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An Examination and Critique of Luther’s Ecclesiology
Peter Noble BTh
Ridley College
Word Count: 2194
Date: 4th Sep 2015

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Abstract
This paper is an examination of Martin Luther’s ecclesiology. Examined precisely
will be his understanding of the relationship between the Word and the Church,
his interpretation of comunio sanctorum, his concept of the Two Kingdoms and
how this concept influences or flows from and through his ecclesiology. Lastly is
a critique of the strengths and weaknesses of Luther’s ecclesiological doctrine
whilst comparing scholar’s thoughts. In closing I have found that Luther’s
ecclesiology is mostly strong, for he appeals to the traditions of the ecumenical
councils to prove he is being consistent with their position within the historical
Church perspective. Whilst his Church doctrine does have some weaknesses
concerning the areas of mission, evangelism, eschatology and the lack of a well
thought out Episcopal system, overall Luther’s doctrine of the Church is hard to
fault, so far as the core matters of salvation or community are concerned.

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Introduction
Luther’s ecclesiology can be difficult to navigate. However, if systematically
structured, it can be watertight. His ecclesiology was also—not just for a rainy
day, but can be argued—pre-reformated1 and already thought through, as Karl
Holl argues that Luther’s ecclesiology can be found in Luther’s early lectures on
the Psalms (1513-1515).2 That’s approximately 2 to 5 years before the nailing of
Luther’s Theses in Wittenberg! This means Luther’s ecclesiology was not created
‘all on the run’ as some scholars have argued, but a strong ecclesial frame was
already well developed before the conflicts and debates of 1517-1521.
I would argue Luther’s ecclesiology is fundamentally linked with Jesus—the
Word. What’s more, Luther clearly shows the Word precedes the Church, for
where the Word is, there also can the true Church be found. For apart from the
Word, the Church ceases to be. His ecclesiology is good, well grounded in sola
scriptura, not to mention through the Reformation controversies he pushes very
hard to show his ecclesiology is consistent with the ecumenical church councils
of the Early Church Fathers.3
In this paper I will attempt to outline and examine the bigger ideas of Luther’s
ecclesiology by firstly examining a brief overview of how and what Luther
thought about the Church. Secondly the relationship between the Church and the
Word, along with Luther’s understanding of ‘community of Saints’. Thirdly,
Luther’s understanding of the Church in relation to the World with his concept of
the Two Kingdoms. And lastly will be a thorough critique of Luther’s
ecclesiological strengths and weaknesses.
1 Yes, that's right. I just invented a new word.
2 Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte: Luther und die schwärmer (6th Ed.;
2 Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte: Luther und die schwärmer (6th Ed.;
Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1928), 288-325.
3 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 37: Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper, 1528 (trans. by.
Robert H. Fischer; American ed.; Philadelphia: Mulenberg Press, 1961), [Luther affirms the
universality of the Church, quoting Cyprian 'Outside this Christian Church there is no salvation or
forgiveness of sins.'], 368.

