Remember you have two things due on the same day1. Prelimi.docx

Remember you have two things due on the same day:
1. Preliminary Topic:
· Just below the title, you should state your preliminary
research topic. This may be one sentence long, or it may be a
full paragraph. Regardless, it should be focused and clear. You
only need one page; you only have one topic. Make sure that
you include at least one issue of substance that pertains to your
subculture. Remember to include a title for your paper.
Several examples for you to view: You only need ONE!
Example 1:
Your name
Instructor Linda Rogers
English 130: Section ___
Preliminary Topic and Annotated Bibliography
Due Date
Gays and Lesbians in the Ghettoes
There has been a conflict between those gays who have wanted
to celebrate and emphasize the very things that make them
different and those who want to be absorbed into mainstream
culture. The establishment of the gay ghettos can be perceived
as doing either or both of these things.
Example 2:

Your name
Due Date
Women Bodybuilders
The women bodybuilding subculture illustrates an image of
domination over personal domain. Women bodybuilders create a
spectacle with the collapsing of gender roles as seen in their
exaggerated musculature and hyper-feminine mode of dress. The
contradictory appearance reveals an underlying struggle
between sub-cultural control and hegemonic impression.
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--------------------------------Example 3:
Your name
Due Date
Swingers in our Midst

Swingers join their subculture to satisfy not only a life of
normality but their desires to be with others sexually and not
live a life of monogamy. The increased rates of HIV/AIDS and
other STDs has dramatically affected the swinger subculture.
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2. Annotated Bibliography:
· Below the preliminary research topic, I expect a list of at least
five sources (I recommend 6-10 sources, if possible). Each
entry should be listed in MLA format.
· Immediately following each entry, there should be a brief
synopsis of the source. Each synopsis should be roughly 50-100
words long.
· This entry should do five things:
· list the entry using MLA format
· provide an authority assessment: list the background and
affiliations of the author(s)
· summarize the source
· assess its authenticity and reliability
· reflect on how it will fit into your research paper
· Your annotated bibliography, like your final research essay,
should contain a mixture of sources: books, periodicals,
websites, interviews, sound recordings, etc. Whenever possible,
you should use the most authoritative sources available.

More Samples of Annotated Entries, for a Paper on Deaf
Subculture
Hairston, Ernest, and Linwood Smith. Black and Deaf in
America: Are We That Different? Silver Spring, Md: T.J., 1983.
Print.
Black and Deaf in America: Are We That Different? was
published in 1983. This book is twenty-eight years old and the
information and data contained in it may be dated. The three
authors are currently listed as three of the top five most
significant deaf black scholars with significant publications in
their fields. According to this book, approximately two million
African-Americans have a hearing impairment serious enough to
warrant medical or education services and approximately 22,000
are profoundly deaf. As there are a relatively small amount of
African-American deaf persons, the author notes that many of
these individuals have never met another African-American deaf
person who could have acted as role models or mentors to share
pride and encouragement of their shared cultures. This book
contains a collection of biographies of African-American deaf
people. The author also discusses the role of the deaf child in
the family. This resource details information about a subculture
within the Deaf community but would, perhaps, be more
valuable to an academic paper if it were more current. I intend
to use this source more for background history for my reseach
in both deaf and black deaf subcultures.
Ladd, Paddy. Understanding Deaf Culture: In Search of
Deafhood. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters, 2003. Print.
Paddy Ladd is a Lecturer and MSc co-ordinator at the Centre for
Deaf Studies in the University of Bristol. He completed his PhD
in Deaf Culture at Bristol University in 1998 and has written,

edited and contributed to numerous publications in the field.
Both his writings and his Deaf activism have received
international recognition, and in 1998 he was awarded the Deaf
Lifetime Achievement Award by the Federation of Deaf People,
for activities which have extended the possibilities for Deaf
communities both in the UK and worldwide. This book is a part
of a series of materials focusing on second languages and
unique linguistic topics. The following topics are presented in
this resource: deaf communities, deafness in western
civilization, definitions and theories of culture, residential
schools for the deaf. In particular, the author develops a deep
examination of the definition and history of the word and
concept of culture. This is an advanced resource for the scholar
researching the concept of deaf culture. More than other
sources, it gives a thorough look at all aspects of the deaf
subculture. It does have a lot of information about American
deaf culture. As such, it is a valuable resource for me to use to
define and understand deaf culture.
Through Deaf Eyes. Prod. Lawrence Hott and Diane Garey. PBS
Home Video, 2007. DVD.
Diane Garey has had a distinguished career as a documentary
and feature editor and producer. She edited and co-produced
Wild By Law, which was nominated for an Academy Award for
Best Documentary Feature in 1992 and was broadcast as part of
the American Experience series on PBS. Lawrence R. Hott has
been producing documentary films since 1978, when he left the
practice of law to join Florentine Films. His awards include an
Emmy, two Academy Award nominations, a George Foster
Peabody Award, five American Film Festival Blue Ribbons, ten
CINE Golden Eagles, screenings at Telluride, and first-place
awards from the San Francisco, Chicago, National Educational,
and New England Film Festivals. This video, produced in
2007, examines deaf history and presents many differing facets
involved in life as a deaf person. Subjects covered include
schools for deaf students, American Sign Language, TTY and

the fight for a deaf president at Gallaudet University. Multiple
artistic works by deaf artists are presented. This film covers the
story of a complex culture with a very understood past and
present. This film offers a nicely-done glimpse into the huge
breadth of American Deaf History. All the highlights are here:
Thomas Gallaudet and Laurent Clerc, Gallaudet College /
University, A.G. Bell, Milan Conference, oralism, cochlear
implants, etc. As this is such a recent production that covers the
varying facets with deaf culture with a 21st century vision, it is
a valuable resource for my paper.
What will it look like?
Your name
Due Date
Title Centered on the Very Next Available Line
You will have your preliminary topic and/or thesis statement
typed next stating where your research will lead you. It can be
one sentence or a whole paragraph.
Annotated Bibliography
Source 1 MLA 2009 Citation. After the first line is filled, you
will use the “hanging indent” option in format/paragraph under
“special” to make it align correctly.

Then you will indent the actual annotation so that it begins
where your hanging indent begins, plus a tab to start the
paragraph. There will be no extra skipped lines.
will use the “hanging indent” option to make it align correctly.
paragraph.
paragraph.
paragraph.
paragraph.

Don’t Call Me ‘‘Biker Chick’’: Women Motorcyclists
Redefining Deviant Identity
William E. Thompson
Texas A&M University–Commerce, Commerce, Texas, USA
The majority of literature on women who participate in the
world of motorcycling focuses on females
associated with outlaw motorcycle clubs and hardcore bikers.
Roles for those women tended to be
subservient and demeaning. Women are the fastest growing
segment in today’s contemporary world
of middle- and upper-middle-class motorcycling, where they
fulfill more meaningful roles whether
they are passengers or riders of their own bikes. This
descriptive exploratory study utilizes a
symbolic interaction framework to analyze approximately four
years of participant observation
and ethnographic interviews with some of these women.
Findings indicate that female motorcyclists
manipulate several meaningful symbols in order to redefine
what has largely been viewed as a devi-
ant identity. Riding motorcycles is what they do, not who they
are. Women who ride feel a sense of
freedom, excitement, and empowerment as they maintain their
femininity while participating in what

has traditionally been viewed as a masculine endeavor.
Ask any American to name three or four famous motorcyclists,
and there is a good chance
they will mention Tom Cruise, Jay Leno, Evel Knievel, Gary
Busey, or perhaps Malcolm
Forbes. If they are movie buffs, they may be more likely to
name Marlon Brando, Steve
McQueen, Peter Fonda, or maybe John Travolta or Nicholas
Cage. All of these high profile
men are associated with riding motorcycles either in films or in
real life. Ask any American
to name even one famous female motorcycle rider, however, and
there is a good chance you will
get a blank stare and a shrug of the shoulders (Boslaugh 2006).
Despite their long-term connec-
tion to the world of motorcycling, women generally are not
associated with the two-wheeled
subculture except in the most stereotypical roles. As one author
noted, ‘‘Although times have
changed with more and more people taking up riding—including
women—one thing that has
remained implicit in motorcycling is the association it has with
masculinity’’ (Ilyasova
2006:6). Female motorcyclists seem acutely ‘‘aware of social

stereotypes that have depicted
them as ‘social outlaws,’ ‘gender traitors’ or ‘sexual deviants’
’’ (Roster 2007:454).
This descriptive study focuses on today’s middle- and upper-
middle-class female riders who
are part of what some call the ‘‘new biker subculture’’
(Thompson 2009), but might be more
accurately described as the contemporary motorcycling
subculture or perhaps, even motorcycle
scene, although sociologically speaking, the term subculture is
appropriate. This study does not
Received 29 April 2010; accepted 31 August 2010.
Address correspondence to William E. Thompson, P.O. Box
3011, Commerce, TX 75428-3011, USA. E-mail:
[email protected]
Deviant Behavior, 33: 58–71, 2012
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print / 1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2010.548292
include women who are in any way affiliated with one-percenter
1
clubs or their members, or

otherwise associated with what is often viewed as the hardcore
biker subculture. Despite decades
of feminist progress in larger society, some females still play
subordinate roles in today’s motor-
cycle subculture, although not nearly as degrading as those
described in the studies on outlaw
bikers. Other women, however, are essentially full-fledged
members of the motorcycling subcul-
ture, either routinely riding as passengers (referred to as two-
uppers in this study) or riding their
own motorcycles (female riders). This exploratory descriptive
study focuses on these two
categories of women with emphasis on those women who ride
their own motorcycles.
WOMEN IN THE ‘‘BIKER’’ SUBCULTURE
The so-called ‘‘brotherhood’’ of bikers has always included
women (Thompson, 2009). In tra-
ditional biker culture, especially in one-percenter outlaw
motorcycle gangs, the role of women
was clearly defined: although equally tough as the men, the
equality stopped there. They were
considered property to be used (for sexual and servant
purposes), traded, and given or thrown
away at the biker’s discretion (Thompson 1967; Watson 1980;
Hopper and Moore 1990).

