What the Outline Should Look LikeFor the subculture paper outl.docx

What the Outline Should Look Like
For the subculture paper outline, you will use a proper heading
and MLA 2009 format and employ a topic outline, with short
phrases and citations.
The parts of an outline are typically labeled using this order:
I. Main idea
A. Subtopic
1. Detail of subtopic
2. Another detail
a. Related idea about the detail
b. Another related idea
(1) Supporting fact or related matter
(2) Perhaps another supporting fact
(a) Micro-detail
(b) Another micro-detail
B. Second subtopic
1. Detail of second subtopic
2. Another detail
a. Supporting information for this second detail
b. Added supporting information related to second detail
In general, you may find that you will have different amounts of
details for some topics and subtopics than for others. That is
acceptable; just seek to keep your descriptions in balance, not
overemphasizing some topics at the expense of others.
When you have a part I, there should be at least a part II, and
possibly a part III.
When you have an A, there should also be at least a B, and so
on. Usually no element should occur singly; when one
supporting point is listed, there should be at least one more at
that level.
Below is a possible rough outline for the subculture paper:
Introduction with thesis, then:
I. Who or what is the subculture?

II. What is the history/background?
III. What are the core beliefs/practices/ideals? What do they do
together? Subculture-specific language/jargon/uniform/dress?
IV. What do others think about them?
V. What are current issues, problems, or concerns that are
affecting the subculture now?
VI. How do social media and media come into play for this
subculture? How are they represented/misrepresented in the
media? How do they use social media for recruitment? What
are the key blogs/websites? How are they portrayed in pop
culture?
VII. What is the subculture’s presence on campus? In Chico?
Northern California?
Also keep in mind: Who are the role models in this subculture?
Famous members of this subculture? Former members?
(Eventually your conclusion…)
OUTLINE/GUIDELINES FOR THE PAPER:
Make sure your outline is VERY detailed - as if I have never
heard of this subculture before! Since you’ll be writing about
your own experience and understanding of this subculture, as
well as describing the culture from others’ perspectives, you
need to use both a first person and third person voice
throughout the paper.
On the outline you will include facts, data, details, and
citations. Consider this a working draft, just without the
complete sentences.
Throughout the outline/paper, include information from your
interview with your subculture informant, expert, and/or
scholar.
Here are some more details you can use to structure your paper:
III. Core Beliefs/Practices/Ideals:
· Describe some of the worldviews, beliefs, values, attitudes,
etc. shared by members of this subculture. Consider whether
they share a common way of thinking, philosophy, ideology,
religion, etc. (e.g. superstitions, discrimination, common
goals…).

Cultural Rules:
· Discuss several examples of this group’s cultural rules, and
possible unwritten rules (this might be harder to uncover, as
unwritten rules are those which people don’t readily recognize).
· Describe some of the status differences that exist in this
subculture, or examples of stratification.
· Discuss any gender-related issues present in this community.
Communication:
· Consider whether this subculture uses specialized
terminology, codes, jargon or slang that is unique to this group.
If so, provide several examples with a brief description of each.
http://www.elcamino.edu/faculty/mwaters/Anth%202/anth2.ethn
ography.html
Interesting Links to Explore
(Keep in mind that not all of these fit the requirements for the
paper for this class. We have different guidelines for the topic
itself and we are using 2009 MLA.)
A sample with great details on organizing a subculture paper:
http://www.socresonline.org.uk/14/1/2.html
Punk:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/45419101/Making-Sense-of-Punk-
Subcultures-in-the-Neoliberal-United-States
Prison:
http://sociologyindex.com/prison_subculture.htm
Goths:
http://www.gothicsubculture.com/copyright.php
Rave culture in Lithuania:
http://www.anthrobase.com/Txt/S/Sliavaite_K_01.htm
Surfers:

http://www.lajollasurf.org/srf_thes.html
Graffiti culture:
http://www.graffiti.org/faq/werwath/werwath.html
Rave-- Technoshamanism:
http://www.as.uky.edu/academics/departments_programs/Anthro
pology/Anthropology/FacultyResearch/Faculty/ScottHutson/Doc
uments/Hutson%20Pop.%20Music%20and%20Society%201999.
pdf
Sample outline starting on the next page:
Student Bernard (make sure to have a running head/page
numbers)
Linda Rogers
ENGL 130I-Section ___
Outline for Paper 2
27 Month 2013
BDSM, Not So Crazy After All
BDSM is a very taboo subject. Mainly because of its content
and people tend to associate it with violence. BDSM stands for
bondage, discipline/dominance, submission/sadism, masochism.
It is a type of sexual encounter that many people favor.
However, BDSM is viewed in a negative light and many people
think that those who participate in this activity have some type
of psychological disorder. In reality, it is a way of life that
people identify with. This community is no more inclined to
psychological disorders than the general public.
Who or what is the BDSM subculture?
1. According to Pamela Connolly, an expert in sexuality, states
that “BDSM is a collective term that refers to erotic behaviors
involving bondage and discipline, dominance and submission,
sadism and masochism, and/or slave and master relationships”
(Connolly 80).
2. Their sexual interests lie in this type of relationship.
3. There is a dominant partner and a submissive partner. These

partners generally keep the same roles, with about 4% that
switch roles (Stiles 164).
4. According to Freeman, who works at University of
California, Davis, “sadomasochism is a sexually ‘minor’
practice, an erotic dialectic between two or more people, that
ostensibly focuses on the ritualized exchange of power” (35).
What is the history/background?
1. BDSM can be traced back to Ancient Greece.
2. Marquis de Sade wrote about S/M in his fictional writings
during the 18th century in France.
a. According to Sade, “S/M also shuttles (or plays at shuttling)
between the modern time of the French Revolution and the non-
(or pre-+ modern time of the ancient régime” (Freeman 35).
b. Sade reinvented sex during a revolutionary time.
What are the core beliefs/practices/ideals? What do they do
together?
1. BDSM is practiced when both partners are consensual about
the arrangements.
2. There is generally one dominant (Dom) and one submissive
(Sub) partner in the relationship.
3. Each role is often played by the same partner.
a. Stiles found in her study that only 4% of participants
switched roles (164).
What do others think about them?
1. This group is largely misrepresented.
2. There is much stigma behind this subculture.
a. “The stigma results from cultural evaluations or labeling of
BDSM as deviant” (Stiles 159).
b. The general public is not accepting or knowledgeable about
this lifestyle.
c. Many people see it as an act of violence.
d. It is also seen as something that people with psychological
disorders do, which is completely false.
e. Many people associate BDSM as a result of post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD).
f. People also think that being a part of this subculture is a