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Point 1: Luther’s ecclesiology at a glance
Luther loved the Church. He originally had no intention to start a ‘new church’
for he knew of none other, loving her so much that he had written deep songs
about her,4 as well as contributing much to the music in Church life and culture,
even long after his death.5 At times it seemed like a love-hate relationship, for he
once said ‘…I, who love not only the Roman Church but the whole church of
Christ with the purest love, am hostile to the Roman Church.’6 Of course, this
context shows that it became clearer from about 1520 that a break with the
Church was becoming irreconcilable. The Babylonian Captivity7 is said the be the
marking of ‘…Luther’s final and irrevocable break with the church of Rome.’8
Through out Luther’s early years he had developed a theology to combat the
false practices within the Catholic Church, for in his time the Church was
‘…corrupt…financially…[and]…morally too.’9 For Luther, Ecclesiology and Papal
authority were ‘…the hot issues.’10 In reforming the church, Luther’s aim was
always ‘…to return to the Scriptures and ancient church tradition, to increase
rather than decrease the church’s catholicity.’11 It is precisely this tradition of the
four ecumenical councils that were established to protect the Church from
error.12 Luther along with the Protestant movement had rightly come to a point
of losing faith in Catholic Councils, so much that they ‘…do not believe that a
council, properly assembled and constituted, will necessarily be led by the Holy
Spirit to an infallible definition of the truth. Councils have come to decisions
which were nothing more than human, historically conditioned acts.’13
Consistent with Luther’s historical appeal, Bezzant argues that ‘…it is
4 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 53: Liturgy and Hymns (ed. by. Ulrich S. Leupold and
Helmut T. Lehmann; American ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1960), [’To me she’s dear, the
worthy maid, And I cannot forget her; Praise honor, virtue of her are said; Then all I love her
better.’], 293; Martin Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe: Band 35
(Works.1883; Weimar: H. Böhlau, 1883), [’Sie ist mir werde magd..’], 525.
5 Theo Hoelty-Nickel, Harold J. Grimm, and George W. Forell, Luther and Culture (Martin Luther
Lectures; Decorah, Iowa: Luther College Press, 1960), 144-211.
6 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works: Volume 27: Lectures on Galatians (American Edition.; St. Louis,
Mo: Concordia Publishing House, 1964), 159.
7 Martin Luther, Luther’s works: Word and Sacrament II (American ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress
Press, 1959), 11-126.
8 Luther, Luther’s works: Word and Sacrament II, 8.
9 Rhys S. Bezzant, Standing on their shoulders: heroes of the faith for today (Moreland, Vic: Acorn
Press, 2015), 16.
10 Donald K. McKim, ed., The Cambridge companion to Martin Luther (Cambridge companions to
religion; Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 98.
11 Carl E. Braaten, Robert W. Jenson, and Center for Catholic and Evangelical Theology, eds., The
catholicity of the Reformation (Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B. Eerdmans, 1996) [emphasis mine], viii.
12 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 41: On the Councils and the Church (ed. by. Eric W.
Gritsch; trans. by. Charles M. Jacobs; American ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), 5-184.
13 Steinmetz, ‘The Martin Luther Quincentennial: Luther and Calvin on Church and Tradition’.
[Luther was tired of falsehood from the Papacy, attempting to expose it, he reinterprets scripture,
bound by his conscience to combat the authority of the Pope.], 109.

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possible…’14 to plea to the ‘…individual’s freedom of conscience…’15 as Luther
had done, in doing so he bypassed the Pope and the Church’s authority to
interpret the scriptures. By this he proved the Councils had erred and Papacy to
be fallible.
Point 2: The Word proceeds the Church and
The Church as the Community of Saints
Luther writes, ‘…the church…cannot be without the Word. If it is without the
Word it ceases to be a church.’16 This ‘basic axiom,’17 writes Bayer, is from where
all Luther’s ecclesiology unfolds.18 Concerning this term, the Word, Bornkamm
writes ‘…Luther could find no more fitting expression for Christ…[from]…the
Gospel of St. John…’19 In addition, Watson notes, for Luther the two terms are
‘…virtually interchangeable…’20
If where the Word is, the Church is there also. Therefore it should further be
assumed that Christians are there in fellowship and community with one another
through the Word. Through out Luther’s writings he interprets comunio
sanctorum commonly as ‘the communion of saints.’21 This ‘communion’22 is the
idea of a group of Christians in sharing and participation. Taylor speak also of
this term as— Luther’s economy of atonement,23 defining it thusly:
…believers can cover the sins of one another in such a way that is
efficacious. [Meaning]…the concept that one can cover the sin of
14 Bezzant, Standing on their shoulders, 15.
15 Bezzant, Standing on their shoulders, 15.
16 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 40: Concerning Ministry (ed. by. Helmut T. Lehmann;
trans. by. Jeremiah J. Bergendoff; American ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958), 37.
17 Oswald Bayer, Martin Luther’s theology: a contemporary interpretation (Grand Rapids, Mich:
W.B. Eerdmans, 2008), 257.
18 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 51: Eight Sermons at Wittenberg, 1522 (trans. by. John W.
Doberstein; American ed.; Philadelphia: Mulenberg Press, 1960), [Luther's sermons reflect on the
incredible reform in Wittenberg which had happened at such a fast, physical and spiritual pace of
Church growth and change, noting through the years he says, 'I did nothing; the Word did
everything.'], 77.
19 Heinrich Bornkamm, Luther’s World of Thought (trans. by. Martin H. Bertram; Saint Louis, Mo:
Concordia Publishing House, 1958), 136.
20 Philip S. Watson, Let God be God: An Interpretation of the theology of Martin Luther (London,
UK: Epworth Press, 1947), 149.
21 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 35: Word and Sacrament I (American ed.; Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1960), 49–73; Gordon Rupp, ‘Luther And The Doctrine of the Church’, Scott. J.
Theol. (1956): 384–92.
22 Paul Althaus, The theology of Martin Luther (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), [Althaus
elaborates "communion" means 'congregation, group, community, gathering, and assembly,
[congregatio, Haufe, Gemeinde, Sammlung, Versammlung] or refers to "particpation"
[Gemeinschaft]…' 294.
23 Stephen M Taylor, ‘Sharing Within the Community of Saints: A Study of Luther’s Ecclesiology’,
Am. Baptist Q. 14/3 (1995): 260–269.