Watson’s (1980:42) research found women to be viewed with
contempt by most outlaw bikers
and regarded as ‘‘necessary nuisances.’’ He concluded that the
women generally were just as
tough as the male bikers and usually referred to themselves as
‘‘old ladies.’’
James Quinn (1987; 2001; Quinn and Koch 2003) rode with an
outlaw motorcycle club and
conducted research on several others. He identified three
distinct roles for women in the biker
subculture: mamas, sweetbutts, and old ladies. Mamas were at
the bottom of the food chain
in biker clubs. They were considered to be the property of the
club and in exchange for shelter,
protection, and transportation, were expected to serve any and
all members’ needs— sexual and
otherwise. Sweetbutts were generally younger than mamas, and
were more likely to provide reg-
ular sexual services to only one, or in some cases a few
members, while providing a source of
income to both him=them and the club—usually through topless
dancing, prostitution, and=or
drugs. An old lady was the exclusive property of one club
member—her old man. She might
still be expected to provide a source of income to the club
through dancing or prostitution,
but all members understood that she was ‘‘off limits’’ to
everybody except her old man, unless

he decided to trade her off or sell her services.
Other studies on women in outlaw motorcycle clubs confirmed
the same or similar roles as
described by Quinn, with a few minor differences and
modifications. Some clubs also had
sheep—young women brought in by new initiates as a ‘‘gift to
the club’’ (Hopper and Moore
1990). These young women, often strippers and=or prostitutes,
were offered to all the members
of the club during initiation, and many of them became
sweetbutts after initiation. Betsy Guisto
(1997) offered a unique look at women in the one-percenter
subculture as she conducted an
ethnography and wrote a doctoral dissertation on the subject
while serving as an old lady to
1
After a 1947 fight between two rival motorcycle gangs at a rally
in Hollister, California, the American Motorcyclist
Association declared that 99 percent of motorcyclists were law-
abiding citizens and that only 1 percent were outlaws.
From that time on, hardcore bikers, especially members of
motorcycle clubs like the Hell’s Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws,
Pagans, and others began referring to themselves as ‘‘one-
percenters.’’ Many of the so-called one-percenters embrace the
outlaw moniker and image, whereas others contend that they are

not ‘‘outlaws,’’ but are simply committed to riding
motorcycles as a ‘‘brotherhood’’ and lifestyle as opposed to just
a weekend activity.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT
IDENTITY 59
an outlaw motorcyclist for approximately 20 years. Clearly,
there is one consistency in all the
studies of women in the outlaw biker subculture: females play a
subordinate and usually subser-
vient role, or as one author put it, they are ‘‘leather-clad
sexualized accessories’’ (Boslaugh
2006:1).
Arthur Veno and Edward Winterhalder (2009) explore the
‘‘magnetic attraction of women to
bad boys and motorcycles’’ in their book Biker Chicks with that
subtitle. Although their research
provides the added dimension of interviews with women in the
biker subculture (actually allow-
ing some of them to write their own story), it still focuses on
women in and around the hardcore
outlaw biker subculture, somewhat ignoring middle- and upper-
middle-class women who ride
motorcycles.

WOMEN IN THE CONTEMPORARY MOTORCYCLE
SUBCULTURE
Much less research has been conducted on women in today’s
contemporary motorcycle sub-
culture. Despite the fact that women have ridden motorcycles
since they were invented, they
have always comprised a small minority of riders. Today,
however, women are the fastest
growing segment among motorcycle riders, and depending on
the data source, comprise some-
where between 10–12 percent of all riders and perhaps as high
as 20 percent of purchasers of
new motorcycles and over half of all participants in motorcycle
safety courses (Knol 2010;
Womenriders 2010).
Since the 1980s women have increasingly participated in male-
dominated leisure activities
including rock climbing, mountain biking, cross-country skiing,
white water rafting, skydiving,
scuba diving, and motorcycling (Martin et al. 2006; Roster
2007). When women participate in
these traditionally male-dominated and macho-oriented
activities, they not only face all the

physical challenges and risks as men, but they also encounter
the social risks that accompany
violation of cultural norms, gender role expectations and
prevailing stereotypes (Roster 2007).
Contemporary women who ride differ dramatically from the
women depicted in the hardcore
biker subculture, and may even constitute an emerging social
movement (Meyer 2009). This
study looks at women in the contemporary motorcycle
subculture and pursues the research ques-
tions: who are these women, what roles are available to them,
why do they ride, and how do they
manage the deviance and potential stigma associated with
motorcycling?
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION, METHODS, AND DATA
Couched within a symbolic interaction framework, data for this
study are derived from approxi-
mately four years of participant observation and information
derived from ethnographic inter-
views with over 200 male and female motorcyclists. The data on
women motorcyclists was
attained through in-depth interviews with 23 female motorcycle
riders ranging in age from 26
to 64 years. Interviews were conducted with another 24 women

(19 to 72 years of age) who par-
ticipate in today’s motorcycling subculture as passengers who
ride with their boyfriends or
husbands, and in one case, her female partner, but do not ride
motorcycles solo. All but one
of the 47 women were white; the only exception described
herself as ‘‘Texican,’’ indicating
Hispanic=Latina identity. Two were college students; all but
four of the rest were college grad-
uates. The majority of both groups of women were between the
ages of 30 and 60 with an
60 W. E. THOMPSON
estimated mean age in the early to mid 40 s.
2
An interview schedule was developed and followed
as a general guideline to insure that all women were asked the
same standardized set of ques-
tions.
3
Consistent with long established ethnographic interviewing
techniques, all interviews
were conducted in a conversational manner, and like any
meaningful ethnographic study, ques-
tions were added, modified, and=or deleted as individual

circumstances dictated (Spradley
1979). The author interviewed each of the women in this study.
Following the general guidelines
of ‘‘team’’ field research discussed by Douglass (1976), the
author’s wife, who often rides as a
passenger, and daughter, who rides her own motorcycle, were
present for some of the interviews
and even occasionally assisted in interviewing some of the
women. This was especially helpful
in situations where it was awkward for the author to approach a
female rider, or when women
riders seemed somewhat reluctant to ‘‘open up’’ to a male but
were more comfortable talking to
another women, or in cases where the author wanted to double-
check the reliability or validity of
some of the responses.
4
The author carried a small spiral notebook and pen or pencil,
and when alone or unobserved
by other riders made as detailed fieldnotes as possible. In
keeping with longstanding accepted
qualitative research practices, no tape recorders, electronic
devices, or other obtrusive measures
were used (Webb et al. 1966; Berg 2009). Where direct quotes
are used, the author tried to use

the words of the interviewees verbatim, but admittedly had to
rely on memory to some extent.
Care was taken, however, not to significantly paraphrase or in
any way alter the substance or
meaning of quotes from participants. If there was a discrepancy
in recalling conversations
and the author’s notes, the information was omitted from the
study. Similarly, in interviews wit-
nessed or conducted by the author’s wife or daughter, if there
were any disagreements about
answers, comments, or other information, the data were not
used. In order to ascertain a larger
number of opinions on one particular issue, sexism in the
motorcycle subculture, an online poll
was used, and is duly noted where those data are cited.
A variety of female roles can be found in the contemporary
world of motorcycling, some
of which parallel the roles afforded women in the hardcore
biker subculture, especially at large
rallies such as Sturgis, Daytona, Fayetteville, Austin, and
others. Still other roles fulfilled by
women, such as bikini-clad bike washers, wet t-shirt
contestants, and ‘‘biker babes’’ who serve

beer or act as models for various vendors, are also subservient
and somewhat demeaning. Never-
theless, in the contemporary motorcycle subculture, more and
more women participate in
meaningful roles that violate many gender stereotypes and
challenge dominant gender roles.
2
The women participants were not directly asked their age, but
some voluntarily disclosed that information. Age also
was determined in some cases by asking how long somebody
had been riding and then asking when they started—a more
subtle way to ask their age without them realizing it. In other
cases age was ‘‘guesstimated’’ by appearance, number of
years of riding experience, age of spouse or boyfriend, or other
related information.
3
Interview schedule available from the author on request.
4
The author’s daughter minored in sociology and has been
formally trained in sociological research methods.
Although the author’s wife has not had any formal training in
research methods, she has conducted ethnographic inter-
views several times over the past 30 years as part of various
research projects and has become a very skilled interviewer.
The presence of the author’s wife or daughter during some of
the interviews proved invaluable in several ways: making it

easier for the author to approach a woman at a motorcycle rally
(which can potentially be intimidating or even danger-
ous); contributing to making the interviewees more comfortable;
and checking reliability and validity of responses and
accurate recording of field notes.
IDENTITY 61
To paraphrase a popular advertising slogan, contemporary
women who ride ‘‘two-up’’ or ride
their own motorcycles today are not ‘‘your father’s ‘biker
chicks.’ ’’
TWO-UPPERS
Today’s motorcycle subculture includes a number of wives and
girlfriends who ride two-up with
their husbands or boyfriends (or, in some cases, girlfriends).
Women who ride on the backs of
motorcycles are special people. As a motorcycle rider, the
author is very uncomfortable riding as
a passenger on the back of a motorcycle and a number of other
riders have told the author they
feel the same way. Maybe it is about being in control, perhaps it
is a matter of trust, or maybe

those who have ridden motorcycles are more acutely aware of
the inherent risks involved in
being a passenger on a motorcycle. Another factor may be that
men find riding on the back
of a motorcycling somewhat emasculating. Whatever the
reasons, riding on the back of a motor-
cycle requires a tremendous amount of trust, devotion, courage,
and submission. Still, it would
not be wise to refer to these women as riding in the ‘‘bitch
seat’’ as hardcore male bikers often
call it. Riding a motorcycle is dangerous. As a rider, you must
be constantly alert and vigilant,
watching for debris on the roadway, animals, people, and
vehicles that might dart into your path,
articles being thrown from vehicles or blowing out of the backs
of trucks, and the biggest threat:
cars and trucks whose drivers either do not see you or do not
respect that you have as much right
to be on the road as do they. Riding on the back of a motorcycle
can be even more dangerous.
5
The two-upper faces all the same risks as the rider, but
additionally, must rely solely on the rid-
ing skills and the judgment of the person sitting in front of her
to keep her from harm. The