result from childhood abuse.
3. This stigma leads to secrecy and concealment of this
lifestyle.
a. Stigma is “an attribute that is deeply discrediting to an
individual” so many people go through much struggle to try and
conceal this part of their life from others (Stiles 159).
b. They do not wish to feel the judgments that many people
entail about this lifestyle, so they hide it.
4. Many people think that BDSM is just about the dominant
partner or feeling pain.
a. It is about the sexual activities that a person finds attractive.
i. That includes the way someone feels when they dominate
another person, or the way a person feels when they are
dominated.
b. Some people are attracted to the idea of pushing their limits
sexually and painfully, but they enjoy the feelings of the actions
and do not considerate as harmful.
What are current issues, problems, or concerns that are affecting
the subculture now?
1. The current main issues affecting the BDSM subculture are
the general misunderstandings about this lifestyle.
a. Many people view it as a result of past trauma, but it is really
just a way of life that many people prefer.
b. They also see people of this lifestyle of having psychological
disorders, when in fact, people of this subculture are no more
subject to psychological disorders than the general public
(Connolly).
How do social media and media come into play for this
subculture?
1. This subculture has been in the media a lot more in the past
couple of years.
2. There have been a few popular songs that talk about engaging
in the BDSM lifestyle.
a. Rihanna’s “S&M” and Lady Gaga’s song “Teeth”.
3. BDSM has also been prevalent in literature.
a. The first being seen in Marquis de Sade’s novels in the mid-

18th century.
b. The most popular and has been the center of much attention
in the media recently is E L James’ series 50 Shades of Grey.
i. This series depicts a BDSM relationship.
c. The Story of O by Pauline Réage is a central work in BDSM
literature.
4. BDSM also has a very big following on the internet.
a. There are many social media websites and blogs that are
devoted to the BDSM lifestyle.
b. This is a place where members of this community can talk
and interact.
c. They are also able to meet other members of this community
and find relationships this way.
d. There is a huge cyber-support system for this subculture.
i. Reddit has a very large BDSM community, as well as
BlogSpot.
What is the subculture’s presence on campus? In Chico?
Northern California?
1. There is a big prevalence of the BDSM subculture in
Northern California, specifically the Bay Area and San
Francisco.
2. People are more “out” about this lifestyle in areas that have
higher queer populations and are socially more accepting of
taboos.
Also keep in mind: Who are the role models in this subculture?
Any famous members of this subculture?
1. The most famous members of this subculture stem from E L
James’ novels 50 Shades of Grey.
a. This book was on the New York Bestsellers list and has been
a hot topic in the media because no other bestsellers have been
about a subject that is this racy.
b. This book is how many people know about the BDSM
subculture.
c. As a result, BDSM is being more accepted by the general
public because more people can understand the practices and
functioning of these types of relationships.

BDSM is a subculture that is taboo and carries much stigma
with it. In the past it was seen a sick way of sexual affection. In
reality, it is a lifestyle that many people choose because they
are sexually attracted to these types of sanctions. BDSM used to
be a psychological disorder, but it has been discovered that
people who associate with this lifestyle have the same amounts
of psychological disorders as the general public. More light is
starting to be shed on this subculture and the stigma is being
lifted and the general public is warming to this topic. Hopefully
within the next few years people of the BDSM subculture will
not have to fear judgment for their lifestyle and will be accepted
and not have to live secret and concealing lives.
Works Cited
Browne, Kath, and Jason Lim, and Gavin Brown. Geographies
of Sexualities: Theory, Practices, and Politics. Burlington:
Ashgate. 2007. Print.
Connolly, Pamela. “Psychological Functioning of
Bondage/Domination/Sado-Masochism (BDSM) Practicioners.”
Journal of Psychology & Human Sexuality 18.1 (2006). 79-120.
Web. 27 June 2013.
Freeman, Elizabeth. “Turn the Beat Around: Sadomasochism,
Temporality, History.” Differences: A Journal of Feminist
Cultural Studies. 19.1 (2008): 33-70. Web. 27 June 2013.
Stiles, Beverly, and Robert Clark. “BDSM: a Subcultural
Analysis of Sacrifices and Delights.” Deviant Behavior 32.2
(2011): 158-189. Web. 27 June 2013.
Stockwell, Fawna, Diana Walker, and John Eshleman.
“Measures of Implicit and Explicit Attitudes Toward
Mainstream and BDSM Sexual Terms Using the IRAP and
Questionnaire with BDSM/Fetish and Student Participants.”
Psychological Record 60.2 (2010): 307-324. Web. 27 June 2013.
Don’t Call Me ‘‘Biker Chick’’: Women Motorcyclists

Redefining Deviant Identity
William E. Thompson
Texas A&M University–Commerce, Commerce, Texas, USA
The majority of literature on women who participate in the
world of motorcycling focuses on females
associated with outlaw motorcycle clubs and hardcore bikers.
Roles for those women tended to be
subservient and demeaning. Women are the fastest growing
segment in today’s contemporary world
of middle- and upper-middle-class motorcycling, where they
fulfill more meaningful roles whether
they are passengers or riders of their own bikes. This
descriptive exploratory study utilizes a
symbolic interaction framework to analyze approximately four
years of participant observation
and ethnographic interviews with some of these women.
Findings indicate that female motorcyclists
manipulate several meaningful symbols in order to redefine
what has largely been viewed as a devi-
ant identity. Riding motorcycles is what they do, not who they
are. Women who ride feel a sense of
freedom, excitement, and empowerment as they maintain their
femininity while participating in what

has traditionally been viewed as a masculine endeavor.
Ask any American to name three or four famous motorcyclists,
and there is a good chance
they will mention Tom Cruise, Jay Leno, Evel Knievel, Gary
Busey, or perhaps Malcolm
Forbes. If they are movie buffs, they may be more likely to
name Marlon Brando, Steve
McQueen, Peter Fonda, or maybe John Travolta or Nicholas
Cage. All of these high profile
men are associated with riding motorcycles either in films or in
real life. Ask any American
to name even one famous female motorcycle rider, however, and
there is a good chance you will
get a blank stare and a shrug of the shoulders (Boslaugh 2006).
Despite their long-term connec-
tion to the world of motorcycling, women generally are not
associated with the two-wheeled
subculture except in the most stereotypical roles. As one author
noted, ‘‘Although times have
changed with more and more people taking up riding—including
women—one thing that has
remained implicit in motorcycling is the association it has with
masculinity’’ (Ilyasova
2006:6). Female motorcyclists seem acutely ‘‘aware of social
stereotypes that have depicted

them as ‘social outlaws,’ ‘gender traitors’ or ‘sexual deviants’
’’ (Roster 2007:454).
This descriptive study focuses on today’s middle- and upper-
middle-class female riders who
are part of what some call the ‘‘new biker subculture’’
(Thompson 2009), but might be more
accurately described as the contemporary motorcycling
subculture or perhaps, even motorcycle
scene, although sociologically speaking, the term subculture is
appropriate. This study does not
Received 29 April 2010; accepted 31 August 2010.
Address correspondence to William E. Thompson, P.O. Box
3011, Commerce, TX 75428-3011, USA. E-mail:
[email protected]
Deviant Behavior, 33: 58–71, 2012
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print / 1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2010.548292
include women who are in any way affiliated with one-percenter
1
clubs or their members, or
otherwise associated with what is often viewed as the hardcore