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another with his righteousness in a seemingly spiritual way that is
acceptable before God…24
Because Luther believed in the concept of sharing as a community of believers
with all that God gives the Christian, Luther saw it fitting also that all share in
‘…works, sufferings, merits, mercies, and possessions, for the comfort and
strengthening of all who are in anxiety and sorrow, persecuted by the devil, sins,
the world, the flesh and every evil.’25 For Luther being a Christian was very much
about understanding Christian community as ‘gift and task’26 or, ‘receiving’
producing action to serve. In other words, everything that a Christian owns
belongs to every other Christian as a gift from God to the body of Christ.
Therefore each believer equips and serves others with their gift to strengthen
the Church.
Amongst Luther’s ecclesial compass is another huge concept, the priesthood of all
believers.27 Contrary to popular Lutheran Theologian scholarship, this actual
phrase is nowhere to found in Luther’s writings28—but clearly the concept is
there. Luther was not at all down playing the office of priests, rather the
contrary, meaning ‘…his point was to assert the fundamental liberty and equality
of all Christians…’29 In this concept Luther argues it is the ‘…right and duty of
every Christian to spread the Gospel; he is obliged to do so on pain of losing his
soul and incurring the grave displeasure of the Lord.’30 Luther concludes that all
Christians share the same power as priests, but not the same right to exercise it
in the public sphere.
24 Taylor, ‘Sharing Within the Community of Saints’, 263.
25 Luther, Luther’s works Volume 35: The Blessed Sacrament Of The Holy And True Body Of Christ,
And The Brotherhoods, [emphasis mine], 60.
26 Althaus, The theology of Martin Luther, 304.
27 Rupp, ‘Luther And The Doctrine of the Church’, 389.
28 Timothy J Wengert, Priesthood, Pastors, Bishops: Public Ministry for the Reformation and Today
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2008), [Wengert argues and proves, that '…Das allgemeine
Priestertum aller Gläubigen…[is]…nowhere to be found in Luther's writings.' pg 1 '…I hope, to
cast doubt on some of American Lutheranism's most cherished ideas about the reformers' views
on the common priesthood of the whole people of God.' pg 103].
29 Harro Hopfl, Martin Luther, and Jean Calvin, eds., Luther and Calvin on secular authority
(Cambridge texts in the history of political thought; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1991), x.
30 Paul D. L. Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers (New foundations theological
library; Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox Press, 1981), 178.