author’s wife’s view is:
I feel totally safe riding with you. I know you’re a good rider
and I know that you are going to be
extra careful with me on the back. I totally trust you, so I can
just sit back, relax, and enjoy the ride.
The author’s daughter expresses a similar sentiment, saying that
despite the fact that she would
rather be riding her own motorcycle, she has no reluctance to
ride behind her father. She is less
comfortable as a passenger, however, and is extremely
uncomfortable riding behind other
people. On several occasions she has said, ‘‘You are my father
and I have total trust in you.’’
She knows the author would never take any unnecessary chances
with her aboard. Interviews
with other two-uppers indicate similar feelings. One woman in
her early 70s who has ridden with
her 78-year-old husband for over 50 years, may have said it
best: ‘‘He ain’t killed me yet.’’
Later, in a more serious tone, she said,
We started riding when we were just kids in our 20s. I didn’t
know any women that rode motorcycles
then, and I had no interest in riding on the front of one or riding

by myself. It just seemed natural to
climb on behind . . . [her husband’s name] and just hang on. If I
trusted him enough to marry him,
I trusted him enough to ride a motorcycle with him.
Perhaps one of the more interesting and grim comments about
riding two-up as a couple came
from a young wife and mother in her early 30s who said,
5
Only 3 percent of motorcycle drivers killed in 2009 crashes
were women, while 91 percent of passengers who died
were women (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety 2009).
62 W. E. THOMPSON
I used to ride on the back all the time, but since the children
came along I’m not too big on it any-
more. We bought me my own bike and we prefer riding
separately. We figure it is less likely for both
of us to be critically injured on separate bikes. Of course, if one
of us gets hurt badly, the other one
will have to store their [sic] bike until the kids grow up.
As Martin and associates (2006:181) note, ‘‘the move from
pillion seat to the front seat of
a motorcycle results in a quantum leap in status for a woman in

a biker subculture.’’ Moreover,
Roster’s (2007) research indicates that this increase in status is
accompanied not only by
increased feelings of freedom and exhilaration, but also a sense
of empowerment. Findings
from this study are consistent with both of those studies’
assertions. As one woman revealed
to the author,
I used to think riding on the back of a motorcycle was one of
the coolest feelings a person could
have. Then I moved up to the front seat. Wow! What a
difference! The wind in my face . . . I can
see everything, and I’m actually in control of the bike. Me.
What a feeling!
FEMALE RIDERS
In the distant past, women often took the handlebars of
motorcycles, but since the 1950s and
‘60 s have primarily ridden on the backs of motorcycles driven
by men. Today’s contemporary
motorcycle subculture, however, includes a large number of
women who own and ride their own
motorcycles. As previously noted, women have been riding
motorcycles for a very long time but
the number of female motorcyclists has always been relatively

small compared to that of male
riders (Pierson 1998). In 1998, a little less than half a million
women, or approximately 9 percent
of all riders were included among the 5.7 million motorcyclists
(Williams 1998), but five years
later, that percentage increased to approximately 10 percent—
635,000 women out of 6.6 million
riders—and in 2007, estimates put female riders at
approximately 10–12 percent (Motorcycle
Industry Council 2007; Box 2007). 2010 estimates mirrored that
same 10–12 percent estimate
(Knol 2010; Womenriders 2010). An unscientific online poll
conducted in 2009 as part of this
study discovered that out of 225 respondents, only 16 (7.1
percent) were female, but it is difficult
to conclude whether that figure is an accurate reflection of the
percentage of women who ride, or
merely more reflective of those who participate in the particular
online forum in which the poll
was conducted. As with male riders, the median age for female
riders has increased over the past
decades (approximately 42 years of age); nearly 60 percent of
women riders are married, 28 per-
cent have college or post-graduate degrees, and 35 percent are
in professional or technical

jobs=careers (Box 2007; Womenriders 2010). These
demographics are very consistent with
those of the women in this research study, with the exception
that a larger percentage of women
in this study were college educated.
Despite the increasing number of women riders, today’s
motorcycle subculture is still a
male-dominated and somewhat macho domain. When the author
was looking at motorcycles
for purchase after a 30þ year hiatus, salesmen6 chided him
when he looked at 750cc
motorcycles (the largest motorcycle Honda made when the
author had last ridden). They
6
Although women work in motorcycle dealerships processing
sales agreements, titles, and arranging insurance, and
perhaps in some regions of the country as sales people, the
author has never encountered a female motorcycle
salesperson.
IDENTITY 63
remarked that the 750s were good ‘‘girls’ bikes’’ or ‘‘good
bikes for the little lady,’’ but if the
author wanted a ‘‘man’s starter bike,’’ he needed to look at the

1100cc, 1300cc, or even larger
models. At a Harley dealership when asking about a new
Sportster, which is usually considered
an ‘‘entry-level’’ bike, the salesman asked, ‘‘You interested in
the woman’s version (883) or the
men’s model (1200)?’’
Nevertheless, the sexism that permeates the motorcycle
subculture has not dissuaded women
from being full participants. A fairly typical female rider told
me,
I used to only ride on the back of my husband’s motorcycle, I
guess because I grew up always hear-
ing that riding motorcycles was for men only. But I never could
understand the male-only thing—
guess it was just the way I look at things. I enjoy riding my own
bike and love to see other women
riding.
Most women in today’s motorcycle subculture are very
confident and independent, and as one
woman rider commented to me, ‘‘I can tolerate a lot of the
macho nonsense that goes on at these
events, because I love the whole motorcycle experience, but
‘‘Don’t call me ‘biker chick.’ ’’
Another female rider probably in her late 50s or early 60s

responded to my wife’s question
as to whether she considered herself a ‘‘biker,’’
I don’t know what I am—biker, motorcyclist, or whatever. As
far as I’m concerned I’m just a wife and
grandmother who rides motorcycles. I’ll say this though, I’m
not a ‘‘chick,’’ or anybody’s ‘‘old lady.’’
Another female rider told the author, ‘‘I don’t consider myself a
‘biker’—I’m a 30-year-old
school teacher who happens to ride a motorcycle.’’ Perhaps
these two responses, and several simi-
lar ones from other women riders provide valuable insight into
the ‘‘new breed’’ of both male and
female motorcyclists. They are not posers or wannabes as so
often suggested in biker literature,
because riding a motorcycle is not a master status (Hughes and
MacGill 1952) for them. Riding
motorcycles is what they do, not who they are. Rather, like most
Americans, their strongest sense
of identity is related to their age, race, sex, family roles, and
their occupation. Consequently, rid-
ing a motorcycle is only one of many social statuses and roles
women riders fulfill. Conversely,
‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is much more
likely to be viewed as a master
status accompanied by role engulfment (Lemert 1951) by those
who fit into that category.
The author always asks women at rallies what they think of the
male-dominated and sexist

environment that permeates such events, and a typical response
can be summarized by one
woman’s response, ‘‘It’s no big deal, I’ve seen and dealt with a
lot worse.’’ Another indicated,
I’m a teacher and my husband is an architectural engineer.
Sometimes we’re both appalled at what
we see and hear at biker events, but overall, it’s a whole new
world for us, and we have met the most
interesting and nicest people on motorcycles. Maybe it’s like
everything else, you have to take the
bad with the good. For us, it’s well worth it.
Despite the oft-repeated notion of a ‘‘biker brotherhood,’’ most
women interviewed in this study
indicated that they felt comfortable and reasonably accepted
participating in a predominantly
male activity. One woman confided to the author at a rally,
I love these guys (as she gestured toward hundreds of
motorcyclists). I feel like they are my brothers,
and they treat me like I’m one of them. One thing I know for
sure, when I’m on the road, these guys
have my back.
64 W. E. THOMPSON

Another female rider told the author,
It’s funny, but if I’m in my car and it breaks down, I
immediately get on my cell phone and call my
husband or Triple A. I actually hope that nobody stops and
offers to help, because it scares me that
they might be up to no good. But when I ride my bike, if it
breaks down, I just wait for another biker
to ride by. I know they will always stop, and I never fear for my
safety. I just know that another biker
would never hurt me.
In order to get a larger response and perhaps wider view of the
sexism that permeates predomi-
nantly male activities like motorcycling, the author conducted
an online poll on one of the
motorcycle forums to which he belongs.
7
The poll question was placed under the heading:
‘‘For Women Riders Only,’’ and stated: ‘‘Just Curious about
how women motorcycle riders feel
about being part of a male-dominated activity. Do you feel fully
accepted as a female rider?’’
Only 47 people responded to the poll. That would not be a
disappointing number except for

the fact that 41 of those were men and a total of only 6 women
responded. Although that per-
centage may be fairly representative of the ratio of men to
women riders, since the poll question
was clearly addressed to ‘‘women riders only,’’ it may speak
volumes that almost 90 percent of
the respondents (87.2%) were men! Responses from men
included ‘‘I see more and more women
riding these days, and that’s fine with me.’’ Another said,
‘‘Why wouldn’t women feel
accepted?—it’s a free world, they have as much right to ride as
men do.’’ More typical responses
from men, however, reflected tolerance more than acceptance,
and hinted at sexism. For
example, ‘‘I don’t have any problem with women riding, as long
as they know what they’re
doing,’’ which implies that he believes women often may not.
Another said, ‘‘I like the fact that
more women ride, especially if they’re good looking.’’ Perhaps
the most telling response: ‘‘Who
cares if they feel accepted or not? If they choose to ride, that’s
their business, but it’s not called a
‘brotherhood’ for nothing.’’
The six women who responded all indicated that they enjoyed
riding and had never experi-