biker subculture. Despite decades
of feminist progress in larger society, some females still play
subordinate roles in today’s motor-
cycle subculture, although not nearly as degrading as those
described in the studies on outlaw
bikers. Other women, however, are essentially full-fledged
members of the motorcycling subcul-
ture, either routinely riding as passengers (referred to as two-
uppers in this study) or riding their
own motorcycles (female riders). This exploratory descriptive
study focuses on these two
categories of women with emphasis on those women who ride
their own motorcycles.
WOMEN IN THE ‘‘BIKER’’ SUBCULTURE
The so-called ‘‘brotherhood’’ of bikers has always included
women (Thompson, 2009). In tra-
ditional biker culture, especially in one-percenter outlaw
motorcycle gangs, the role of women
was clearly defined: although equally tough as the men, the
equality stopped there. They were
considered property to be used (for sexual and servant
purposes), traded, and given or thrown
away at the biker’s discretion (Thompson 1967; Watson 1980;
Hopper and Moore 1990).
Watson’s (1980:42) research found women to be viewed with

contempt by most outlaw bikers
and regarded as ‘‘necessary nuisances.’’ He concluded that the
women generally were just as
tough as the male bikers and usually referred to themselves as
‘‘old ladies.’’
James Quinn (1987; 2001; Quinn and Koch 2003) rode with an
outlaw motorcycle club and
conducted research on several others. He identified three
distinct roles for women in the biker
subculture: mamas, sweetbutts, and old ladies. Mamas were at
the bottom of the food chain
in biker clubs. They were considered to be the property of the
club and in exchange for shelter,
protection, and transportation, were expected to serve any and
all members’ needs— sexual and
otherwise. Sweetbutts were generally younger than mamas, and
were more likely to provide reg-
ular sexual services to only one, or in some cases a few
members, while providing a source of
income to both him=them and the club—usually through topless
dancing, prostitution, and=or
drugs. An old lady was the exclusive property of one club
member—her old man. She might
still be expected to provide a source of income to the club
through dancing or prostitution,
but all members understood that she was ‘‘off limits’’ to
everybody except her old man, unless

he decided to trade her off or sell her services.
Other studies on women in outlaw motorcycle clubs confirmed
the same or similar roles as
described by Quinn, with a few minor differences and
modifications. Some clubs also had
sheep—young women brought in by new initiates as a ‘‘gift to
the club’’ (Hopper and Moore
1990). These young women, often strippers and=or prostitutes,
were offered to all the members
of the club during initiation, and many of them became
sweetbutts after initiation. Betsy Guisto
(1997) offered a unique look at women in the one-percenter
subculture as she conducted an
ethnography and wrote a doctoral dissertation on the subject
while serving as an old lady to
1
After a 1947 fight between two rival motorcycle gangs at a rally
in Hollister, California, the American Motorcyclist
Association declared that 99 percent of motorcyclists were law-
abiding citizens and that only 1 percent were outlaws.
From that time on, hardcore bikers, especially members of
motorcycle clubs like the Hell’s Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws,
Pagans, and others began referring to themselves as ‘‘one-
percenters.’’ Many of the so-called one-percenters embrace the
outlaw moniker and image, whereas others contend that they are
not ‘‘outlaws,’’ but are simply committed to riding

motorcycles as a ‘‘brotherhood’’ and lifestyle as opposed to just
a weekend activity.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT
IDENTITY 59
an outlaw motorcyclist for approximately 20 years. Clearly,
there is one consistency in all the
studies of women in the outlaw biker subculture: females play a
subordinate and usually subser-
vient role, or as one author put it, they are ‘‘leather-clad
sexualized accessories’’ (Boslaugh
2006:1).
Arthur Veno and Edward Winterhalder (2009) explore the
‘‘magnetic attraction of women to
bad boys and motorcycles’’ in their book Biker Chicks with that
subtitle. Although their research
provides the added dimension of interviews with women in the
biker subculture (actually allow-
ing some of them to write their own story), it still focuses on
women in and around the hardcore
outlaw biker subculture, somewhat ignoring middle- and upper-
middle-class women who ride
motorcycles.

WOMEN IN THE CONTEMPORARY MOTORCYCLE
SUBCULTURE
Much less research has been conducted on women in today’s
contemporary motorcycle sub-
culture. Despite the fact that women have ridden motorcycles
since they were invented, they
have always comprised a small minority of riders. Today,
however, women are the fastest
growing segment among motorcycle riders, and depending on
the data source, comprise some-
where between 10–12 percent of all riders and perhaps as high
as 20 percent of purchasers of
new motorcycles and over half of all participants in motorcycle
safety courses (Knol 2010;
Womenriders 2010).
Since the 1980s women have increasingly participated in male-
dominated leisure activities
including rock climbing, mountain biking, cross-country skiing,
white water rafting, skydiving,
scuba diving, and motorcycling (Martin et al. 2006; Roster
2007). When women participate in
these traditionally male-dominated and macho-oriented
activities, they not only face all the
physical challenges and risks as men, but they also encounter

the social risks that accompany
violation of cultural norms, gender role expectations and
prevailing stereotypes (Roster 2007).
Contemporary women who ride differ dramatically from the
women depicted in the hardcore
biker subculture, and may even constitute an emerging social
movement (Meyer 2009). This
study looks at women in the contemporary motorcycle
subculture and pursues the research ques-
tions: who are these women, what roles are available to them,
why do they ride, and how do they
manage the deviance and potential stigma associated with
motorcycling?
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION, METHODS, AND DATA
Couched within a symbolic interaction framework, data for this
study are derived from approxi-
mately four years of participant observation and information
derived from ethnographic inter-
views with over 200 male and female motorcyclists. The data on
women motorcyclists was
attained through in-depth interviews with 23 female motorcycle
riders ranging in age from 26
to 64 years. Interviews were conducted with another 24 women
(19 to 72 years of age) who par-

ticipate in today’s motorcycling subculture as passengers who
ride with their boyfriends or
husbands, and in one case, her female partner, but do not ride
motorcycles solo. All but one
of the 47 women were white; the only exception described
herself as ‘‘Texican,’’ indicating
Hispanic=Latina identity. Two were college students; all but
four of the rest were college grad-
uates. The majority of both groups of women were between the
ages of 30 and 60 with an
60 W. E. THOMPSON
estimated mean age in the early to mid 40 s.
2
An interview schedule was developed and followed
as a general guideline to insure that all women were asked the
same standardized set of ques-
tions.
3
Consistent with long established ethnographic interviewing
techniques, all interviews
were conducted in a conversational manner, and like any
meaningful ethnographic study, ques-
tions were added, modified, and=or deleted as individual
circumstances dictated (Spradley