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Point 3: The Church and the World or
Luther’s doctrine of The Two Kingdoms
Luther had developed a striking concept to answer the question, what is the
relationship of the Christian to the world? Luther’s answer was his grand
concept of his doctrine of two kingdoms.31 While Avis argues this concept is
‘…misleading by itself’32 Bornkamm argues this notion is not a one off, but rather
is found widely through all Luther’s theology and writings.33 Luther picked up on
the two-kingdom concept from Augustine (civitas terrena and the civitas Dei) and
acknowledges so. Whereas Augustine was more concerned with a more ‘one-
dimensional’ idea of just secular and spiritual or to use his own terms, ‘the
earthy and the heavenly,’34 Luther expanded the concept far more into all areas
of life and ecclesial matters presenting it as inseparable but distinct, such as:
Kingdom of God vs. worldly kingdom, Gospel vs. law, the faithful vs. the infidels,
spiritual vs. secular, for one’s self vs. for others, the Word of God vs. the sword,
and so forth.
The Church in relation to the Eucharist and Baptism
It can be argued Luther’s biggest most controversial ecclesial changes were in
and from his theology of the sacraments. In his treatise The Babylonian Captivity
of the Church35 was his view of consubstantiation,36 described as a sign of the
31 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 45: Temporal Authority: To What Extend it Should be
Obeyed. (American ed.; St. Louis, Mo: Concordia Pub. House, 1955), 81–129; Thomas F. Torrance,
Kingdom and church: a study in the theology of the Reformation (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd,
1956), 52; Bernhard Lohse, Martin Luther: An Introduction To His Life And Work (Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1986), 186–92; William John Wright, Martin Luther’s understanding of God’s two
kingdoms: a response to the challenge of skepticism (Texts and studies in Reformation and post-
Reformation thought; Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Academic, 2010), 17; Martin Luther, Luther’s
works Volume 46: Admonition To Peace. A Reply To The Twelve Articles Of The Peasants In Swabia.
(American ed.; St. Louis, Mo: Concordia Pub. House, 1955), [’There are two kingdoms, one the
kingdom of God, the other the kingdom of the world. I have written this so often that I’m
surprised that there is anyone who does not know it or remember it.’], 69-70.; David C.
Steinmetz, Luther In Context (2nd Ed.; Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Academic, 1995), 112–25.
32 Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers, 145.
33 Bornkamm, Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms, [‘Luther’s two kingdom doctrine is so
completely woven into his total theology that one can follow the threads in all directions: to his
view of God, his doctrine of the creation and preservation of the world, his Christology, his
eschatology, his concept of the church, of reason, of justice, and so forth. One is therefore well
advised not to derive it from a single theologoumenon…’] 29.
34 Augustin, Augustin: City of God (ed. by. Phillip Schaff; Fourth Printing 2004.; Nicene and post-
nicene fathers 1st; Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Publishers, 1887), 205.
35 Lindberg, The European Reformations sourcebook, [In this document Luther attacks the abuse
and misuse of the sacramental duties of the Church noting there are not seven but duly two—
Baptism and The Lord’s Supper. The sacraments as Luther argues are not just for the priests, but
all laity. The captivity of ‘threats’ and ‘gravest dangers’ to any man who would dare attack the
theology of the Catholic position and lastly the captivity of the Supper being a ‘good work and a
sacrifice’ Luther describes as ‘by far the most wicked’], 39.
36 Jaroslav Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700) (The Christian tradition 4;
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 201, 268; Philip S. Watson, Let God be God: An
Interpretation of the theology of Martin Luther (London, UK: Epworth Press, 1947), 163.