enced any serious forms of harassment, hazing, or overt
discrimination. Yet, each indicated that
they were very much aware that motorcycling was considered a
‘‘man’s world,’’ and that a cer-
tain amount of sexism was to be expected. One woman
responded,
Hey, I knew when I started riding that some of the men
wouldn’t like it, but who cares? It’s my bike
and I have as much right to the highways as anybody else.
Overall, I’ve not had any problems. Of
course, I usually ride with my husband, and not too many guys
are going to give me any trouble as
long as he’s around.
Another female rider indicated, ‘‘I notice there aren’t too many
women on this forum and that’s
too bad, because I know there are a lot of women out there who
ride.’’ Perhaps the most straight-
forward response and one that may represent the sentiments of
today’s modern female motor-
cycle rider more than some of the others since the final three
female respondents all indicated
7
This online poll was conducted within a forum established for
riders of one particular brand of motorcycles (Honda)

and cannot be considered either scientific or representative of
motorcycle riders in general. Riders of other brands of
motorcycles belong to the forum, however, and although there
may be no objective data to indicate that Honda riders
are less sexist than riders of other brands of motorcycles,
participant observation reveals that riders of Japanese and
German motorcycles seem less concerned about maintaining the
‘‘macho’’ image associated with the Harley-Davidson
subculture.
IDENTITY 65
agreement: ‘‘Brotherhood, schmotherhood [sic], I ride a
motorcycle and love it. Most guys seem
okay with that. For the ones who aren’t—fuck ‘em!’’8
A 63-year-old woman in Texas who had ridden motorcycles
since she was 15 said she had
joined a local chapter of Women in the Wind (an organization
for women riders) several years
earlier, but did not maintain her membership, since she
preferred to ride with her husband. When
a freshman in high school, her mother taught her to ride an old
Harley-Davidson motorcycle as

well as how to change the oil, adjust the belt, and fix a flat tire.
She commented,
I thought it was perfectly normal for women to ride their own
bikes since my mother had ridden a
Harley all my life. I didn’t ever question it, until when I was
about 20, my boyfriend said that girls
don’t ride motorcycles—they belong on the back. I ditched him
‘cause I figured he was too
old-fashioned for me. Since then, I’ve learned that most men
feel that way. I’m not sure why. Maybe
it threatens them, seeing a woman riding, I don’t know. I heard
a comment at this very rally that
really burns me up. I overheard a woman talking to her husband
say, ‘‘Look at all the women riding
motorcycles. Why don’t you teach me to ride?’’ His response:
‘‘Honey, all them [sic] women are
lesbians.’’
Most of the women who ride their own motorcycles interviewed
in this study started out riding
two-up with their husbands or boyfriends and then made the
transition to riding alone. Only one
of the women riders was openly homosexual, but she too, had
originally started riding with a
boyfriend. The straight women seem to be simultaneously
amused and irritated by the stereotype

that all, or even most women bikers are gay. Although
motorcycle attire tends to be masculine in
appearance, most women riders in this study ‘‘feminized’’ their
appearance in noticeable ways.
Some wore pink leather jackets instead of the traditional black,
and one even wore pink leather
chaps. Others wore leather jackets in white, blue, or black
adorned with floral patterns, butter-
flies, and other decorations such as rhinestones or fringe that
identified them as women’s attire.
All but one of the women riders wore helmets, but only two of
those were black. Most wore
white, silver, or black helmets with colorful graphics, some
obviously chosen to match or comp-
lement the color of the motorcycle. Often, ponytails, long hair,
or various types of visible
jewelry also served to identify the riders as women. Consistent
with other research, many of
the women riders in this study seem to ‘‘go out of their way to
accessorize and feminize their
appearances in order to communicate unambiguous femininity
and heterosexuality’’ (Martin
et al. 2006:190). Even the motorcycles the women ride hint at
femininity.

Whereas the majority of men ride Harley-Davidson motorcycles
that have been boldly linked
to a macho image, only one woman in this study rode a Harley-
Davidson, and it was the smallest
Sportster model offered (883), and was blue in color. The other
women rode Japanese model
(metric) bikes—Hondas, Yamahas, Kawasakis, and Suzukis—in
that order. Only one of the
women rode a black motorcycle, and it had red pinstriping on
the gas tank and fenders. The other
women’s bikes were either white, silver, or red, or had two-tone
paint jobs. Most of the women’s
motorcycles in this study were between 650cc and 900cc in size,
although one woman rode an
1100cc motorcycle that was identical to her husband’s bike,
except that his was black in color
and her bike was silver with maroon trim. Although the author
has observed women riding large
8
Shortly after this response was posted, the poll was removed
from the forum by the site administrator since profanity
is forbidden. The poll had been up for over three days by this
time, however, and most posted threads ‘‘run their course’’
within 2–3 days with those who are interested usually
responding within the first 24 hours.

66 W. E. THOMPSON
and powerful motorcycles of all makes and models, the majority
of women seem to ride smaller
motorcycles and be less concerned about the macho-image of
the motorcycle than their male
counterparts. Pragmatic reasons for the smaller motorcycle may
be that because it weighs less,
women believe it ‘‘fits’’ them better and is easier to control—
although most riders discover that
heavier bikes provide a much smoother ride and are much easier
to control once moving.
Symbolically, the smaller motorcycles may seem more
‘‘appropriate’’ for women riders, and
manufacturers now openly aim specific models at the emerging
female market.
WHY DO WOMEN RIDE?
Women’s motivations for riding seem very similar to those of
men. According to Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:62), ‘‘Biker chicks certainly are women
who choose to live an unconven-
tional lifestyle . . . there are attractions to the motorcycle, the
adrenaline high obtained by riding
and, for many, the sisterhood of riding motorcycles

collectively.’’ But, as one of the women in
this study succinctly put it, ‘‘don’t call me ‘biker chick’ ’’—a
sentiment seemingly reflective
of today’s female riders. Again, the concept of lifestyle versus a
leisure-time activity may differ-
entiate today’s contemporary motorcyclists who ride for leisure
and recreation from the hardcore
bikers, both male and female, who become engulfed in the biker
or one of the ‘‘biker chick’’ roles.
It seems that many of the same attributes that lure men into
riding are also appealing to
women riders: sense of freedom, fun, excitement, stress
reduction, and risk-taking (Thompson
2009). The women in this study over and again expressed one or
more of those motivations.
But, there seem to be additional incentives for women. As one
female rider told Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:143–144):
From my observations, it seems that women riders are of the
mindset that there’s more to life out
there and they want to experience it. It’s a sensation of freedom,
independence and, for many, rebel-
lion from the stereotypical molds women are supposed to
embrace.

The ‘‘brotherhood’’ among new bikers clearly includes women.
Men in this study overwhelm-
ingly indicated that they like for their wives or girlfriends to
ride with them either two-up or on
their own bikes. Although clearly in a minority, the women in
the new motorcycle subculture
seem to sense this inclusiveness. ‘‘There’s camaraderie among
cyclists that you just don’t find
with automobile drivers’’ one woman told the author. Another
echoed, ‘‘there’s definitely a
biker brotherhood and I feel like I’m part of it . . .’’ then after a
slight pause, she added, ‘‘but
there’s a sisterhood in biking like no other.’’
If the motorcycle has always represented a symbol of rebellion
for men, that is even more true
for women. ‘‘Participating in the sport of motorcycling requires
women to conquer the odds and
engage in activities that can be viewed as a form of resistance
against gender-related obstacles at
physical, social, and cultural levels’’ (Roster 2007:447). A
woman rider interviewed by Veno
and Winterhalder (2009:106) indicated that, as a baby boomer,
she grew up in an era of Leave
it to Beaver and The Donna Reed Show, and for her, ‘‘the
motorcycle is an icon of rebellion and
freedom from those traditional stifling values.’’ Women riders

in this study expressed similar
attitudes. ‘‘Nobody expects a woman to ride her own bike’’ one
female attorney who rides told
the author, ‘‘and I like to do the unexpected.’’ Another woman
rider told the author’s wife ‘‘I’m
62 years old, a mother and a grandmother, and I’ll be damned if
I’m going to let anybody tell me
IDENTITY 67
I can’t ride a motorcycle if I want to.’’ Another said, ‘‘When I
moved from the back of my hus-
band’s bike to riding my own, it was like I entered another
world.’’ This and other statements are
quite consistent with previous findings that ‘‘for women who
start out as passengers on men’s
motorcycles a major motivation for riding one’s own bike can
be the desire to take more direct
control . . .’’ (Martin et al. 2006:185).
Much like discussions with male riders, the word ‘‘freedom’’
came up time and again in con-
versations about why women ride. ‘‘I’ve never felt so free,’’
said one female rider. ‘‘Riding is
freedom personified’’ said another. When asked ‘‘freedom from

what?’’ she responded, ‘‘free-
dom from everything . . . freedom to be me.’’ When the author
asked one woman rider her pri-
mary motivation for riding, she simply turned, lifted up her t-
shirt, and revealed a one-word
tattoo in red, white, and blue ink across her lower back that
read: FREEDOM.
The thrill and excitement of riding is also a prime motivator.
One woman indicated, ‘‘It’s the
most exhilarating thing I do.’’ ‘‘It’s a rush’’ said another.
‘‘Most fun I’ve ever had with my
clothes on’’ chimed in another female rider. When her husband
looked over at her with raised
eyebrows, she added ‘‘or off, for that matter’’ with a laugh.
Several of the women spoke of the
thrill of riding a powerful machine and feeling totally in control
of it. One woman summarized
this feeling by comparing it to driving a car.
In my car, I feel like I’m not doing much of anything. It’s so
highly technical and controlled by
computers. I don’t have any idea how anything works. It’s so
space-age. I sit in climate-controlled
comfort, push a few buttons, put on the cruise control, pop in a
CD, and talk on my cell phone. It’s