1979). The author interviewed each of the women in this study.
Following the general guidelines
of ‘‘team’’ field research discussed by Douglass (1976), the
author’s wife, who often rides as a
passenger, and daughter, who rides her own motorcycle, were
present for some of the interviews
and even occasionally assisted in interviewing some of the
women. This was especially helpful
in situations where it was awkward for the author to approach a
female rider, or when women
riders seemed somewhat reluctant to ‘‘open up’’ to a male but
were more comfortable talking to
another women, or in cases where the author wanted to double-
check the reliability or validity of
some of the responses.
4
The author carried a small spiral notebook and pen or pencil,
and when alone or unobserved
by other riders made as detailed fieldnotes as possible. In
keeping with longstanding accepted
qualitative research practices, no tape recorders, electronic
devices, or other obtrusive measures
were used (Webb et al. 1966; Berg 2009). Where direct quotes
are used, the author tried to use

the words of the interviewees verbatim, but admittedly had to
rely on memory to some extent.
Care was taken, however, not to significantly paraphrase or in
any way alter the substance or
meaning of quotes from participants. If there was a discrepancy
in recalling conversations
and the author’s notes, the information was omitted from the
study. Similarly, in interviews wit-
nessed or conducted by the author’s wife or daughter, if there
were any disagreements about
answers, comments, or other information, the data were not
used. In order to ascertain a larger
number of opinions on one particular issue, sexism in the
motorcycle subculture, an online poll
was used, and is duly noted where those data are cited.
A variety of female roles can be found in the contemporary
world of motorcycling, some
of which parallel the roles afforded women in the hardcore
biker subculture, especially at large
rallies such as Sturgis, Daytona, Fayetteville, Austin, and
others. Still other roles fulfilled by
women, such as bikini-clad bike washers, wet t-shirt
contestants, and ‘‘biker babes’’ who serve
beer or act as models for various vendors, are also subservient

and somewhat demeaning. Never-
theless, in the contemporary motorcycle subculture, more and
more women participate in
meaningful roles that violate many gender stereotypes and
challenge dominant gender roles.
2
The women participants were not directly asked their age, but
some voluntarily disclosed that information. Age also
was determined in some cases by asking how long somebody
had been riding and then asking when they started—a more
subtle way to ask their age without them realizing it. In other
cases age was ‘‘guesstimated’’ by appearance, number of
years of riding experience, age of spouse or boyfriend, or other
related information.
3
Interview schedule available from the author on request.
4
The author’s daughter minored in sociology and has been
formally trained in sociological research methods.
Although the author’s wife has not had any formal training in
research methods, she has conducted ethnographic inter-
views several times over the past 30 years as part of various
research projects and has become a very skilled interviewer.
The presence of the author’s wife or daughter during some of
the interviews proved invaluable in several ways: making it

easier for the author to approach a woman at a motorcycle rally
(which can potentially be intimidating or even danger-
ous); contributing to making the interviewees more comfortable;
and checking reliability and validity of responses and
accurate recording of field notes.
IDENTITY 61
To paraphrase a popular advertising slogan, contemporary
women who ride ‘‘two-up’’ or ride
their own motorcycles today are not ‘‘your father’s ‘biker
chicks.’ ’’
TWO-UPPERS
Today’s motorcycle subculture includes a number of wives and
girlfriends who ride two-up with
their husbands or boyfriends (or, in some cases, girlfriends).
Women who ride on the backs of
motorcycles are special people. As a motorcycle rider, the
author is very uncomfortable riding as
a passenger on the back of a motorcycle and a number of other
riders have told the author they
feel the same way. Maybe it is about being in control, perhaps it
is a matter of trust, or maybe

those who have ridden motorcycles are more acutely aware of
the inherent risks involved in
being a passenger on a motorcycle. Another factor may be that
men find riding on the back
of a motorcycling somewhat emasculating. Whatever the
reasons, riding on the back of a motor-
cycle requires a tremendous amount of trust, devotion, courage,
and submission. Still, it would
not be wise to refer to these women as riding in the ‘‘bitch
seat’’ as hardcore male bikers often
call it. Riding a motorcycle is dangerous. As a rider, you must
be constantly alert and vigilant,
watching for debris on the roadway, animals, people, and
vehicles that might dart into your path,
articles being thrown from vehicles or blowing out of the backs
of trucks, and the biggest threat:
cars and trucks whose drivers either do not see you or do not
respect that you have as much right
to be on the road as do they. Riding on the back of a motorcycle
can be even more dangerous.
5
The two-upper faces all the same risks as the rider, but
additionally, must rely solely on the rid-
ing skills and the judgment of the person sitting in front of her
to keep her from harm. The

author’s wife’s view is:
I feel totally safe riding with you. I know you’re a good rider
and I know that you are going to be
extra careful with me on the back. I totally trust you, so I can
just sit back, relax, and enjoy the ride.
The author’s daughter expresses a similar sentiment, saying that
despite the fact that she would
rather be riding her own motorcycle, she has no reluctance to
ride behind her father. She is less
comfortable as a passenger, however, and is extremely
uncomfortable riding behind other
people. On several occasions she has said, ‘‘You are my father
and I have total trust in you.’’
She knows the author would never take any unnecessary chances
with her aboard. Interviews
with other two-uppers indicate similar feelings. One woman in
her early 70s who has ridden with
her 78-year-old husband for over 50 years, may have said it
best: ‘‘He ain’t killed me yet.’’
Later, in a more serious tone, she said,
We started riding when we were just kids in our 20s. I didn’t
know any women that rode motorcycles
then, and I had no interest in riding on the front of one or riding
by myself. It just seemed natural to

climb on behind . . . [her husband’s name] and just hang on. If I
trusted him enough to marry him,
I trusted him enough to ride a motorcycle with him.
Perhaps one of the more interesting and grim comments about
riding two-up as a couple came
from a young wife and mother in her early 30s who said,
5
Only 3 percent of motorcycle drivers killed in 2009 crashes
were women, while 91 percent of passengers who died
were women (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety 2009).
62 W. E. THOMPSON
I used to ride on the back all the time, but since the children
came along I’m not too big on it any-
more. We bought me my own bike and we prefer riding
separately. We figure it is less likely for both
of us to be critically injured on separate bikes. Of course, if one
of us gets hurt badly, the other one
will have to store their [sic] bike until the kids grow up.
As Martin and associates (2006:181) note, ‘‘the move from
pillion seat to the front seat of
a motorcycle results in a quantum leap in status for a woman in
a biker subculture.’’ Moreover,