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covenant,37 a memorial containing the real presence38 and promise39 of Christ as
opposed to the Catholic position of transubstantiation,40 consisting in the
changing of substance of the sacrament from literal bread and wine—into literal
flesh and blood while the out-would physical elements do not actually change.
Amongst this obscured idea Luther fought against the sacrificial view41 that the
mass or Eucharist was a ‘sacrifice’ of the body and blood of Christ, to which he
spoke of as ‘…the most wicked.’42
A secondary point to Luther’s ecclesiology is the ability of how an individual can
actually know and understand what the Church is, unless it be through the
sacraments. For example Luther describes, ‘[t]he Church is a high, deep and
hidden thing which one may neither perceive nor see but must grasp only by
faith through baptism, sacrament and word.’43 This idea points back to the
mystery of what the Church is and how the individual’s faith is ground. As
Oberman writes concerning the 16th century concept of spiritual warfare
between God, the Devil and the battle for one’s soul, that by receiving the
sacraments, one’s conscience could be settled and remain confident in the
promises of God—‘[t]hus baptism and holy communion are the solid ground on
which the certainty of a Christian’s faith rests.’44
Point 4: A Critique of Luther’s Ecclesiology
The ecclesial muscle of Luther’s reforms are many, perhaps most notable his
success to derail clerical domination and oppression through the abuse of
sacraments. This lead to a greater ownership of laity’s share in Church
government and governance. In addition Luther’s unrelenting push to redefine
the very essence of ‘what makes Church, Church?’ Luther argued it is not the
legally constituted authoritive-hierarchy of papacies, diets, canons, buildings or
even clergy that defined the Church—but rather the Reformers describe the
Church as ‘…the assembly of all believers among whom the Gospel is purely
preached and the holy sacraments administered according to the gospel.’45 This
37 Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700), 242.
38 Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700), 158-161.
39 Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700), 257.
40 Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700), 55-59.
41 Pelikan, Reformation of church and dogma (1300-1700), 55-56.
42 Lindberg, The European Reformations sourcebook, 39.
43 Martin Luther, Luther’s works Volume 41: Against Hanswurst (1541) (ed. by. Eric W. Gritsch;
trans. by. W. P. Stephens; American ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), 211; Martin Luther,
D. Martin Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe: Band 2 (Works. 1883; Weimar: H. Böhlau,
1883), 752.
44 Heiko A. Oberman, Luther: man between God and the devil (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1989), 227.
45 Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche, The Book of Concord: The confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church (ed. by. Robert Kolb, Timothy J. Wengert, and Charles P. Arand; Minneapolis,
Minn: Fortress Press, 2000), 42.