like being at home. Now, my bike is something totally different.
It’s a machine. I start it, I control it,
it responds to even my slightest movement. I shift the gears, I
downshift, I brake . . . . It’s exciting. I
feel the air, the dust, the dirt, and although I don’t care much
for them, even the bugs and the rain.
Riding a motorcycle makes me feel alive.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Media portrayals, stereotypical images, and hardcore outlaw
bikers have contributed to a deviant
image of motorcyclists. Women associated with motorcycling
have been portrayed even more
negatively. The increasing popularity of motorcycles and the
large number of both male and
female middle- and upper-middle-class professionals joining the
ranks of motorcycle riders have
somewhat dispelled the outlaw image. Nevertheless, women
who actively participate in the
motorcycle subculture either as passengers or riders are still
regarded as somewhat deviant by
the general public. Two-uppers who ride on the back of their
husbands’ or boyfriends’ bikes
are still somewhat conforming to traditional gender roles in that
being a passenger is a subordi-

nate role to being a rider. These women often accentuate their
femininity with colorful and femi-
nine attire, but try to avoid the stereotypical ‘‘look’’ of women
associated with the hardcore
biker subculture, and do nothing to imply that they are
somebody’s ‘‘property.’’ More impor-
tantly, even if outward appearances may suggest that they are
part of the hardcore biker subcul-
ture, riding on the back of a motorcycle is neither a master
status nor a substantial component of
their social or personal identity. It is just one of the things they
do.
Consistent with previous research, data from this study indicate
that most of today’s women
riders entered the motorcycle subculture riding on the back of
their boyfriends’ or husbands’
68 W. E. THOMPSON
bikes, a role more consistent with traditional gender
expectations. Many, who enjoyed riding and
participating in motorcycle-related activities, however, decided
to purchase and ride their own
motorcycles—shedding traditional gender roles for what is often
considered a masculine endea-
vor, and more appropriate for men. Consequently, women who

ride their own bikes might be
considered ‘‘double deviants,’’ and often attract and must deal
with a lot of unwanted attention,
even among other motorcyclists. Female motorcyclists both
consciously and subconsciously
engage in symbolically redefining a deviant identity every time
they ride. They too manipulate
meaningful symbols such as wardrobe, jewelry, and even the
types and colors of motorcycles
they ride in order to feminize their appearance yet
simultaneously express their independence.
Importantly, they are not posers or wannabes, because riding a
motorcycle is not a master status
for them. Rather, like most Americans, their strongest sense of
identity is related to their age,
race, sex, and more importantly, their occupation and other
social roles they fulfill such as wife,
mother, or grandmother. ‘‘I’m a 62-year-old mother and
grandmother who rides . . .’’ ‘‘I’m a
30-year-old school teacher who rides . . .’’ Time and again
comments suggest that riding a
motorcycle is only one of many statuses and roles occupied by
women motorcyclists. Con-
versely, ‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is
much more likely to be viewed as
a master status accompanied by role engulfment by those who
fit into that category. ‘‘Biker

chick’’ carries an even more negative connotation, and is hardly
descriptive of today’s female
motorcyclists.
Women who ride their own motorcycles indicate that they
experience an increased sense of
freedom and exhilaration when in the rider’s seat as opposed to
riding on the back. Moreover,
they experience a greater degree of control and a sense of
empowerment. Although women’s
motivations for riding are quite similar to men’s, violation of
stereotypical gender roles and
the sense of empowerment are two contributing factors unique
to women riders. A spokes-
woman for the motorcycle industry commented, ‘‘Women feel
so much more empowered today
than they did 10 years ago and motorcycling today is more
fashionable and hip than ever’’ (Box
2007:D1). Roster (2007) couched these feelings within the
liberal feminist perspective and
labeled it ‘‘Girl Power.’’ She discovered that ‘‘female riders
equated knowledge and skill train-
ing with power’’ and that riding their own motorcycles helped
women resist ‘‘gender labels’’
and ‘‘. . . embrace a whole new philosophy of femininity that

included women acting tough,
bold, and aggressive, and at the same time, sexy in an inclusive
way that did not define sexuality
in stereotypical heterosexual or homosexual terms’’ (Roster
2007:455; 458). None of the part-
icipants in this study used the specific term ‘‘Girl Power,’’ but
many of their comments reflect
a feeling of confidence and empowerment that embody the
general concept.
While part of motorcycle riding’s appeal to men may include
reinforcing their masculinity
through risk-taking behavior (Ling 2005; Thompson 2009),
women seem to simultaneously
express independence and empowerment while redefining their
femininity through taking those
same risks (life and limb), as well as the additional risks of
invading a ‘‘hyper-masculine’’
environment and violating traditional gender roles. Time will
tell if the number and percentage
of women riders will continue to increase, or if this trend is a
temporary phenomenon. If
women’s gains in other previously predominantly male
activities and environments (work,
sports, politics, etc.) are any indication, sociological trends and
patterns suggest the former is

far more likely than the latter. Future research should include
larger and more diverse samples
to see if the findings of this study can be generalized to women
who participate in today’s
contemporary motorcycle subculture.
IDENTITY 69
Women riding motorcycles may be perceived by some as a
deviant identity, but those who
engage in the activity redefine it as a symbol of independence,
self-reliance, and both personal
and social power. By doing so, women riders not only join the
‘‘brotherhood’’ of motorcyclists,
but have created a growing ‘‘sisterhood’’ that provides role
models for girls and young women
who dare to be different.
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WILLIAM E. THOMPSON was born and raised in Tulsa,
Oklahoma, and was the first mem-
ber of his family to receive a high school diploma. He received
his bachelor’s degree from
Northeastern State University, a master’s degree from Missouri
State University, and a Ph.D.
from Oklahoma State University. Professor Thompson has
authored more than 30 articles in pro-
fessional journals, including several reprinted in sociology
textbooks and anthologies. He has
co-authored an introductory sociology textbook in its 7th
edition and a Juvenile Delinquency
textbook in its 8th edition. He also has co-edited an anthology
in Juvenile Delinquency and
is the author of The Glass House, a nonfiction account of his
mother’s 2-year battle with cancer
and the lessons about life and living learned from her death and
dying. Professor Thompson
began his college teaching career at the University of Tulsa. He

spent the next 10 years at
Emporia State University and is currently a professor of
sociology and criminal justice at Texas
A&M University–Commerce. Dr. Thompson has won numerous
teaching awards. For fun and
relaxation he enjoys playing the drums and riding his
motorcycle.
IDENTITY 71
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pseudo-deviance and the
‘‘new biker’’ subculture: hogs,
blogs, leathers, and lattes
William E. Thompson
Texas A&M University—Commerce,
Commerce, Texas, USA
This article explores the pseudo-deviant world of

the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture, comparing and
contrasting it to previous research on ‘‘outlaw
bikers.’’ Using participant observation and
ethnographic interviews, the author uses a
symbolic interactionist perspective to describe and
analyze how and why contemporary ‘‘bikers,’’
many of whom are well-educated middle- and
upper middle-class professionals, use the symbols
of outlaw bikers and earlier motorcycle gangs to
perpetuate an image of pseudo-deviance in the
‘‘new biker’’ subculture. Although the ‘‘new biker’’
subculture is markedly different than the ‘‘outlaw
biker’’ subculture of the past, many similar
characteristics persist.
Less than seven percent of Americans ride motorcycles
(American Motorcyclists Association 2007). Since the 1950s,
the image of motorcycle riders has been shaped largely by
the Hell’s Angels and other outlaw motorcycle gangs (see
Thompson 1967; Barger et al. 2001; Barger 2005) or by media
portrayals of renegade bikers such as characters played by
Marlon Brando and James Dean. These rebellious bikers wore
leather jackets, boots, and bandanas, displayed skulls and
Received 19 November 2007; accepted 22 January 2008.
Address correspondence to William E. Thompson, P.O. Box
3011 Commerce, Texas,
75428-3011, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
Deviant Behavior, 30: 89�114, 2009
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print/1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639620802050098

89
cross bones, iron crosses and swastikas, sported tattoos, drank
heavily, cursed, and brawled with rival gangs, law enforce-
ment, or anybody else who got in their way. In the late
1960s and early 1970s, a different breed of biker emerged
in the media and in real life, personified by Peter Fonda and
Dennis Hopper in Easy Rider. These bikers were also rebels,
and wore many of the same symbols as their earlier counter-
parts, but also sported long hair, beards, and peace symbols,
and were as likely to smoke marijuana and take LSD as to
drink alcohol and smoke cigarettes. ‘‘Make love not war’’
served as their mantra, and fighting among these bikers was
rare. Traditional ‘‘outlaw’’ bikers resented these ‘‘hippie’’
bikers, and the biker subculture became fragmented, although
there still was a feeling of ‘‘brotherhood’’ among bikers that
set them apart from those who traversed the highways on four
or more wheels.
During the late 1970s and 1980s, the popularity of motor-
cycles waned, and the only remaining American motorcycle
manufacturer, Harley-Davidson, struggled to maintain sol-
vency, as Japanese manufacturers captured the market with
less expensive, faster, sleeker, and quieter motorcycles that
appealed to less rebellious types and offered alternative trans-
portation for middle-class people to and from work, or for
weekend outings. They also began selling three-wheel and
four-wheel all-terrain-vehicles (ATVs) that appealed to families
and young children. Honda launched an advertising campaign
with the slogan ‘‘You meet the nicest people on a Honda,’’ and
the popular image of motorcycle riders changed from that of
rebellious teenagers, hoodlums, and outlaws, to Mom, Dad,
and the children out for a Sunday afternoon ride.