Roster’s (2007) research indicates that this increase in status is
accompanied not only by
increased feelings of freedom and exhilaration, but also a sense
of empowerment. Findings
from this study are consistent with both of those studies’
assertions. As one woman revealed
to the author,
I used to think riding on the back of a motorcycle was one of
the coolest feelings a person could
have. Then I moved up to the front seat. Wow! What a
difference! The wind in my face . . . I can
see everything, and I’m actually in control of the bike. Me.
What a feeling!
FEMALE RIDERS
In the distant past, women often took the handlebars of
motorcycles, but since the 1950s and
‘60 s have primarily ridden on the backs of motorcycles driven
by men. Today’s contemporary
motorcycle subculture, however, includes a large number of
women who own and ride their own
motorcycles. As previously noted, women have been riding
motorcycles for a very long time but
the number of female motorcyclists has always been relatively
small compared to that of male

riders (Pierson 1998). In 1998, a little less than half a million
women, or approximately 9 percent
of all riders were included among the 5.7 million motorcyclists
(Williams 1998), but five years
later, that percentage increased to approximately 10 percent—
635,000 women out of 6.6 million
riders—and in 2007, estimates put female riders at
approximately 10–12 percent (Motorcycle
Industry Council 2007; Box 2007). 2010 estimates mirrored that
same 10–12 percent estimate
(Knol 2010; Womenriders 2010). An unscientific online poll
conducted in 2009 as part of this
study discovered that out of 225 respondents, only 16 (7.1
percent) were female, but it is difficult
to conclude whether that figure is an accurate reflection of the
percentage of women who ride, or
merely more reflective of those who participate in the particular
online forum in which the poll
was conducted. As with male riders, the median age for female
riders has increased over the past
decades (approximately 42 years of age); nearly 60 percent of
women riders are married, 28 per-
cent have college or post-graduate degrees, and 35 percent are
in professional or technical
jobs=careers (Box 2007; Womenriders 2010). These

demographics are very consistent with
those of the women in this research study, with the exception
that a larger percentage of women
in this study were college educated.
Despite the increasing number of women riders, today’s
motorcycle subculture is still a
male-dominated and somewhat macho domain. When the author
was looking at motorcycles
for purchase after a 30þ year hiatus, salesmen6 chided him
when he looked at 750cc
motorcycles (the largest motorcycle Honda made when the
author had last ridden). They
6
Although women work in motorcycle dealerships processing
sales agreements, titles, and arranging insurance, and
perhaps in some regions of the country as sales people, the
author has never encountered a female motorcycle
salesperson.
IDENTITY 63
remarked that the 750s were good ‘‘girls’ bikes’’ or ‘‘good
bikes for the little lady,’’ but if the
author wanted a ‘‘man’s starter bike,’’ he needed to look at the
1100cc, 1300cc, or even larger

models. At a Harley dealership when asking about a new
Sportster, which is usually considered
an ‘‘entry-level’’ bike, the salesman asked, ‘‘You interested in
the woman’s version (883) or the
men’s model (1200)?’’
Nevertheless, the sexism that permeates the motorcycle
subculture has not dissuaded women
from being full participants. A fairly typical female rider told
me,
I used to only ride on the back of my husband’s motorcycle, I
guess because I grew up always hear-
ing that riding motorcycles was for men only. But I never could
understand the male-only thing—
guess it was just the way I look at things. I enjoy riding my own
bike and love to see other women
riding.
Most women in today’s motorcycle subculture are very
confident and independent, and as one
woman rider commented to me, ‘‘I can tolerate a lot of the
macho nonsense that goes on at these
events, because I love the whole motorcycle experience, but
‘‘Don’t call me ‘biker chick.’ ’’
Another female rider probably in her late 50s or early 60s
responded to my wife’s question

as to whether she considered herself a ‘‘biker,’’
I don’t know what I am—biker, motorcyclist, or whatever. As
far as I’m concerned I’m just a wife and
grandmother who rides motorcycles. I’ll say this though, I’m
not a ‘‘chick,’’ or anybody’s ‘‘old lady.’’
Another female rider told the author, ‘‘I don’t consider myself a
‘biker’—I’m a 30-year-old
school teacher who happens to ride a motorcycle.’’ Perhaps
these two responses, and several simi-
lar ones from other women riders provide valuable insight into
the ‘‘new breed’’ of both male and
female motorcyclists. They are not posers or wannabes as so
often suggested in biker literature,
because riding a motorcycle is not a master status (Hughes and
MacGill 1952) for them. Riding
motorcycles is what they do, not who they are. Rather, like most
Americans, their strongest sense
of identity is related to their age, race, sex, family roles, and
their occupation. Consequently, rid-
ing a motorcycle is only one of many social statuses and roles
women riders fulfill. Conversely,
‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is much more
likely to be viewed as a master
status accompanied by role engulfment (Lemert 1951) by those
who fit into that category.
The author always asks women at rallies what they think of the
male-dominated and sexist

environment that permeates such events, and a typical response
can be summarized by one
woman’s response, ‘‘It’s no big deal, I’ve seen and dealt with a
lot worse.’’ Another indicated,
I’m a teacher and my husband is an architectural engineer.
Sometimes we’re both appalled at what
we see and hear at biker events, but overall, it’s a whole new
world for us, and we have met the most
interesting and nicest people on motorcycles. Maybe it’s like
everything else, you have to take the
bad with the good. For us, it’s well worth it.
Despite the oft-repeated notion of a ‘‘biker brotherhood,’’ most
women interviewed in this study
indicated that they felt comfortable and reasonably accepted
participating in a predominantly
male activity. One woman confided to the author at a rally,
I love these guys (as she gestured toward hundreds of
motorcyclists). I feel like they are my brothers,
and they treat me like I’m one of them. One thing I know for
sure, when I’m on the road, these guys
have my back.
64 W. E. THOMPSON

Another female rider told the author,
It’s funny, but if I’m in my car and it breaks down, I
immediately get on my cell phone and call my
husband or Triple A. I actually hope that nobody stops and
offers to help, because it scares me that
they might be up to no good. But when I ride my bike, if it
breaks down, I just wait for another biker
to ride by. I know they will always stop, and I never fear for my
safety. I just know that another biker
would never hurt me.
In order to get a larger response and perhaps wider view of the
sexism that permeates predomi-
nantly male activities like motorcycling, the author conducted
an online poll on one of the
motorcycle forums to which he belongs.
7
The poll question was placed under the heading:
‘‘For Women Riders Only,’’ and stated: ‘‘Just Curious about
how women motorcycle riders feel
about being part of a male-dominated activity. Do you feel fully
accepted as a female rider?’’
Only 47 people responded to the poll. That would not be a
disappointing number except for

the fact that 41 of those were men and a total of only 6 women
responded. Although that per-
centage may be fairly representative of the ratio of men to
women riders, since the poll question
was clearly addressed to ‘‘women riders only,’’ it may speak
volumes that almost 90 percent of
the respondents (87.2%) were men! Responses from men
included ‘‘I see more and more women
riding these days, and that’s fine with me.’’ Another said,
‘‘Why wouldn’t women feel
accepted?—it’s a free world, they have as much right to ride as
men do.’’ More typical responses
from men, however, reflected tolerance more than acceptance,
and hinted at sexism. For
example, ‘‘I don’t have any problem with women riding, as long
as they know what they’re
doing,’’ which implies that he believes women often may not.
Another said, ‘‘I like the fact that
more women ride, especially if they’re good looking.’’ Perhaps
the most telling response: ‘‘Who
cares if they feel accepted or not? If they choose to ride, that’s
their business, but it’s not called a
‘brotherhood’ for nothing.’’
The six women who responded all indicated that they enjoyed
riding and had never experi-
enced any serious forms of harassment, hazing, or overt