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assembly of visible and invisible elected persons46 whom under God’s hand—no
man can be truly separated by force from God’s ‘power, proclamation and
purposes.’47
Considering the strengths verses weaknesses of Reformation ecclesiology in
Luther, Avis evaluates his strengths to be ‘evangelical and [C]hristological [sic].’48
I agree with this forthrightly, but would push further to argue it is not enough.
While Luther’s reformation bared many ecclesial marks of the true Church
(notae ecclesiae) or how that true church was to be identified,49 it lacked more
precisely in mission, evangelism, consistent eschatology50 and an Episcopal
system of overseers to effectually continue a more concrete reformation of
longevity. Amongst these inconsistencies, Schwöbel points out Luther’s
‘unjustifiable…Antijudaism, ambiguities…in the Peasants’ War,
misguided…bigamy of Phillip of Hesse…’51 and many more. In contrast, Avis
defends Luther in that he was ‘…not concerned with defining the circumference
of the Church, but with proclaiming its [C]hristological [sic] centre.’52 Concerning
the greater contexts of Luther’s battles I can certainly appreciate the pressure he
must have felt under excommunication, burning the papal bull and in doing so he
redefined, rebuilt and reshaped the very essence of what Church is. Whereas
‘mission’ is important, Luther’s concerns were simply not there, for his first
‘mission’ so to speak, was to preach the Gospel, ensuring that the Church
continued to meet, and that secular authority and Governments continued to
‘…prevent chaos…[and]…the ungodly tearing each other to pieces…’53 It could be
argued therefore; that Luther’s ecclesial structure in an outworking practice
shows an idea of preserving society rather than any concept to improve it.
46 Hermann Sasse, Here We Stand (trans. by. Theodore G. Tappert; Adelaide, SA: Lutheran Pub.
House, 1938), [Sasse drives a sharp distinction clarifying doctrinal differences between the
Reformed view verses the Lutheran view of predestination and the visible church. Sasse argues
that the Reformed attempt to determine through baptism who is elected in the visible church yet
'Lutheran theology emphatically rejects this distinction' (p 133), relying rather on the
administration of the 'means of grace' (p. 134) that is 'the Gospel and the sacraments' to discern
the marks of the Church, not simply the baptized per se].
47 There's always room for a Dr Bezzant quote.
48 Paul D. L. Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers (New foundations theological
library; Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox Press, 1981), 2.
49 Lohse, Martin Luther,['…Luther…made a radically new beginning in that he established the
gospel and faith as the norm for determining whether the true …one church is present.'], 177.
50 Robert Kolb, Martin Luther: confessor of the faith (Christian theology in context; Oxford,
England: Oxford University Press, 2009), [Beside Luther’s unappreciated comments concerning
the Jews, in his Genesis lectures “…he often disagreed with Jewish exegetes…” I think this adds a
layer of complexity and conflict to how Luther’s ecclesiology is shaped, particular with how God
would deal with the physical and spiritual Israel.], 163n58; Paul Althaus, The ethics of Martin
Luther (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), Paul Althaus, The ethics of Martin Luther
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), [Concerning Luther’s Doctrine of the Two Kingdoms:
Althaus notes ’[Luther]…disregards the eschatological tension between the two the kingdoms
and instead thinks of the two governments as simply standing alongside each other in static
coexistence, rather than as being at war with one another.’], 79.
51 Colin E. Gunton and David W. Hardy, eds., On being the church: essays on the Christian
community (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1989), 110.
52 Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers, 3.
53 Hopfl, Luther, and Calvin, Luther and Calvin on secular authority, xv.

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W. R. Hogg represents the view that the Reformers lacked any perception of ‘the
missionary dimension of the Church.’54 In continuity, Warneck argues ‘…missions
were not an object of conscious concern for Luther.’55 While this may be true in
some respects, naturally Avis again pushes back, noting ‘[i]t would be
anachronistic to expect Luther to speak in terms of the missionary movement of
the nineteenth century: he certainly had no clearly defined concept of the
structure of missionary work.’56 I agree with Avis in that any modern mission is a
concept too far left field for Luther’s concerns in his time, but rather believe as
Lohse points out, that any attempt to judge Luther’s ecclesiology must focus on
the ‘spiritual aspects’57 to do it any justice.
In consideration of these points of criticism, I think overall the Reformers were
under immense pressure in the 16th century and surely due far more grace than
scholars might give from the comfort of an armchair critique. It is imperative to
remember the 1st generation Reformers would have been far more concerned
with external ecclesial authorities putting them to the stake as heretics—then
doing ‘missionary’ work—and rightly so. For Luther, who already feared for his
life since leaving the Diet of Worms, the very concept of mission, evangelism and
church planting would surely have been last on his priority list!
54 Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers, 168.
55 Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers, 177.
56 Avis, The church in the theology of the Reformers, 178.
57 Bernhard Lohse, Martin Luther’s theology: Its Historical And Systematic Development
(Minneapolis, Minn: Fortress, 1999) emphasis mine, 278.

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Conclusion:
Luther’s ecclesiology was a controversial issue, contentious for it’s time and
context—yet effective to say the least. Luther wanted to reform the Church back
to what it was in the early centuries of Christendom, to which I think he was
successful more or less. While his ecclesiology in most areas to represent
Christ—the Word, was watertight, whereas other areas have lacked breadth and
depth concerning longevity and mission. His concepts of the Two Kingdoms, the
Priesthood of all believers and the community of Saints can be seen spread all
through out his writings giving his ecclesiology plenty of shape and color to his
overall theology. Although his thinking is far from systematic, his ecclesiology
can be argued enough for reform, even if Luther would never see the full fruit of
his ministry labors before his death.

12. 12
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