In the mid-1980s, motorcycle riding experienced a
resurgence, with motorcycle registrations reaching over 5.4
million in 1985, fueled largely by middle-class Baby Boomers
who accounted for the huge increase in sales (National Traffic
Saftey Administration (NTSA) 1995; National Safety Council
2007). Through engineering and manufacturing changes and
a massive advertising campaign, Harley-Davidson, once on
the verge of bankruptcy, gained such popularity that dealers
had difficulty filling orders. The average prices of their new
models rivaled those of compact cars, and attracted a new
breed of riders comprised of doctors, lawyers, dentists, college
professors, and other professional people. Victory Motorcycles
90 W. E. Thompson
sprang up as American companions to Harley-Davidson, and
talk of a rebirth of the famous Indian motorcycle flooded the
motorcycle subculture. The Japanese manufacturers, quick to
realize the resurgence of Harley-Davidson, began making
Harley ‘‘clones’’—larger and louder bikes that were difficult
to distinguish from the well-known popular ‘‘hog.’’ By 2007,
motorcycle registrations reached an all-time high of over 6
million, with middle-class men aged 35 to 50 accounting
for the largest number of sales, followed closely by middle-
class women in the same age categories (National Safety
Council 2007; Box 2007).
As the twenty-first century dawned, the world of motor-
cycles and motorcyclists, like almost everything else, became
dominated by the new technomedia, which included tele-
vision, radio, magazines, and other older forms of media but
added newer forms of media technology including cell
phones, ipods, and most importantly, the World Wide Web
(Thompson and Hickey 2008). Motorcycles are bought and

sold on-line through e-bay and other methods. Chat rooms
and message boards abound, and motorcycles, parts, and
accessories are as likely to be purchased on-line as from a
dealer. A 2006 movie, Wild Hogs, starred Tim Allen, John
Travolta, Martin Lawrence, and William H. Macy as ‘‘new
bikers’’ who encountered a band of ‘‘old bikers’’ while on a
cross-country jaunt. Although the movie portrayed the conflict
between ‘‘hard-core’’ bikers and the new suburban middle-
class motorcycle riders, today, with the exception of the
‘‘one-percenters’’ (see glossary of special argot), these two
groups share more in common than they do disparities, and
it is common to see members from each segment together at
rallies, restaurants, bars, or roadside stops, swapping stories
and accessories as if they were long-time friends.
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
Deviance has long been of interest to sociologists, but as
Goode and Vail (2008:xi) noted, the bulk of research on
deviance in the United States ’’. . . centers on the ‘big five’
sub-
jects, the meat-and-potatoes, nuts-and-bolts of deviance:
crime; alcoholism; illicit drug use; mental disorder; and sexual
deviance. . . .’’ While the motorcycle subculture has included
aspects of all five of those subjects, there is something else
Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 91
about the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture that is attractive to sociolo-
gists. Erving Goffman (1963) noted that most people labeled as
deviant experience stigma, a trait that disqualifies them from
full social acceptance. Given the negative social conse-
quences of stigma, most people do everything in their power
to avoid being stigmatized or discredited, often employing a

variety of information control techniques such as conceal-
ment of stigma symbols, passing, dividing the social world,
mutual aid, covering, and disclosure. This begs the question,
why then, would contemporary well-educated, middle-class,
professionals1 not only intentionally, but proudly, display the
stigma symbols of the motorcycle subculture, albeit tempo-
rarily, labeling themselves as deviant?
Symbolic interactionism offers an explanation of the
‘‘new biker’s’’ willingness to voluntarily enter the world of
deviance and stigma through definition of the situation, and
insistence that as people interact, they continually define and
redefine social situations and social reality (Thomas 1931;
Mead 1934; Lemert 1967; Blumer 1969). Herman and Miall
(1990:264) noted, ‘‘the possession of a discrediting attribute
can be a positive experience dependent on actor definitions
and actions.’’ Similarly, Gramling and Forsyth (1987)
described how people can exploit stigma to their benefit in
some social situations and under certain social conditions.
Consequently, the new biker subculture redefines old stigma
symbols into new status symbols. Thus, the new biker is not
engaging in deviance at all, but is in fact posing as a deviant
(pseudo-deviant) and experiences relatively little stigma,
perhaps what could be labeled as pseudo-stigma. Thus, the
new biker can appear to be a rebel and challenge the norms
and values of middle-class America, while simultaneously
conforming to norms and values related to capitalism, consu-
merism, freedom, and individuality. This deviant=conformist
spirit was captured in a 2007 television commercial that
depicted an apparent outlaw-biker-type leaving a diner
while a young waitress pursues him out the door begging
1The new biker subculture also includes blue-collar workers—
plumbers, construction
workers, truck drivers, and others, but observation and
interaction with these riders indicate

that they have much more in common with the new well-
educated, middle-class profes-
sionals who tend to dominate the new biker subculture and are
the focus of this study, than
they do the hard-core one-percenters of the past or present.
92 W. E. Thompson
him to take her with him. He pronounces, ‘‘No, I’m a loner,
an island—I always fly solo.’’ Meanwhile he is surrounded
by hundreds of people who are part of ‘‘the network’’ of
his cell phone carrier. She looks at all of them and back at
him, and he explains, ‘‘Well, except for my network—I like
to check my e-mails and get GPS directions if I get lost.’’ This
humorous, seemingly incongruous portrayal of the biker,
may be a realistic depiction of the paradoxical nature of
the new biker subculture. If the classic scene from Easy Rider
where Peter Fonda’s character removes his Rolex watch and
tosses it away to symbolize his new-found freedom were
replayed in real life today, dozens of members of the new
biker subculture would scramble from their bikes to recover
such a valuable possession. In fact, many of today’s new
bikers have small clocks mounted on their handlebars so that
they always know the time, and so they can terminate their
rides in time to go to work, attend a meeting, or ensure that
they do not miss their favorite television program.
This research also applies Walter Miller’s (1958) theory
of lower class focal concerns as a generating milieu for
delinquency to the new biker subculture. J. Mark Watson
(1980) concluded that ‘‘outlaw motorcyclists’’ were an out-
growth of lower class cultural concerns: trouble, toughness,
smartness, excitement, fate, and autonomy as outlined by
Miller (1958). This study analyzes the extent to which

the middle-class ‘‘new biker’’ subculture redefines and
embraces and=or expresses those same values.
METHOD
The author owned and rode motorcycles from the ages of 14
to 21. Like many baby boomers, after a 30-year hiatus, he
purchased a new motorcycle, attended a motorcycle safety
training course, and joined the ranks of the new biker subcul-
ture. Data for this descriptive study are derived from approxi-
mately a year and a half of participant observation and
information collected from ethnographic interviews with
over 40 (44) motorcycle riders, both male (n¼36) and female
(n¼8), ranging in age from 17 to 70. An interview schedule
was developed and followed as a general guideline, but all
interviews were conducted through casual conversations,
and like any meaningful ethnographic study, questions
were added, modified, and=or deleted as individual cir-
cumstances dictated. Although many of the fellow riders
knew that the author was a sociology professor, only three
specifically asked if the author was ‘‘conducting research.’’
In each case, when asked, the author responded in the
affirmative, and each of the subjects agreed to participate
fully. Otherwise, the author adopted the ‘‘don’t ask, don’t
tell’’ approach, simply riding, talking, and interacting with
other riders, but carefully noting meaningful symbols and
patterns of behaviors, while being sure to ask questions
pertinent to the research objectives. The author carried a
small spiral notebook and pen or pencil, and when alone
or unobserved by other riders made as detailed notes as
possible. No tape recorders or electronic devices were

used, and admittedly, the author relied on memory for
parts of conversations and direct quotes. On some occa-
sions, a friend and fellow rider or the author’s wife
(especially with women bikers), served as a research team
member who asked questions and helped the author
remember specific responses.2 Additional selected infor-
mation has been gleaned from on-line postings and
polls of over 500 motorcyclists on motorcycle message
boards.3
THE NEW BIKER SUBCULTURE
Simmons (1969) contends that most subcultures are infor-
mal, uncrystallized, and unstable, and with a few notable
exceptions, such as the Hell’s Angels,4 the commitment
of the participants is relatively weak and half-hearted. The
2If substantial parts of conversations could not be recalled, or if
there was disagreement
as to what a respondent said, or a difference in interpretation as
to what the respondent
meant, that portion of the interview was deleted.
3The author is a member of a couple of on-line message boards
for motorcycle riders
with access to post entries, respond to other posts, and to
conduct and=or participate in
on-line polls with other members of those boards. Where these
data are used in the article,
their source is duly noted.
4Simmons was writing about subcultures in general, and was
not specifically referring to
motorcycle subcultures. If he had been, he might just as well
have referred to the Bandidos,
Outlaws, Pagans, or any of the other ‘‘one-percenter’’ or outlaw

motorcycle clubs=gangs
who show equal commitment to the biker subculture, and more
importantly, to their
particular motorcycle clubs.
94 W. E. Thompson
new biker subculture probably fits that description, but the
financial expenditures linked to the purchase of today’s
motorcycles, parts, modifications, and apparel, along with
the high level of personal risk associated with riding motor-
cycles, demands a certain level of commitment and creates a
common bond among motorcycle riders, including even the
occasional ‘‘weekend warriors.’’ As Lyng (2005:4) noted,
’’. . . risk-takers almost always recognize one another as
brothers and sisters genetically linked by their desire to
experience the uncertainties of the edge.’’
‘‘Brotherhood of Bikers’’
Albeit a sexist term, ‘‘brotherhood’’ is an appropriate
description for the new biker subculture. Although
more women are riding than ever before (see section
on role of women), motorcycling is still predominantly a
male enterprise, and the new biker subculture is a male-
dominated world. Further, the term brotherhood implies
a bond that goes beyond mere acquaintance or simply par-
ticipating in the same activity. As one woman confided to
the author at a rally, ‘‘I love these guys (as she gestured
toward hundreds of bikers). I feel like they are my broth-
ers, and they treat me like I’m one of them. One thing I
know for sure, when I’m on the road, these guys have
my back.’’