discrimination. Yet, each indicated that
they were very much aware that motorcycling was considered a
‘‘man’s world,’’ and that a cer-
tain amount of sexism was to be expected. One woman
responded,
Hey, I knew when I started riding that some of the men
wouldn’t like it, but who cares? It’s my bike
and I have as much right to the highways as anybody else.
Overall, I’ve not had any problems. Of
course, I usually ride with my husband, and not too many guys
are going to give me any trouble as
long as he’s around.
Another female rider indicated, ‘‘I notice there aren’t too many
women on this forum and that’s
too bad, because I know there are a lot of women out there who
ride.’’ Perhaps the most straight-
forward response and one that may represent the sentiments of
today’s modern female motor-
cycle rider more than some of the others since the final three
female respondents all indicated
7
This online poll was conducted within a forum established for
riders of one particular brand of motorcycles (Honda)
and cannot be considered either scientific or representative of

motorcycle riders in general. Riders of other brands of
motorcycles belong to the forum, however, and although there
may be no objective data to indicate that Honda riders
are less sexist than riders of other brands of motorcycles,
participant observation reveals that riders of Japanese and
German motorcycles seem less concerned about maintaining the
‘‘macho’’ image associated with the Harley-Davidson
subculture.
IDENTITY 65
agreement: ‘‘Brotherhood, schmotherhood [sic], I ride a
motorcycle and love it. Most guys seem
okay with that. For the ones who aren’t—fuck ‘em!’’8
A 63-year-old woman in Texas who had ridden motorcycles
since she was 15 said she had
joined a local chapter of Women in the Wind (an organization
for women riders) several years
earlier, but did not maintain her membership, since she
preferred to ride with her husband. When
a freshman in high school, her mother taught her to ride an old
Harley-Davidson motorcycle as
well as how to change the oil, adjust the belt, and fix a flat tire.

She commented,
I thought it was perfectly normal for women to ride their own
bikes since my mother had ridden a
Harley all my life. I didn’t ever question it, until when I was
about 20, my boyfriend said that girls
don’t ride motorcycles—they belong on the back. I ditched him
‘cause I figured he was too
old-fashioned for me. Since then, I’ve learned that most men
feel that way. I’m not sure why. Maybe
it threatens them, seeing a woman riding, I don’t know. I heard
a comment at this very rally that
really burns me up. I overheard a woman talking to her husband
say, ‘‘Look at all the women riding
motorcycles. Why don’t you teach me to ride?’’ His response:
‘‘Honey, all them [sic] women are
lesbians.’’
Most of the women who ride their own motorcycles interviewed
in this study started out riding
two-up with their husbands or boyfriends and then made the
transition to riding alone. Only one
of the women riders was openly homosexual, but she too, had
originally started riding with a
boyfriend. The straight women seem to be simultaneously
amused and irritated by the stereotype

that all, or even most women bikers are gay. Although
motorcycle attire tends to be masculine in
appearance, most women riders in this study ‘‘feminized’’ their
appearance in noticeable ways.
Some wore pink leather jackets instead of the traditional black,
and one even wore pink leather
chaps. Others wore leather jackets in white, blue, or black
adorned with floral patterns, butter-
flies, and other decorations such as rhinestones or fringe that
identified them as women’s attire.
All but one of the women riders wore helmets, but only two of
those were black. Most wore
white, silver, or black helmets with colorful graphics, some
obviously chosen to match or comp-
lement the color of the motorcycle. Often, ponytails, long hair,
or various types of visible
jewelry also served to identify the riders as women. Consistent
with other research, many of
the women riders in this study seem to ‘‘go out of their way to
accessorize and feminize their
appearances in order to communicate unambiguous femininity
and heterosexuality’’ (Martin
et al. 2006:190). Even the motorcycles the women ride hint at
femininity.

Whereas the majority of men ride Harley-Davidson motorcycles
that have been boldly linked
to a macho image, only one woman in this study rode a Harley-
Davidson, and it was the smallest
Sportster model offered (883), and was blue in color. The other
women rode Japanese model
(metric) bikes—Hondas, Yamahas, Kawasakis, and Suzukis—in
that order. Only one of the
women rode a black motorcycle, and it had red pinstriping on
the gas tank and fenders. The other
women’s bikes were either white, silver, or red, or had two-tone
paint jobs. Most of the women’s
motorcycles in this study were between 650cc and 900cc in size,
although one woman rode an
1100cc motorcycle that was identical to her husband’s bike,
except that his was black in color
and her bike was silver with maroon trim. Although the author
has observed women riding large
8
Shortly after this response was posted, the poll was removed
from the forum by the site administrator since profanity
is forbidden. The poll had been up for over three days by this
time, however, and most posted threads ‘‘run their course’’
within 2–3 days with those who are interested usually
responding within the first 24 hours.

66 W. E. THOMPSON
and powerful motorcycles of all makes and models, the majority
of women seem to ride smaller
motorcycles and be less concerned about the macho-image of
the motorcycle than their male
counterparts. Pragmatic reasons for the smaller motorcycle may
be that because it weighs less,
women believe it ‘‘fits’’ them better and is easier to control—
although most riders discover that
heavier bikes provide a much smoother ride and are much easier
to control once moving.
Symbolically, the smaller motorcycles may seem more
‘‘appropriate’’ for women riders, and
manufacturers now openly aim specific models at the emerging
female market.
WHY DO WOMEN RIDE?
Women’s motivations for riding seem very similar to those of
men. According to Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:62), ‘‘Biker chicks certainly are women
who choose to live an unconven-
tional lifestyle . . . there are attractions to the motorcycle, the
adrenaline high obtained by riding
and, for many, the sisterhood of riding motorcycles
collectively.’’ But, as one of the women in

this study succinctly put it, ‘‘don’t call me ‘biker chick’ ’’—a
sentiment seemingly reflective
of today’s female riders. Again, the concept of lifestyle versus a
leisure-time activity may differ-
entiate today’s contemporary motorcyclists who ride for leisure
and recreation from the hardcore
bikers, both male and female, who become engulfed in the biker
or one of the ‘‘biker chick’’ roles.
It seems that many of the same attributes that lure men into
riding are also appealing to
women riders: sense of freedom, fun, excitement, stress
reduction, and risk-taking (Thompson
2009). The women in this study over and again expressed one or
more of those motivations.
But, there seem to be additional incentives for women. As one
female rider told Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:143–144):
From my observations, it seems that women riders are of the
mindset that there’s more to life out
there and they want to experience it. It’s a sensation of freedom,
independence and, for many, rebel-
lion from the stereotypical molds women are supposed to
embrace.
The ‘‘brotherhood’’ among new bikers clearly includes women.

