil, it is blatant the failure of the Brazilian people to play a
leading role in the structural changes necessary for economic and social progress of the
country. In general, in moments of political and economic crisis always occurred
agreements between the ruling classes and holders of the political power that allowed
maintain the "status quo" as happened, for example, during the "Old Republic" after the
Republic Proclamation in 1889 and, after the end of military rule in 1985 with the
indirect election of Tancredo Neves to the presidency of Republic. When there were no
"agreements by above" throughout history, Brazil was victim of coup d'etats as occurred
in 1889 with the end of the Empire, in 1930 with the end of "Old Republic" and in 1964
with the deployment of the military dictatorship. Throughout the history of Brazil, the

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Brazilian people have never been protagonist of political, economic and social changes.
This needs to change so that it will be possible to build a bright future for Brazil.
The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the moment does not
involve the conciliation "by above" as to what is outlined between holders of economic
and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power. It seems that
Dilma Rousseff is not destitute of power through impeachment by crime of fiscal
responsibility or electoral crime, social unrest may occur with the confrontation between
the vast majority of the Brazilian people that want their deposition of power and
government supporters. One must take into account the lessons of history that teach us
that the social upheaval can lead to the establishment of right-wing or left-wing
dictatorships. This is the risk that threatens the Brazilian society today. This time, there
is no space for conciliation "by above". Brazil lives decisive moments in its history.

Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2015).