Longstanding ‘‘feuds’’ developed between Harley riders
and those who ride Japanese bikes dating back to the late
1940s and early 1950s when World War II veterans
returned home from war with Germany and Japan, and
many of them took up motorcycle riding, in part, because
it provided excitement for young men who had risked
everything in war. Out of work, and fresh from the cama-
raderie of the military, many of the young men hung
around motorcycle garages and bars and formed motor-
cycle clubs and gangs. These veterans were not about to
ride German or Japanese motorcycles after having just
fought a major world war against those countries. In his
autobiography, Ralph ‘‘Sonny’’ Barger, founder of the
Hell’s Angels, admits that many of the Japanese motor-
cycles and the BMW were faster and more dependable,
but the Hell’s Angels committed to riding Harley-Davidsons
because they were American made (Barger et al. 2001:53).5
Nevertheless, today in the new biker subculture, Harley-
Davidsons, BMWs, Yamahas, Hondas, Suzukis, and other
brands of motorcycles are almost indistinguishable, and
riders of all makes and models share the road and perpetu-
ate the spirit of brotherhood among bikers. For example,
when the author stopped to refuel at a station along an
interstate highway and encountered two couples on Har-
ley-Davidsons and asked, ‘‘You guys aren’t the types who
hate Honda riders are you?’’ Reminiscent of Watson’s
(1980) finding that outlaw bikers never talk bad about
another rider because he’s a brother, one of the men
responded, ‘‘Hey, as long as you ride, that’s all that mat-
ters,’’ as the other man nodded in agreement. Then, one

of the women jokingly added, ‘‘You’re welcome to join
us, but we do make the Japanese bikes ride in the back
of the pack.’’ Throughout this research project, the author
rode in groups, attended rallies, and visited biker shops
and bars that included all makes and models of motor-
cycles.
Still, just as Watson (1980) asserted about the outlaw
bikers, nothing symbolizes the new biker subculture more
than the Harley-Davidson motorcycle. The author encoun-
tered one biker who was looking longingly at the new
models at a Honda dealership. The man said, ‘‘I’ve ridden
Hondas since the 1960 s and absolutely love ‘em—best
bike ever made—but I finally broke down this summer
and bought a Harley.’’ When asked why, he ducked his
head and confessed, ‘‘Peer pressure—all my buddies ride
Harleys, and we formed a little club and they made it part
of the by-laws that we’ve gotta ride a Harley to be a mem-
ber.’’ Then, he quickly added, ‘‘But hey, we still like all
the brothers who ride and anybody can ride any kind of
bike with us, they just can’t wear our colors.’’
5It is interesting that Harley-Davidson has developed almost a
cult-like following based
largely on the image created by its early association with the
Hell’s Angels and other outlaw
biker groups. Yet, the founder of the Hell’s Angels writes about
Harleys: ‘‘It’s always been
important for Hell’s Angels to ride American-made machines.
In terms of pure workman-
ship, personally I don’t like Harleys. I ride them because I’m in
the club, and that’s the ima-
ge . . . We really missed the boat not switching over to the
Japanese models when they began
building bigger bikes’’ (Barger 2005:53).

96 W. E. Thompson
Motorcyclists almost always acknowledge one another
on the road. The so-called biker wave consists of extend-
ing the left arm out from the body at waist level, usually
showing two fingers (the index and middle finger like a
horizontal peace sign). This gesture, like many other ele-
ments of the biker subculture, has both symbolic and
pragmatic elements. Symbolically, it is a very casual and
nonchalant gesture befitting the ‘‘coolness’’ associated
with riding a motorcycle. One can hardly imagine a
biker raising and waving his hand like an excited school
girl or a celebrity in a parade. Also, the specificity of
the wave is only ‘‘known’’ by fellow riders, thus, if some-
body in a car or truck waves to a cyclist in that manner,
the rider immediately knows the person is a member of
the ‘‘brotherhood.’’ Pragmatically, riding a motorcycle
with two hands firmly on the handlebars is dangerous
enough. Removing the right hand is impractical because
it releases the throttle, and while removing the left hand
is much safer because it does not affect the speed of
the bike, any waving motion is likely to affect the rider’s
balance.
Other evidence of the biker brotherhood can be found
in the so-called biker code. There is an unwritten code
among motorcyclists that you never leave another biker
stranded. If motorcyclists see a biker on the side of the
road, they generally stop to check on the rider’s well-
being, help with repairs, provide a ride to the nearest ser-
vice station, or at least offer to make a phone call or pro-
vide other assistance. Often they will hang around until
help arrives. As one rider told the author, ‘‘One thing I
can always count on, is if my scoot goes down, there’s

always a brother who will stop and help.’’ A female rider
told the author,
It’s funny, but if I’m in my car and it breaks down, I
immediately get on my cell phone and call my husband
or Triple A. I actually hope that nobody stops and offers
to help, because it scares me that they might be up to no
good. But when I ride my bike, if it breaks down, I just wait
for another biker to ride by. I know they will always stop,
and I never fear for my safety. I just know that another
biker would never hurt me.
As with any subculture, however, such blind trust may be
misplaced.6 In at least one situation a friend of the author
had a flat tire on the interstate. Over an hour and a half, at
least a dozen motorcyclists rode past the stranded rider
and waved, but none stopped or offered assistance. When
the author related this experience to a motorcyclist at a rally
who was touting the virtues of the ‘‘biker brotherhood,’’ the
rider simply acknowledged, ‘‘Hey, there are assholes in
every group, and just ‘cause their ridin’ a bike don’t change
that—still, I ain’t never seen a rider pass a brother up, and I
know I never would.’’
Today, more and more of the new bikers are members of
Triple A, motorcycle clubs, riders’ associations, or have
motorcycle insurance, which provide 24-hour roadside
assistance and=or towing services. Most riders carry cell
phones, and thus, brotherhood or not, help is never far away.
Formal Organizations

As with most subcultures, in addition to informal associa-
tions, networks, and support groups, the new biker subcul-
ture offers a host of formal organizations. Nationally, the
largest motorcycling organization is the American Motorcyc-
list Association (AMA), founded in 1924. The AMA has ‘‘an
unparalleled history of pursuing, protecting and promoting
the interests of the world’s largest and most dedicated group
of motorcycle enthusiasts’’ (AMA 2007). The AMA focuses
on motorcyclists’ rights through lobbying efforts and govern-
ment relations work, and also sanctions road and off-road
riding activities, as well as oversees professional and amateur
racing events.
The Motorcycle Riders Foundation (MRF) serves as an
aggressive, independent national advocate for the advance-
ment of motorcycling and its associated lifestyle (MRF 2007).
And the Motorcycle Safety Foundation (MSF) is an inter-
nationally recognized non-profit foundation that provides
leadership to the motorcycle safety community through its
6There is much variation in the norm of mutual assistance
among riders of different types
of motorcycles. These variations are often based less on make
of motorcycle than on model
or type. Those who ride cruisers and tour bikes often shun
riders of sports bikes, and vice-
versa. Also, it would be rare for a one-percenter or outlaw
motorcyclist to stop and assist
any one other than a fellow member of the same gang=club.
98 W. E. Thompson
expertise, tools, safety courses, and partnerships. The major
message of the MSF (2007) is:

1. Get trained and licensed.
2. Wear protective gear—all the gear, all the time—includ-
ing a helmet manufactured to the standards set by the
DOT.
3. Ride unimpaired by alcohol or other drugs.
4. Ride within your own skill limits.
5. Be a lifelong learner by taking refresher courses.
Hard-core bikers and the ‘‘one-percenters’’ may ignore
these admonitions (Smith 2006), but participants in the
new biker subculture are much more likely to adhere to
them. In this study, almost three-fourths (32) of the bikers
had taken a certified MSF safety course, and approximately
one-half (23) of them reported that they routinely wear a
DOT (Department of Transportation)—approved helmet
when they ride. Twelve (27.3%) of the 44 admitted, how-
ever, that they drank alcohol and rode on a fairly regular
basis, and 36 (81.8%) said they had drunk at least
one beer and ridden. These numbers are comparable
to those found in on-line polls where out of 381 riders,
269 (70.6%) reported they had taken a certified MSF course,
255 (66.9%) said they wore a helmet at least some of the
time, and 301 (79%) said they had ridden after consuming
alcohol.
There are a number of other national, state, and local
motorcycle organizations and almost every manufacturer
offers an organization or ‘‘club’’ for its riders. These organi-
zations promote solidarity and legitimacy for the new biker
subculture that did not previously exist. They also sponsor
websites, message boards, and chat rooms where riders
can be updated on safety recalls, new models, rallies, and
events, as well as communicate with one another, buy and

sell motorcycles and accessories, or discuss a wide variety
of topics both related and unrelated to the world of motor-
cycles.
Message Boards and Chat Rooms
As with almost every aspect of American culture, the World
Wide Web’s influence can be seen in the new biker subcul-
ture. Old fashioned gang fights and ‘‘rumbles’’ of the 1950s
and 1960s have been replaced with Internet blogs, chat
rooms, and message boards where Harley riders and riders
of other brand motorcycles (especially Japanese bikes) chide,
disparage, and ‘‘beat up’’ one another. The author is a mem-
ber of a Honda rider’s association that sponsors 12 separate
message boards just for riders of his particular make and
model (VTX), 53 state or regional message boards, and one
message board called ‘‘Harley vs. Honda,’’ which is solely
devoted to posts comparing and contrasting the Honda
VTX to Harley-Davidsons with entries ranging from jokes
and good-natured ‘‘barbs,’’ to nasty jibes and all-out threats
of physical bodily harm (which are prohibited by the board’s
rules, but manage to make their way onto the board, never-
theless).
Through these message boards and chat rooms, members
become ‘‘acquainted,’’ and swap mechanical tips, discuss
modifications and repairs to particular makes and models
of motorcycles, announce upcoming rides, rallies, and
events, and buy and sell motorcycles and parts. Additionally,
the ‘‘brotherhood of bikers’’ comes to life on these boards as
members post when fellow riders have been injured in acci-