Men in this study overwhelm-
ingly indicated that they like for their wives or girlfriends to
ride with them either two-up or on
their own bikes. Although clearly in a minority, the women in
the new motorcycle subculture
seem to sense this inclusiveness. ‘‘There’s camaraderie among
cyclists that you just don’t find
with automobile drivers’’ one woman told the author. Another
echoed, ‘‘there’s definitely a
biker brotherhood and I feel like I’m part of it . . .’’ then after a
slight pause, she added, ‘‘but
there’s a sisterhood in biking like no other.’’
If the motorcycle has always represented a symbol of rebellion
for men, that is even more true
for women. ‘‘Participating in the sport of motorcycling requires
women to conquer the odds and
engage in activities that can be viewed as a form of resistance
against gender-related obstacles at
physical, social, and cultural levels’’ (Roster 2007:447). A
woman rider interviewed by Veno
and Winterhalder (2009:106) indicated that, as a baby boomer,
she grew up in an era of Leave
it to Beaver and The Donna Reed Show, and for her, ‘‘the
motorcycle is an icon of rebellion and
freedom from those traditional stifling values.’’ Women riders
in this study expressed similar

attitudes. ‘‘Nobody expects a woman to ride her own bike’’ one
female attorney who rides told
the author, ‘‘and I like to do the unexpected.’’ Another woman
rider told the author’s wife ‘‘I’m
62 years old, a mother and a grandmother, and I’ll be damned if
I’m going to let anybody tell me
IDENTITY 67
I can’t ride a motorcycle if I want to.’’ Another said, ‘‘When I
moved from the back of my hus-
band’s bike to riding my own, it was like I entered another
world.’’ This and other statements are
quite consistent with previous findings that ‘‘for women who
start out as passengers on men’s
motorcycles a major motivation for riding one’s own bike can
be the desire to take more direct
control . . .’’ (Martin et al. 2006:185).
Much like discussions with male riders, the word ‘‘freedom’’
came up time and again in con-
versations about why women ride. ‘‘I’ve never felt so free,’’
said one female rider. ‘‘Riding is
freedom personified’’ said another. When asked ‘‘freedom from
what?’’ she responded, ‘‘free-

dom from everything . . . freedom to be me.’’ When the author
asked one woman rider her pri-
mary motivation for riding, she simply turned, lifted up her t-
shirt, and revealed a one-word
tattoo in red, white, and blue ink across her lower back that
read: FREEDOM.
The thrill and excitement of riding is also a prime motivator.
One woman indicated, ‘‘It’s the
most exhilarating thing I do.’’ ‘‘It’s a rush’’ said another.
‘‘Most fun I’ve ever had with my
clothes on’’ chimed in another female rider. When her husband
looked over at her with raised
eyebrows, she added ‘‘or off, for that matter’’ with a laugh.
Several of the women spoke of the
thrill of riding a powerful machine and feeling totally in control
of it. One woman summarized
this feeling by comparing it to driving a car.
In my car, I feel like I’m not doing much of anything. It’s so
highly technical and controlled by
computers. I don’t have any idea how anything works. It’s so
space-age. I sit in climate-controlled
comfort, push a few buttons, put on the cruise control, pop in a
CD, and talk on my cell phone. It’s
like being at home. Now, my bike is something totally different.

It’s a machine. I start it, I control it,
it responds to even my slightest movement. I shift the gears, I
downshift, I brake . . . . It’s exciting. I
feel the air, the dust, the dirt, and although I don’t care much
for them, even the bugs and the rain.
Riding a motorcycle makes me feel alive.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Media portrayals, stereotypical images, and hardcore outlaw
bikers have contributed to a deviant
image of motorcyclists. Women associated with motorcycling
have been portrayed even more
negatively. The increasing popularity of motorcycles and the
large number of both male and
female middle- and upper-middle-class professionals joining the
ranks of motorcycle riders have
somewhat dispelled the outlaw image. Nevertheless, women
who actively participate in the
motorcycle subculture either as passengers or riders are still
regarded as somewhat deviant by
the general public. Two-uppers who ride on the back of their
husbands’ or boyfriends’ bikes
are still somewhat conforming to traditional gender roles in that
being a passenger is a subordi-
nate role to being a rider. These women often accentuate their

femininity with colorful and femi-
nine attire, but try to avoid the stereotypical ‘‘look’’ of women
associated with the hardcore
biker subculture, and do nothing to imply that they are
somebody’s ‘‘property.’’ More impor-
tantly, even if outward appearances may suggest that they are
part of the hardcore biker subcul-
ture, riding on the back of a motorcycle is neither a master
status nor a substantial component of
their social or personal identity. It is just one of the things they
do.
Consistent with previous research, data from this study indicate
that most of today’s women
riders entered the motorcycle subculture riding on the back of
their boyfriends’ or husbands’
68 W. E. THOMPSON
bikes, a role more consistent with traditional gender
expectations. Many, who enjoyed riding and
participating in motorcycle-related activities, however, decided
to purchase and ride their own
motorcycles—shedding traditional gender roles for what is often
considered a masculine endea-
vor, and more appropriate for men. Consequently, women who
ride their own bikes might be

considered ‘‘double deviants,’’ and often attract and must deal
with a lot of unwanted attention,
even among other motorcyclists. Female motorcyclists both
consciously and subconsciously
engage in symbolically redefining a deviant identity every time
they ride. They too manipulate
meaningful symbols such as wardrobe, jewelry, and even the
types and colors of motorcycles
they ride in order to feminize their appearance yet
simultaneously express their independence.
Importantly, they are not posers or wannabes, because riding a
motorcycle is not a master status
for them. Rather, like most Americans, their strongest sense of
identity is related to their age,
race, sex, and more importantly, their occupation and other
social roles they fulfill such as wife,
mother, or grandmother. ‘‘I’m a 62-year-old mother and
grandmother who rides . . .’’ ‘‘I’m a
30-year-old school teacher who rides . . .’’ Time and again
comments suggest that riding a
motorcycle is only one of many statuses and roles occupied by
women motorcyclists. Con-
versely, ‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is
much more likely to be viewed as
a master status accompanied by role engulfment by those who
fit into that category. ‘‘Biker
chick’’ carries an even more negative connotation, and is hardly

descriptive of today’s female
motorcyclists.
Women who ride their own motorcycles indicate that they
experience an increased sense of
freedom and exhilaration when in the rider’s seat as opposed to
riding on the back. Moreover,
they experience a greater degree of control and a sense of
empowerment. Although women’s
motivations for riding are quite similar to men’s, violation of
stereotypical gender roles and
the sense of empowerment are two contributing factors unique
to women riders. A spokes-
woman for the motorcycle industry commented, ‘‘Women feel
so much more empowered today
than they did 10 years ago and motorcycling today is more
fashionable and hip than ever’’ (Box
2007:D1). Roster (2007) couched these feelings within the
liberal feminist perspective and
labeled it ‘‘Girl Power.’’ She discovered that ‘‘female riders
equated knowledge and skill train-
ing with power’’ and that riding their own motorcycles helped
women resist ‘‘gender labels’’
and ‘‘. . . embrace a whole new philosophy of femininity that
included women acting tough,

