It is evident the growing deterioration of social movements in favor of impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. This deterioration would be motivated by the political difficulties of carrying out impeachment in Congress and legal barriers within the Supreme Court. There is evidence that it is not enough conduct street movements as a strategy to pressure the National Congress and the Supreme Court seeking the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. This strategy has to be coupled with actions that lead to extensive occupation of public buildings and the convening of a general strike throughout the country to demand the resignation or impeachment of Dilma Rousseff as president of the Republic.

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HOW TO STRENGTHEN THE MOVEMENT BY IMPEACHMENT OF DILMA
ROUSSEFF IN BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
It is evident the growing deterioration of social movements in favor of impeachment of
President Dilma Rousseff. This deterioration would be motivated by the political
difficulties of carrying out impeachment in Congress and legal barriers within the
Supreme Court. The perception of many members of the social movements who defend
the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff is that the fight would be inglorious
because would be the rise of Michel Temer to power, also jointly responsible for the
disastrous of Dilma Rousseff government. The deterioration of social movements also
results from the absence of political parties committed to the social movements and the
lack of reliable leaders in the political universe capable of replacing the clumsy and
incompetent president Dilma Rousseff.
There is evidence that it is not enough conduct street movements as a strategy to
pressure the National Congress and the Supreme Court seeking the impeachment of
Dilma Rousseff. This strategy has to be coupled with actions that lead to extensive
occupation of public buildings and the convening of a general strike throughout the
country to demand the resignation or impeachment of Dilma Rousseff as president of
the Republic. The occupation of public buildings across the country is essential to
perform to force the resignation or impeachment of Dilma Rousseff whose actions
showed his effectiveness with the occupation of schools by students of São Paulo State
who made the Alckimin governor abandon its restructuring project of basic education.
As for the general strike, it is indispensable that, with the paralysis of the national
economy with the support of broad sectors of the business community and workers not
linked to CUT, there is the resignation or impeachment of Dilma Rousseff.
Without the connection between the street movements like those conducted so far, the
occupation of public buildings and the general strike call across the country, the
impeachment or resignation of Dilma Rousseff will not happen. We would be at the
mercy of solutions that do not meet those of the interests of great majority of the nation
as in the case of Dilma Rousseff stay in the presidency who does not have the stature
needed to the current historical moment of Brazil that would require the presidency a
competent statesman uncompromised with the sea of mud which dominates the nation's
powers. The permanence of Dilma Rousseff in the power will inevitably lead the
country to the social upheaval because she will not have the ability and the strength to
remove Brazil from economic depression and government from bankruptcy in which
they are. This upheaval will result from scorched-earth situation to be led Brazil that
could lead to military intervention to ensure the maintenance of order in the country.
The political stability of Brazil and the Brazilian economy are at risk because the Dilma
Rousseff government is rejected by the majority of the population and does not have the
support of Parliament to exercise their governance. It should be noted that governance
concerns the government's political ability to decide, enabling the execution of public
policies. Dilma Rousseff does not meet any of these conditions to govern the nation.
Dilma Rousseff government is equivalent to an unburied corpse surrounded of
opportunistic vultures everywhere looking to keep it at all costs. The permanence of
Dilma Rousseff government in power is threatening the future of the Brazilian nation. It
is indisputable that the serious problems faced by Brazil at the moment in the economic
and political spheres are demanding a ruler who has accepted by the vast majority of the

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population and ability to unite the nation around a common project of national
development.
The prospect that Rousseff is replaced by Vice President Michel Temer not enthusiastic
about the social movements that fights for the removal of Dilma Rousseff of power.
However, in the absence of an alternative name that has a statesman like stature as was
Getulio Vargas who promoted the construction of modern Brazil with the process of
industrialization after the global economic crisis of 1929 that hit Brazil and it produced
the Revolution of 1930, we have no other solution to the political impasse lived now in
Brazil than supporting the rise of Michel Temer to the presidency after the impeachment
or resignation of Dilma Rousseff for him in power to restructure the national life on a
new basis in the economic, political and social spheres. The future president, Michel
Temer, should head the government of transition between the current situation and the
new to be built on the basis of a National Constituent Assembly to be convened by him.
The Constituent Assembly to be convened by the transitional government should
institute a parliamentary system of government given that, unlike presidentialism,
would be able to avoid political and institutional crises as experienced by the Brazil at
present and create mechanisms to enable population: 1) exercise direct democracy in
highly relevant decisions taken by Parliament and executive branches at the federal,
state and municipal levels approving or rejecting through plebiscite or referendum, and;
2) exercise control over elected to the executive and legislative triggering the
institutional mechanisms for the punishment of those who possibly have betrayed the
interests of the electorate deciding about their withdrawal or not through referendum,
among other measures. The Constituent Assembly should decide, too, by the extinction
of the Senate with the institutionalization of the unicameral system and reducing the
number of parliamentarians and their stewardship at the federal, state and local
parliaments, among other measures. After the Constituent Assembly, would be held
new general elections in the country.
To avoid the collapse of the Brazilian economy, the future transitional government of
Brazil should immediately adopt the national economic developmental model of
selective opening of the Brazilian economy that would include the immediate adoption
of: 1) the audit of public debt; 2) the renegotiation of the interest payments of public
domestic debt of the country aimed at reducing the burden to 1/3 or ¼ of the federal
government budget to raise public savings for investment; 3) the adoption of fixed
exchange rate to replace the floating exchange rate to protect the domestic industry; 4)
to control of the inflow and outflow of capital; 5) the drastic reduction of public
spending costing reducing the number of ministries to 15 or 20 and the elimination or
reduction to a minimum of commissioned positions that are about 20,000; 6) the sharp
reduction in interest rates to encourage investment in productive activities; 7) the
selective import of raw materials and essential commodities from overseas to reduce
expenditures in currency of the country; 8) the reintroduction of market protection in
areas considered strategic for national development; 9) the re-nationalization of
privatized state enterprises considered strategic to national development; and 10) the
adoption of a tax policy capable of ensuring the resources that the state would need to
invest in education, health, social security and infrastructure sectors, among others and
encumber as little as possible the population and the productive sectors.

Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is

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the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2015).