dents, had a bike stolen or damaged, or otherwise have
suffered some personal hardship or tragedy. In these cases,
it is common for fellow riders to donate money, send free
replacement parts, or offer up prayers, condolences, and
well wishes for their ‘‘brethren’’ who are experiencing diffi-
cult times. Conversely, if a member posts that he or she has
been cheated by a dealer, an on-line company, or a fellow
member of the board, the information spreads like wildfire,
prompting everything from chastisement and denounce-
ments, to boycotts of companies and removal of member’s
privileges to participate on the message board. The intensity
of this type of networking in cyberspace can be found in a
plea made by one member who was accused by another
of not sending a part after the former had paid him
the requested amount, and a rash of messages appeared
condemning the seller:
Hey guys, it was not my fault. I shipped the part, but it must
have got lost. You guys all know me. I would never cheat
anybody. All I got is my integrity on this board and I ain’t
about to sacrifice that for a lousy 35 bucks.
100 W. E. Thompson
Nevertheless, after several board members intervened, and
several posts went back and forth in which the seller claimed
he had sent the part by UPS but was not given a tracking
number, the readers ‘‘ruled’’ that the seller must refund the
buyer his $35 and make a public apology, or lose his posting
and selling privileges on the board. Within 24 hours, a public
apology appeared along with a statement that the money had
been refunded. When the aggrieved party acknowledged
that the money had been reinstated in his PayPal account,
all was forgiven, and board members determined that justice

had prevailed.
Meaningful Symbols
Watson (1980) noted that outlaw bikers adopt certain
symbols, including extensive tattooing, beards, dirty jeans,
earrings, skullcaps, boots, and cut-off jackets or vests with
patches and pins attached—often with a club emblem or
their ‘‘colors.’’ He contended the single most important sym-
bol was the Harley-Davidson V-twin motorcycle. Today, in
the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture if you replace ‘‘dirty jeans’’ with
clean designer jeans, leather chaps, or expensive leather
pants, and allow for a few ‘‘Harley clones’’ made by Victory,
Honda, Yamaha, and Suzuki, the symbols are pretty much
the same.
Tattoos
A study shows that between 12 and 20 million Americans,
almost one-fourth of all those between ages 18 and 50, have
tattoos (Bridges 2006), and that proportion is noticeably
higher among motorcyclists. ‘‘Getting tattooed in a motor-
cycle gang is considered good and conforms to the rules—
of a motorcycle gang’’ (Goode and Vail 2008:xiii). It is not
uncommon to find tattoo parlors located in the same build-
ings, on the same property, or adjacent to motorcycle shops,
biker garages, or biker bars. Of the 44 riders interviewed in
this study, 19 sported readily visible tattoos and another 8
indicated they had tattoos hidden by their clothing. Some
of the tattoos were motorcycle related (Harley-Davidson
logos or other motorcycle insignias), but most ran the run-
of-the-mill from the person’s initials, to popular designs such
as roses, dragons, tribal designs, and Chinese characters
that presumably stood for ‘‘freedom,’’ ‘‘peace,’’ or the rider’s

name. Four of the riders sported ‘‘family’’ tattoos with names
of wife and=or children, and two men sported the breast
cancer awareness ribbon, but not in its traditional color of
pink. All but one of the women in the study had tattoos—
the most popular being located on the lower back just above
the buttocks, or near the ankle. At motorcycle shows and
rallies, both men and women sport a wide range of colorful
tattoos, and some tattoo artists set up a temporary shop
wherever bikers gather in large numbers.
Facial Hair and Earrings
Beards are also common in the new biker subculture with
a large portion of the men in this study (27=36) sporting facial
hair. Many of the male riders wear an earring in the left ear-
lobe, and some wear earrings in both ears. Additionally,
when talking to riders up close, the author noticed that sev-
eral of the men who did not wear earrings had tiny impres-
sions in the left earlobe indicating that the ear had been
pierced. In talking with male riders sporting earrings, the
author found that in many cases, the riders’ ears had
been pierced in the 1970s or 1980s and that today the only
time the rider wore an earring was on weekends when
riding his bike, attending rallies, or otherwise fraternizing
in the biker subculture.
Leather Chaps/Pants Versus Dirty Jeans
Doctors, lawyers, college professors, and other white-
collar professionals rarely don dirty jeans to do anything,
much less ride their $10,000�$30,000 motorcycles. Jeans
are often part of the new biker’s wardrobe, but they are as
often as not covered with leather chaps, or replaced with

leather pants, especially in cold weather. Leather serves both
symbolic and pragmatic functions for the new biker. Symbo-
lically, it is a visible link to previous biker subcultures and
‘‘personifies’’ the biker look. Pragmatically, however, as
the old saying goes, ‘‘There are two kinds of bikers—those
who have, and those who will.’’ Every motorcycle rider
knows that they risk going down on a motorcycle, which
even in a best-case scenario, means coming into contact
with gravel, blacktop, concrete, or worse. ‘‘Road rash’’ is a
reality, and bikers know that if they go down, any fabric is
better than bare skin, denim is better than most other fabrics,
102 W. E. Thompson
and leather is much more protective than denim. Many riders
wear as much leather as possible both for looks and safety.
Thus, leather chaps, pants, boots, vests, jackets, gloves,
and skullcaps are an essential part of most bikers’ wardrobes.
Some pants and jackets are even fitted with rubber, plastic,
or Kevlar inserts at vital areas such as knees, crotch, spine,
elbows, and shoulders for additional protection should the
rider be involved in an accident.
Skullcaps and Bandanas
More of the new bikers are likely to wear protective
helmets than their predecessors, but skullcaps and banda-
nas are still an important part of the new biker subculture.
Rarely does one encounter a bareheaded rider on a motor-
cycle. If not wearing a helmet, riders usually sport a leather
skullcap or one made of brightly colored bandana material.
Even those who wear helmets can be seen wearing banda-
nas beneath them, or donning them when they remove
the helmet at bike shows or rallies. Helmets, skullcaps,

and bandanas tend to be either solid black, or brightly
colored and adorned with iron crosses, flames, skulls,
dragons, and other symbols suggesting a throwback to the
outlaw motorcycle subculture.
Boots
High top leather boots are a mainstay of the new biker
subculture and serve both symbolic and practical purposes.
Boots look ‘‘tougher’’ than shoes, and they are. Just as leather
pants and jackets provide added protection, so do boots that
come above the ankle, especially those equipped with steel
toes. Bikers shift with their left foot, which usually involves
stepping down on, and hooking a toe under and pulling up
on a gear shift lever. Bikers also often put their feet down,
not only at stops, but sometimes at slow speeds. No shoe will
stand up to that kind of wear, tear, and abuse.
Jackets and Vests
Other than a motorcycle, could any single item symbolize
the biker subculture more than a leather jacket? In fact,
leather jackets with wide lapels, zippered pockets, and
belts at the waist are called ‘‘motorcycle jackets.’’ As with
leather chaps, pants, and gloves, jackets and vests provide
protection if riders go down. Just as important, however,
jackets and vests provide walking ‘‘billboards’’ for motorcy-
clists. It is rare to see a new biker wearing a leather jacket or
vest that is not adorned with at least one, and usually several,
pins, patches, and insignias. The ‘‘old bikers’’ usually only
wore their ‘‘colors’’—club insignias or gang logos as do

today’s ‘‘one-percenters,’’ but the new bikers tend to adorn
their leathers with stick pins and patches denoting motor-
cycle shows or rallies attended, as well as patches bearing
manufacturers’ logos or ‘‘bumper sticker’’ slogans such as:
‘‘loud pipes save lives,’’ ‘‘$15 thousand and 15 miles does
not make you a biker,’’ and perennial favorite, ‘‘Ride to
live—Live to Ride.’’ Other frequently seen patches denote
local and regional riding clubs, MSF safety course com-
pletion, and various religious riding groups, such as ‘‘Bikers
for Christ,’’ and others.
Argot
Finally, as with any subculture, the new biker subculture
has its own language, or special argot, that creates and main-
tains boundary maintenance. Riders can talk for hours about
bikes, modifications, shows, rallies, bars, and other motor-
cycle-related topics that would provide little interest and
even less information to cagers who would not know ape
hangers from jug huggers (see glossary at end of article for
specific examples). Moreover, individual clubs, message
boards, and other factions within the subculture often have
their own language, slang, and nomenclature.
Role of Women
In traditional biker culture, especially in outlaw motorcycle
gangs, the role of women was clearly defined: although
equally tough as the men, the equality stopped there. They
were considered property to be used (for sexual and servant
purposes), traded, and given or thrown away at the biker’s
discretion (Thompson 1967; Watson 1980; Hopper and
Moore 1990).
Despite decades of feminist progress, females still play
many of the same roles in today’s new biker subculture.

No motorcycle rally, large or small, would be complete
without ‘‘biker babes,’’ bikini bike washes, and wet t-shirt
contests. Female motorcycle apparel includes leather bras,
104 W. E. Thompson
leather bustiers, and sexy outfits accentuated by low-cut
bodices, bare midriffs, and lots of lace and fringe. Biker
babes and beer girls in halter tops and ‘‘Daisy Duke’’ shorts
serve beer to bikers and pose for photos on motorcycles for
tips. Motorcycle advertisements exploit women as sex
objects and use blatant sexuality to recruit men into the biker
subculture.
But today’s biker subculture also includes a number of
wives and girlfriends who ride with their husbands or boy-
friends, and like the new riders, are often well-educated
professionals who adopt the pseudo-deviant persona on
weekends and holidays. These women may drive Volvos
with ‘‘Keep Abortion Legal’’ bumper stickers during the
week, and might file a sexual harassment charge against
a co-worker for telling a sexist joke or for passing along
an off-color e-mail, but they seem to have no problem
tipping the bikini-clad beer girls, or cheering on contest-
ants in the wet t-shirt contest at a bike rally. Like their
male counterparts, these apparent ‘‘posers’’ go a step
further, fully adopting their pseudo-deviant role, if only
temporarily.
Moreover, the new biker subculture includes a number
of women who own and ride their own bikes. Women
have been riding motorcycles for a very long time but
the number of female motorcyclists has always been rela-
tively small compared to that of male riders (Pierson

Remember you have two things due on the same day1. Prelimi.docx

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