bold, and aggressive, and at the same time, sexy in an inclusive
way that did not define sexuality
in stereotypical heterosexual or homosexual terms’’ (Roster
2007:455; 458). None of the part-
icipants in this study used the specific term ‘‘Girl Power,’’ but
many of their comments reflect
a feeling of confidence and empowerment that embody the
general concept.
While part of motorcycle riding’s appeal to men may include
reinforcing their masculinity
through risk-taking behavior (Ling 2005; Thompson 2009),
women seem to simultaneously
express independence and empowerment while redefining their
femininity through taking those
same risks (life and limb), as well as the additional risks of
invading a ‘‘hyper-masculine’’
environment and violating traditional gender roles. Time will
tell if the number and percentage
of women riders will continue to increase, or if this trend is a
temporary phenomenon. If
women’s gains in other previously predominantly male
activities and environments (work,
sports, politics, etc.) are any indication, sociological trends and
patterns suggest the former is

far more likely than the latter. Future research should include
larger and more diverse samples
to see if the findings of this study can be generalized to women
who participate in today’s
contemporary motorcycle subculture.
IDENTITY 69
Women riding motorcycles may be perceived by some as a
deviant identity, but those who
engage in the activity redefine it as a symbol of independence,
self-reliance, and both personal
and social power. By doing so, women riders not only join the
‘‘brotherhood’’ of motorcyclists,
but have created a growing ‘‘sisterhood’’ that provides role
models for girls and young women
who dare to be different.
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8(January):47–63.
Quinn, James F. 2001. ‘‘Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, and
Pagans: The Evolution of Organized Crime Among the Big
Four 1% Motorcycle Clubs.’’ Deviant Behavior 22(July–

August):379–399.
Quinn, James F. and D. Shane Koch. 2003. ‘‘The Nature of
Criminality Within One-percent Motorcycle Clubs.’’ Deviant
Behavior 24(May):281–305.
Roster, Catherine A. 2007. ‘‘ ‘Girl Power’ and Participation in
Macho Recreation: The Case of Female Harley Riders.’’
Leisure Sciences 29:443–461.
Spradley, James. 1979. The Ethnographic Interview. New York:
Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Thompson, Hunter S. 1967. Hell’s Angels: A Strange and
Terrible Saga. New York: Random House.
Thompson, William E. 2009. ‘‘Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘New
Biker’ Subculture: Hogs, Blogs, Leathers, and Lattes.’’
Deviant Behavior 30(January):89–114.
Veno, Arthur and Edward Winterhalder. 2009. Biker Chicks:
The Magnetic Attraction of Women to Bad Boys and
Motorbikes. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Watson, J. Mark. 1980. ‘‘Outlaw Motorcyclists: An Outgrowth
of Lower Class Cultural Concerns.’’ Deviant Behavior
2:71–76.
70 W. E. THOMPSON
Webb, Eugene J., Donald T. Campbell, Richard D. Schwartz,
and Lee Sechrest. 1966. Unobtrusive Measures:

Nonreactive Research in the Social Sciences. Chicago: Rand
McNally.
Williams, Lena. 1998. Do Real Women Ride Motorcycles?
440,000 Say Yes. New York Times, May 11:C1.
Womenriders. 2010. Available at
(http://motorcycles.about.com/cs/womenriders).
WILLIAM E. THOMPSON was born and raised in Tulsa,
Oklahoma, and was the first mem-
ber of his family to receive a high school diploma. He received
his bachelor’s degree from
Northeastern State University, a master’s degree from Missouri
State University, and a Ph.D.
from Oklahoma State University. Professor Thompson has
authored more than 30 articles in pro-
fessional journals, including several reprinted in sociology
textbooks and anthologies. He has
co-authored an introductory sociology textbook in its 7th
edition and a Juvenile Delinquency
textbook in its 8th edition. He also has co-edited an anthology
in Juvenile Delinquency and
is the author of The Glass House, a nonfiction account of his
mother’s 2-year battle with cancer
and the lessons about life and living learned from her death and
dying. Professor Thompson
began his college teaching career at the University of Tulsa. He
spent the next 10 years at

Emporia State University and is currently a professor of
sociology and criminal justice at Texas
A&M University–Commerce. Dr. Thompson has won numerous
teaching awards. For fun and
relaxation he enjoys playing the drums and riding his
motorcycle.
IDENTITY 71
Copyright of Deviant Behavior is the property of Routledge and
its content may not be copied or emailed to
multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright
holder's express written permission. However, users
may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
BIKERS CULTURE
Austin, D. Mark, Gagne Patricia, Orend Angela.
Commodification and popular imagery of the biker in American
culture: the journal of popular culture. 2010. Vol. 43(5).
Pp.942-963
Available at:
< http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-
5931.2010.00781.x/abstract;jsessionid=85DF5164C16CCD99B6

A5CA951988C9FD.f04t03?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&
userIsAuthenticated=false>
The authors of this journal are writers of popular cultures. In
this article they have written about the commodification of the
biker culture in America. The bikers’ culture has an economic
aspect. This article is relevant to this topic because it addresses
the economic aspect of the bikers’ culture. The authors describe
the commodification of motorbike culture and how it is
trending. The culture has attracted investors who would wish to
benefit from motorbikes because it has become very popular in
America. This article is useful to this topic because it shows
that biker culture is varied and that one aspect of the culture is
that it has evolved and it is being used for economic purposes.
Barker, Thomas. Crimes of the Big Four Motorcycle Gangs.
Journal of criminal justice. 2009. Vol. 37(2). Pp. 174-179
Available at:
<
http://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejcjust/v_3a37_3ay_3a_3ai
_3a2_3ap_3a174-179.htm>
The author of this article is a writer of criminal justice. He talks
about the main gangs in motorbike culture. There are four main
gangs in the world of the deviant group. This article is relevant
to the topic because he is able to identify two groups of
motorbike riders. The conventional and deviant groups are the
two motorbike groups. He notes that the conventional groups
are not involved in criminal activities This article is helpful to
this topic because it tries to differentiate the two groups of
motorbike riders.
Hopper, Colombus.B, Moore, Johnny. Hell on Wheels: The
outlaw motorcycle gangs. Journal of American culture.

Vol.6(2). 2004. Pp. 58-64
Available at:
< http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1542-
734X.1983.0602_58.x/abstract>
These two authors, writers of the American culture, write about
the motorbike culture. Their major focus is on motorbike gangs.
They describe motorbike groups and their objectives. The
authors of this article write about the outlaw motorbike gangs.
This article is relevant to this paper because the two authors
talk about the outlaw gangs in motorbike culture. They describe
in detail about these outlaw gangs. This article is helpful to
this topic because it relates motorbike culture with outlaw
gangs.

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